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A radical shift needed

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By Faraz Shauketaly

Most people in Sri Lanka are fully aware that a growing number of the republic are protesting and publicly complaining of a myriad of problems. To be fair, Sri Lanka’s economy has always remained a little over the danger zone and it would be safe to say it has been for quite a while in the amber zone. In the past, growth was remarkable and principal indicators were resilient and stable. Indeed, such was the case throughout the Mahinda Rajapaksa Presidency with – for example – the exchange rate maintaining a position and not losing ground in any way to cause investor alarm.

All this changed, of course, with the advent of a new government grandly proclaiming Yahapalanaya or Good governance to be the base of their outlook for Sri Lanka. Sadly, for the nation, the bunch of self-styled good-governance advocates instead quite literally helped themselves.

There was the infamous Bond scam, there were the turning of the Nelsonian eye when it came to Excise collections, under payment of duties for most anything including vehicles especially at the upper end, Minister’s actively discarding due process and established procedure and the list went on and on – except, of course, the manifesto promises were never kept.

In between all of this no one expected a pandemic to come along and wreak havoc upon our shores. Claim and counter claim does its rounds but the fact is no one quite had the expertise to handle CV19 – a new global phenomenon.

The impact on our Tourism industry and on our remittances from our expatriate workers has caused absolute havoc on our economy.

The time may now be opportune for all our political parties to form a joint governance team to embark upon a radical change to our governance outlook.

No amount of confident speak that is put out by the master at the Central Bank can overlook some of the happenings that abound in Sri Lanka. These happenings always – not almost – affect the decision-making processes of overseas based investors seeking new and better opportunities to maximise returns.

The rule of law is always a hotbed of concern. Imagine would be investors studying that aspect of the Sri Lanka way: they will discover the strange goings on within the judicial circle. The Attorney General’s department having presumably studied case files decide to indict persons. At times these persons have temporarily lost their freedom being remanded. Thereafter, the same Attorney General’s department decides to withdraw the charges. And (in a strange twist) the one-time Attorney General is now the Chief Justice. Most liberal minded persons may be unable to comprehend what is going on or will take a pretty dim view of the original indictments and wonder if they were suffering from political lesions.

Of course, the Yahaplanists, too, departed from established procedure. They had a committee based around Temple Trees that basically decided which cases should be taken up by the then newly created FCID. There was a steady stream of persons going to the FCID, some remanded, and it was a virtual circus of the clowns. To so arbitrarily decide whom to look at is a departure from process. It could be argued then that this government was only putting right what was a departure in the past!

All of this is not by the way. It ought not to be so. Sri Lanka will need to up its ante when it comes to the application of the Rule of Law. All sensible investors with the medium to long term pitch in mind will want to feel secure that they are investing in a country that has people who are fairly well educated, where the infrastructure is also more or less par for the course, where the political stability is established and where they can if needed rely on the rule of law to protect their brand and their investment.

At the moment the nation additionally appears to need stability of policy. Not a system where the government is ruling quite often by the issuance of Gazette notices and equally as often changing those notices or amending them within a short period. This indicates that there appears to be a lack of planning and 360-degree consultative processes.

The move towards an all green economy is commendable and will have excellent benefits for our nation’s image in the future once we are well entrenched within a green economy, food, buildings, warts and all.

Save, of course, that none of this can be done literally overnight. The President had no sooner spoken that the import of all non-organic fertilisers was banned. The reaction was spontaneous. Farmers protested, the tea industry was particularly concerned that their exports of 300 million kilos of Ceylon’s finest would be challenged in some discerning markets at least, including the Japanese market.

Our Prime Minister, President Mahinda Rajapaksa the veteran politician that he is, was eloquent and on point when he called for unity within the ruling alliance which after all gave this government the majority they sought – a two thirds majority which they maintain is required for strong government. President Mahinda Rajapaksa pointed to the apparent exodus of the youth of Sri Lanka seeking opportunities in other territories. It is clear, that Sri Lanka is in an economic mire with the people of our country in an abyss of despair.

President Gotabaya Rajapaksa has not missed a beat: he too has alluded to the political disunity and has openly stated that there are two types of persona in so far as his governance is concerned. He has clarified what prompted him to appoint a monk who has been known to be controversial.

No matter what the justification alluded to, the fact is that this appointment has caused much concern not only in our own Sri Lanka but amongst our trading partners whose inputs are essential to the progress of our nation.

One rule, one country is welcome by all of us here in Sri Lanka. However, to appoint a person who is considered a hardliner to the detriment of the minorities in our country is to stir the pot of disharmony and disunity. It could verily fan the flames of communal disharmony.

After 30 plus years of a communally-driven near civil war, all of us, in Sri Lanka, are only too aware of the damage this causes to the growth of our economy apart from the lost opportunities of communal unity. If we need one example it would be to study the phenomenal explosion of tourism in Sri Lanka post 2009. No liberal minded traveller or any corporate worth its salt, will wish to consider Sri Lanka if the country is again a de-facto war zone where personal security is at stake.

President Gotabaya called for and assured a revolutionary change. God bless him for at least saying that. It is exactly what we need on a number of fronts.

Leading the package of revolutionary change will necessarily be the attitude of all governments to that perennial problem of corruption and politically sponsored impunity.

Revolutionary change will need to address inclusivity: consultative processes may well be a tedious impediment to achieve fast-tracked development of government policies. It is unfortunately a case of that old but true adage, ‘Rome was not built in a day’. Any government will need to demonstrate real commitment to address corruption wastage and graft. Not mere words but action real at that is what is required.

It really is quite simple. Sri Lanka’s economy has so very badly been affected that there is no leeway for development and corruption at the same time. Our economy has reached a sort of plateau. If we are to forge ahead, we must have a zero-tolerance towards corruption and waste – the twin impediments that are currently raging across all important sectors.

The losses to state banks after having indulged politically exposed persons – read cronies of any government holding the reins of power – remains at an all-time high. The Minister of Finance has proposed that a principal amount of Rs 8,500,000,000 be returned to the Central Bank, calling it ‘illegally made money’. Most followers of that circus known as the Central Bank Bond Scam will no doubt be reminded that Perpetual Treasuries, the company at the epi-centre, reported profits totalling more than Rs 18 Billion.

A weekend newspaper reported that corporates with cross shareholdings and or directorships with Perpetual separately owed state banks and other state bodies sums greater than Rs 10 Billion. This may well be a smart move by the Minister of Finance enabling President Gothabya to maintain that at least one part of his manifesto undertakings has been completed at least by 50 percent. Nevertheless, the adventure that the former Guvnor of the Central Bank Mahendran embarked upon has cost our country very dearly indeed. It is unlikely that the principal shareholders have assets anywhere close to the monies our country has lost thanks to this escapade. The monies made have been distributed to several who also had a hand in this sordid affair and much of it would have taken flight to other jurisdictions. We are constantly reminded that the Guvnor who went back to his adoptive Singapore never did return to the land of his birth to answer questions that the Police in Sri Lanka would like very much to pose to him. We would not be surprised that if the rest of the profits found its way to friends, family and property and other fixed assets in other countries.

It is not a Radical Revolution change we need, rather we need all the perpetrators not just those now indicted for this matter, be indicted and in the event a custodial sentence be ordered it would arguably perhaps be best if the keys to those cells be thrown into the Indian Ocean.

President Gotabaya was elected because the people truly believed that he would be able to emulate some of what he achieved at the Defence Ministry and the Urban Development Authority. The vagaries and intricacies of Sri Lankan politics dictated that he be nominated by a registered political party in order to contest the election for the presidency. Very unfortunately it is some members of that very party that propelled him into the throne room who have withheld his progress. And when it comes to family, there really is a thin line between family and anything else. Friends and hangers on attached mainly to the former President Mahinda are costing this President dearly in terms of plummeting popularity. Just like what happened to President Mahinda – admittedly in that debacle, members of the family played a key role too.

The saving grace is that the government has approximately three more years to go before they will be obliged to go to the polls.

Presumably before that time, the SLPP will want to put a few cases behind their back – like the Bond scam – sort out the food production and of course stabilise the forex rates.

Much depends on the myopic nature of the Sri Lankan mind-set. If they forget about the hardships, we have endured for the past three years they may neglect to elect a whole new set of people – emulating President Gotabaya’s expressly stated advisory delivered recently.

In which case what will be in store for us? More of the same? Can we really expect a revolutionary change? Hope springs eternal.



Features

Ranking public services with AI — A roadmap to reviving institutions like SriLankan Airlines

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Efficacy measures an organisation’s capacity to achieve its mission and intended outcomes under planned or optimal conditions. It differs from efficiency, which focuses on achieving objectives with minimal resources, and effectiveness, which evaluates results in real-world conditions. Today, modern AI tools, using publicly available data, enable objective assessment of the efficacy of Sri Lanka’s government institutions.

Among key public bodies, the Supreme Court of Sri Lanka emerges as the most efficacious, outperforming the Department of Inland Revenue, Sri Lanka Customs, the Election Commission, and Parliament. In the financial and regulatory sector, the Central Bank of Sri Lanka (CBSL) ranks highest, ahead of the Securities and Exchange Commission, the Public Utilities Commission, the Telecommunications Regulatory Commission, the Insurance Regulatory Commission, and the Sri Lanka Standards Institution.

Among state-owned enterprises, the Sri Lanka Ports Authority (SLPA) leads in efficacy, followed by Bank of Ceylon and People’s Bank. Other institutions assessed included the State Pharmaceuticals Corporation, the National Water Supply and Drainage Board, the Ceylon Electricity Board, the Ceylon Petroleum Corporation, and the Sri Lanka Transport Board. At the lower end of the spectrum were Lanka Sathosa and Sri Lankan Airlines, highlighting a critical challenge for the national economy.

Sri Lankan Airlines, consistently ranked at the bottom, has long been a financial drain. Despite successive governments’ reform attempts, sustainable solutions remain elusive.

Globally, the most profitable airlines operate as highly integrated, technology-enabled ecosystems rather than as fragmented departments. Operations, finance, fleet management, route planning, engineering, marketing, and customer service are closely coordinated, sharing real-time data to maximise efficiency, safety, and profitability.

The challenge for Sri Lankan Airlines is structural. Its operations are fragmented, overly hierarchical, and poorly aligned. Simply replacing the CEO or senior leadership will not address these deep-seated weaknesses. What the airline needs is a cohesive, integrated organisational ecosystem that leverages technology for cross-functional planning and real-time decision-making.

The government must urgently consider restructuring Sri Lankan Airlines to encourage:

=Joint planning across operational divisions

=Data-driven, evidence-based decision-making

=Continuous cross-functional consultation

=Collaborative strategic decisions on route rationalisation, fleet renewal, partnerships, and cost management, rather than exclusive top-down mandates

Sustainable reform requires systemic change. Without modernised organisational structures, stronger accountability, and aligned incentives across divisions, financial recovery will remain out of reach. An integrated, performance-oriented model offers the most realistic path to operational efficiency and long-term viability.

Reforming loss-making institutions like Sri Lankan Airlines is not merely a matter of leadership change — it is a structural overhaul essential to ensuring these entities contribute productively to the national economy rather than remain perpetual burdens.

By Chula Goonasekera – Citizen Analyst

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Features

Why Pi Day?

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International Day of Mathematics falls tomorrow

The approximate value of Pi (π) is 3.14 in mathematics. Therefore, the day 14 March is celebrated as the Pi Day. In 2019, UNESCO proclaimed 14 March as the International Day of Mathematics.

Ancient Babylonians and Egyptians figured out that the circumference of a circle is slightly more than three times its diameter. But they could not come up with an exact value for this ratio although they knew that it is a constant. This constant was later named as π which is a letter in the Greek alphabet.

Archimedes

It was the Greek mathematician Archimedes (250 BC) who was able to find an upper bound and a lower bound for this constant. He drew a circle of diameter one unit and drew hexagons inside and outside the circle such that the sides of each hexagon touch the sides of the circle. In mathematics the circle passing through all vertices of a polygon is called a ‘circumcircle’ and the largest circle that fits inside a polygon tangent to all its sides is called an ‘incircle’. The total length of the smaller hexagon then becomes the lower bound of π and the length of the hexagon outside the circle is the upper bound. He realised that by increasing the number of sides of the polygon can make the bounds get closer to the value of Pi and increased the number of sides to 12,24,48 and 60. He argued that by increasing the number of sides will ultimately result in obtaining the original circle, thereby laying the foundation for the theory of limits. He ended up with the lower bound as 22/7 and the upper bound 223/71. He could not continue his research as his hometown Syracuse was invaded by Romans and was killed by one of the soldiers. His last words were ‘do not disturb my circles’, perhaps a reference to his continuing efforts to find the value of π to a greater accuracy.

Archimedes can be considered as the father of geometry. His contributions revolutionised geometry and his methods anticipated integral calculus. He invented the pulley and the hydraulic screw for drawing water from a well. He also discovered the law of hydrostatics. He formulated the law of levers which states that a smaller weight placed farther from a pivot can balance a much heavier weight closer to it. He famously said “Give me a lever long enough and a place to stand and I will move the earth”.

Mathematicians have found many expressions for π as a sum of infinite series that converge to its value. One such famous series is the Leibniz Series found in 1674 by the German mathematician Gottfried Leibniz, which is given below.

π = 4 ( 1 – 1/3 + 1/5 – 1/7 + 1/9 – ………….)

The Indian mathematical genius Ramanujan came up with a magnificent formula in 1910. The short form of the formula is as follows.

π = 9801/(1103 √8)

For practical applications an approximation is sufficient. Even NASA uses only the approximation 3.141592653589793 for its interplanetary navigation calculations.

It is not just an interesting and curious number. It is used for calculations in navigation, encryption, space exploration, video game development and even in medicine. As π is fundamental to spherical geometry, it is at the heart of positioning systems in GPS navigations. It also contributes significantly to cybersecurity. As it is an irrational number it is an excellent foundation for generating randomness required in encryption and securing communications. In the medical field, it helps to calculate blood flow rates and pressure differentials. In diagnostic tools such as CT scans and MRI, pi is an important component in mathematical algorithms and signal processing techniques.

This elegant, never-ending number demonstrates how mathematics transforms into practical applications that shape our world. The possibilities of what it can do are infinite as the number itself. It has become a symbol of beauty and complexity in mathematics. “It matters little who first arrives at an idea, rather what is significant is how far that idea can go.” said Sophie Germain.

Mathematics fans are intrigued by this irrational number and attempt to calculate it as far as they can. In March 2022, Emma Haruka Iwao of Japan calculated it to 100 trillion decimal places in Google Cloud. It had taken 157 days. The Guinness World Record for reciting the number from memory is held by Rajveer Meena of India for 70000 decimal places over 10 hours.

Happy Pi Day!

The author is a senior examiner of the International Baccalaureate in the UK and an educational consultant at the Overseas School of Colombo.

by R N A de Silva

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Sheer rise of Realpolitik making the world see the brink

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A combined US-Israel attack on Iran.(BBC)

The recent humanly costly torpedoing of an Iranian naval vessel in Sri Lanka’s Exclusive Economic Zone by a US submarine has raised a number of issues of great importance to international political discourse and law that call for elucidation. It is best that enlightened commentary is brought to bear in such discussions because at present misleading and uninformed speculation on questions arising from the incident are being aired by particularly jingoistic politicians of Sri Lanka’s South which could prove deleterious.

As matters stand, there seems to be no credible evidence that the Indian state was aware of the impending torpedoing of the Iranian vessel but these acerbic-tongued politicians of Sri Lanka’s South would have the local public believe that the tragedy was triggered with India’s connivance. Likewise, India is accused of ‘embroiling’ Sri Lanka in the incident on account of seemingly having prior knowledge of it and not warning Sri Lanka about the impending disaster.

It is plain that a process is once again afoot to raise anti-India hysteria in Sri Lanka. An obligation is cast on the Sri Lankan government to ensure that incendiary speculation of the above kind is defeated and India-Sri Lanka relations are prevented from being in any way harmed. Proactive measures are needed by the Sri Lankan government and well meaning quarters to ensure that public discourse in such matters have a factual and rational basis. ‘Knowledge gaps’ could prove hazardous.

Meanwhile, there could be no doubt that Sri Lanka’s sovereignty was violated by the US because the sinking of the Iranian vessel took place in Sri Lanka’s Exclusive Economic Zone. While there is no international decrying of the incident, and this is to be regretted, Sri Lanka’s helplessness and small player status would enable the US to ‘get away with it’.

Could anything be done by the international community to hold the US to account over the act of lawlessness in question? None is the answer at present. This is because in the current ‘Global Disorder’ major powers could commit the gravest international irregularities with impunity. As the threadbare cliché declares, ‘Might is Right’….. or so it seems.

Unfortunately, the UN could only merely verbally denounce any violations of International Law by the world’s foremost powers. It cannot use countervailing force against violators of the law, for example, on account of the divided nature of the UN Security Council, whose permanent members have shown incapability of seeing eye-to-eye on grave matters relating to International Law and order over the decades.

The foregoing considerations could force the conclusion on uncritical sections that Political Realism or Realpolitik has won out in the end. A basic premise of the school of thought known as Political Realism is that power or force wielded by states and international actors determine the shape, direction and substance of international relations. This school stands in marked contrast to political idealists who essentially proclaim that moral norms and values determine the nature of local and international politics.

While, British political scientist Thomas Hobbes, for instance, was a proponent of Political Realism, political idealism has its roots in the teachings of Socrates, Plato and latterly Friedrich Hegel of Germany, to name just few such notables.

On the face of it, therefore, there is no getting way from the conclusion that coercive force is the deciding factor in international politics. If this were not so, US President Donald Trump in collaboration with Israeli Rightist Premier Benjamin Natanyahu could not have wielded the ‘big stick’, so to speak, on Iran, killed its Supreme Head of State, terrorized the Iranian public and gone ‘scot-free’. That is, currently, the US’ impunity seems to be limitless.

Moreover, the evidence is that the Western bloc is reuniting in the face of Iran’s threats to stymie the flow of oil from West Asia to the rest of the world. The recent G7 summit witnessed a coming together of the foremost powers of the global North to ensure that the West does not suffer grave negative consequences from any future blocking of western oil supplies.

Meanwhile, Israel is having a ‘free run’ of the Middle East, so to speak, picking out perceived adversarial powers, such as Lebanon, and militarily neutralizing them; once again with impunity. On the other hand, Iran has been bringing under assault, with no questions asked, Gulf states that are seen as allying with the US and Israel. West Asia is facing a compounded crisis and International Law seems to be helplessly silent.

Wittingly or unwittingly, matters at the heart of International Law and peace are being obfuscated by some pro-Trump administration commentators meanwhile. For example, retired US Navy Captain Brent Sadler has cited Article 51 of the UN Charter, which provides for the right to self or collective self-defence of UN member states in the face of armed attacks, as justifying the US sinking of the Iranian vessel (See page 2 of The Island of March 10, 2026). But the Article makes it clear that such measures could be resorted to by UN members only ‘ if an armed attack occurs’ against them and under no other circumstances. But no such thing happened in the incident in question and the US acted under a sheer threat perception.

Clearly, the US has violated the Article through its action and has once again demonstrated its tendency to arbitrarily use military might. The general drift of Sadler’s thinking is that in the face of pressing national priorities, obligations of a state under International Law could be side-stepped. This is a sure recipe for international anarchy because in such a policy environment states could pursue their national interests, irrespective of their merits, disregarding in the process their obligations towards the international community.

Moreover, Article 51 repeatedly reiterates the authority of the UN Security Council and the obligation of those states that act in self-defence to report to the Council and be guided by it. Sadler, therefore, could be said to have cited the Article very selectively, whereas, right along member states’ commitments to the UNSC are stressed.

However, it is beyond doubt that international anarchy has strengthened its grip over the world. While the US set destabilizing precedents after the crumbling of the Cold War that paved the way for the current anarchic situation, Russia further aggravated these degenerative trends through its invasion of Ukraine. Stepping back from anarchy has thus emerged as the prime challenge for the world community.

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