Features

A Move towards a New Paradigm Shift?

Published

5 years ago

2020/09/13

Sahan Weerasooriya

Draft Twentieth Amendment

by Dr. Dayanath Jayasuriya P. C.

Most social and political scientists are in agreement that in respect of several sectors Sri Lanka made significant progress under the Donoughmore system of government. The first State Council of Ceylon opened on July 7, 1931; an event held 89 years ago with much pomp and pageantry. The committee system had specific mandates and members nursed their electorates to win confidence to be reelected largely without political affiliations. The first independent constitution, drafted with the assistance of Sir Ivor Jennings, who became a close associate of D. S. Senanayake, followed basically the Westminster parliamentary model of democratic government with dual chambers and other changes. The Queen retained limited powers and was represented through a Governor.

Party politics continued to exert greater influence with language, religion and minority rights gaining more currency. In the early 1970s, nationalist sentiments called for a ‘home-spun’ constitution. The first casualty was the appeals to the Privy Council. This was essentially a precursor to adopting a new constitution through an informal assembly and bypassing the entrenched provisions in the independent constitution. In 1972, the country became a full-fledged democratic Republic, known as Sri Lanka, severing all links with the British monarch. With a change of government in 1977, the process of drafting a new constitution began. The new Constitution has since been amended 19 times giving rise to its description as a ‘periodical’ in bookshops and libraries in the U. K.

The period from 1948 to 2020 has witnessed many changes and developments. Besides the well known youth insurrections and a 30-year war against an attempt to set up a separate state, several Prime Ministers and Presidents, together with their respective ministers and party members, have initiated movements and projects to develop the country. Resettlement schemes of D. S. Senananyke; prominence to Sinhala as the main language by S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike; the green revolution of Dudley Senanayake; the nationalization of schools and the popularization of the non-alignment movement by Mrs. Sirimavo Bandaranaike; liberalization of the economy by J. R. Jayewardene; housing projects for the homeless by Premadasa; institutional capacity-building by Mrs. Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga; and construction of highways and building of harbours, airport and a new Port City by Mahinda Rajapaksa are only a few examples that readily come to mind.

However, it cannot be gainsaid that all these were an unqualified success story; some led to or took place during a train of unpleasant events which still haunt the country such as the rights of minorities, the huge external debt etc. From the early 1980s, the ethnic war diverted attention from more pressing social issues and was a drain on the economic resources, not to mention the huge loss of life or disabilities of youth in their prime. The April 21 Easter Sunday attacks by militant Muslim groups have added a new dimension to the problems to be resolved in a multi-ethnic and multi-religious society. Highly qualified professionals migrated seeking greener pastures and the country lost the benefit of their services.

The country’s economic plight was neatly summarized by W. A. Wijeywardena, a former Deputy Governor of the Central Bank:

“Sri Lanka’s economy today is in a deep mess. Even after seven decades of independent rule, the country has not been able to push itself up to the level of a rich country. Over the entire post-independence period, the country had had a meagre economic growth of about 4.5% on average. That was pretty below the growth rate of 9% needed for raising the country to the status of a rich country within a few decades. Hence, all governments in the post-independence period are responsible for this malaise. Beginning from 2013, over the last seven-year period, the situation further deteriorated. Symptoms were manifested by falling growth rates, stagnant exports, mounting external debt, rising recourse to commercial borrowings, falling in government revenue, stubborn budget deficits, stagnant capital formation, high inflation though at mid-single digit level over the world inflation and pressure for exchange rate to depreciate…” (Daily FT 8 September 2020).

The 19th amendment was a hastily prepared piece of legislation which was not subjected to close scrutiny by politicians, lawyers or political scientists. Soon thereafter there was no love lost between the President and the Prime Minister who came from different political parties. A Supreme Court ruling effectively prevented the removal and replacement of the Prime Minister and the premature dissolution of the Parliament. The judgment placed great emphasis on the nebulous concept of ‘sovereignty of the people’ and some 15 President’s Counsel who appeared in the case paid lip service to the more important and salient concept of ‘separation of powers’.

In August 2020, President Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s party gained a landslide two-thirds majority with a mandate to amend or replace the 19th amendment and/or to introduce a new constitution. The ruling party has opted to introduce a new 20th amendment repealing some provisions in the 19th amendment but retaining certain provisions and appointed a committee of experts to draft a new constitution. A few members of the Buddhist clergy are unhappy that a non-Buddhist is heading the Committee but these fears are unfounded as there are other members and the committee’s mandate in only to submit a draft which would then be subject to public, parliamentary and judicial review before becoming law.

The paramount need to amend the 19th amendment to the Constitution apparently arises from the fact that two Presidents have found it difficult without full powers to achieve their intended policy goals. On two occasions a President and a Prime Minister from different political alliances found that what was to be a holy matrimony soon ended as an unholy deadlock. The appointment by President Sirisena of a non-national as the Governor of the Central Bank at the insistence of Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe led to an unprecedented financial disaster tarnishing the reputation and integrity of the Central Bank. In at least two so-called independent commissions established under the 19th amendment to the Constitution. we saw certain members airing private views in public when they were expected to act discreetly.

Untrammeled presidential powers seem to be the golden key that anyone in power hopes will help to open the door to unleash the development process. The draft provides, inter alia, for the President exclusive powers to make high-level appointments of his choice. Parliament can be dissolved within a minimum of one year- a departure from the bizarre provision in the 18th amendment which provided for a four and a half year period. It was bizarre for the reason that if all members of Parliament resigned and no replacements were made, the President would still be obliged to complete the four and a half year period before calling for fresh elections! No piece of legislation is perfect but the 19th amendment leaves more to be desired than any previous amendment to the Constitution.

Already many criticisms have been leveled against certain draft proposals. For instance, much has been said about the proposal to grant dual citizens to enter Parliament. Even though it is speculated that this is intended to accommodate a related party who is currently debarred from being accommodated, there is no logical reason to exclude dual citizens from holding political office if the country were to benefit from their expertise and knowledge. A second chamber, the Senate, was envisioned under the Soulbury Constitution to give a place of importance to distinguished individuals who were reluctant to contest but could otherwise contribute to the nation’s decision-making process. Ideally, the 20th amendment should provide for dual citizen to hold not only political office but also office in public service and academia. We may hopefully be able to see more academics who are now overseas return to upgrade the knowledge and skills of students.

In the 1950’s and 1960’s, Sri Lanka was an exemplary developmental model studied by other countries such as Singapore and Malaysia. Today, the situation is just the opposite. Using current global indicators measuring corruption-free administration; ease of doing business; control over drugs of abuse, tobacco and alcohol; attracting foreign investments etc., Sri Lanka has fallen far behind most nations of the world. Successive governments and opposition members of Parliament and public servants must take much of the blame for inaction, short-sighted policies and running dysfunctional institutions.

Lord Acton, expressed the following opinion in a letter to Bishop Mandell Creighton in 1887:

“Power tends to corrupt, and absolute power corrupts absolutely. Great men are almost always bad men.”

The challenge for any new President now is to emerge as a great and good man, thus proving that Lord Acton was wrong as far as his statement is concerned. Dharma Asoka the Great was known to have been a benevolent dictator under whose rule much good had taken place in India during his time. He is said to have followed the ten precepts (Dasa Raja Dharma) outlined by Lord Buddha himself as the duty of a perfect ruler, namely

1. To be liberal and avoid selfishness

2. To maintain a high moral character

3. To be prepared to sacrifice one’s own pleasure for the well-being of the subjects

4. To be honest and maintain absolute integrity

5. To be kind and gentle

6. To lead a simple life for the subjects to emulate

7. To be free from hatred of any kind

8. To exercise non-violence

9. To practice patience

10. To respect public opinion to promote peace and harmony

In plural societies such as ours, it is important that the achievement of peace and harmony must gain the top most priority. It behoves all religious and national leaders to move away from their narrow comfort zones and adopt a holistic approach and do whatever is possible to make Sri Lanka as one modern united nation that proudly belongs to all of us after 72 years of independence.

(The writer was conferred a Ph.D. by the University of Colombo for his work on ’Mechanics of Constitutional Change: The Sri Lankan Style’. After a career as an international civil servant he returned to Sri Lanka and served as Chairman of the Securities and Exchange Commission and the Insurance Board and as a member of the Public Utilities Commission and the National Procurement Commission. In December 2005 in accordance with a general circular from the Office of the P.M. he relinquished all these positions.)

All News Advertisement

Features

More state support needed for marginalised communities

Published

10 hours ago

2026/02/13

Thilina Walpola

A landslide in the Central Province

Message from Malaiyaha Tamil community to govt:

Insights from SSA Cyclone Ditwah Survey

When climate disasters strike, they don’t affect everyone equally. Marginalised communities typically face worse outcomes, and Cyclone Ditwah is no exception. Especially in a context where normalcy is far from “normal”, the idea of returning to normalcy or restoring a life of normalcy makes very little sense.

The island-wide survey (https://ssalanka.org/reports/) conducted by the Social Scientists’ Association (SSA), between early to mid-January on Cyclone Ditwah shows stark regional disparities in how satisfied or dissatisfied people were with the government’s response. While national satisfaction levels were relatively high in most provinces, the Central Province tells a different story.

Only 35.2% of Central Province residents reported that they were satisfied with early warning and evacuation measures, compared to 52.2% nationally. The gap continues across every measure: just 52.9% were satisfied with immediate rescue and emergency response, compared with the national figure of 74.6%. Satisfaction with relief distribution in the Central Province is 51.9% while the national figure stands at 73.1%. The figures for restoration of water, electricity, and roads are at a low 45.9% in the central province compared to the 70.9% in national figures. Similarly, the satisfaction level for recovery and rebuilding support is 48.7% in the Central Province, while the national figure is 67.0%.

A deeper analysis of the SSA data on public perceptions reveals something important: these lower satisfaction rates came primarily from the Malaiyaha Tamil population. Their experience differed not just from other provinces, but also from other ethnic groups living in the Central Province itself.

The Malaiyaha Tamil community’s vulnerability didn’t start with the cyclone. Their vulnerability is a historically and structurally pre-determined process of exclusion and marginalisation. Brought to Sri Lanka during British rule to work for the empire’s plantation economies, they have faced long-term economic exploitation and have repeatedly been denied access to state support and social welfare systems. Most estate residents still live in ‘line rooms’ and have no rights to the land they cultivate and live on. The community continues to be governed by an outdated estate management system that acts as a barrier to accessing public and municipal services such as road repair, water, electricity and other basic infrastructures available to other citizens.

As far as access to improved water sources is concerned, the Sri Lanka Demographic Health Survey (2016) shows that 57% of estate sector households don’t have access to improved water sources, while more than 90% of households in urban and rural areas do. With regard to the level of poverty, as the Department of Census and Statistics (2019) data reveals, the estate sector where most Malaiyaha Tamils live had a poverty headcount index of 33.8%; more than double the national rate of 14.3%. These statistics highlight key indicators of the systemic discrimination faced by the Malaiyaha Tamil community.

Some crucial observations from the SSA data collectors who enumerated responses from estate residents in the survey reveal the specific challenges faced by the Malaiyaha Tamils, particularly in their efforts to seek state support for compensation and reconstruction.

First, the Central Province experienced not just flooding but also the highest number of landslides in the island. As a result, some residents in the region lost entire homes, access roadways, and other basic infrastructures. The loss of lives, livelihoods and land was at a higher intensity compared to the provinces not located in the hills. Most importantly, the Malaiyaha Tamil community’s pre-existing grievances made them even more vulnerable and the government’s job of reparation and restitution more complex.

Early warnings hadn’t reached many areas. Some data collectors said they themselves never heard any warnings in estate areas, while others mentioned that early warnings were issued but didn’t reach some segments of the community. According to the resident data collectors, the police announcements reached only as far as the sections where they were able to drive their vehicles to, and there were many estate roads that were not motorable. When warnings did filter through to remote locations, they often came by word of mouth and information was distorted along the way. Once the disaster hit, things got worse: roads were blocked, electricity went out, mobile networks failed and people were cut off completely.

Emergency response was slow. Blocked roads meant people could not get to hospitals when they needed urgent care, including pregnant mothers. The difficult terrain and poor road conditions meant rescue teams took much longer to reach affected areas than in other regions.

Relief supplies didn’t reach everyone. The Grama Niladhari divisions in these areas are huge and hard to navigate, making it difficult for Grama Niladharis to reach all places as urgently as needed. Relief workers distributed supplies where vehicles could go, which meant accessible areas got help while remote communities were left out.

Some people didn’t even try to go to safety centres or evacuation shelters set up in local schools because the facilities there were already so poor. The perceptions of people who did go to safety centres, as shown in the provincial data, reveal that satisfaction was low compared to other affected regions of the country. Less than half were satisfied with space and facilities (42.1%) or security and protection (45.0%). Satisfaction was even lower for assistance with lost or damaged documentation (17.9%) and information and support for compensation applications (28.2%). Only 22.5% were satisfied with medical care and health services below most other affected regions.

Restoring services proved nearly impossible in some areas. Road access was the biggest problem. The condition of the roads was already poor even before the cyclone, and some still haven’t been cleared. Recovery is especially difficult because there’s no decent baseline infrastructure to restore, hence you can’t bring roads and other public facilities back to a “good” condition when they were never good, even before the disaster.

Water systems faced their own complications. Many households get water from natural sources or small community projects, and not the centralised state system. These sources are often in the middle of the disaster zone and therefore got contaminated during the floods and landslides.

Long-term recovery remains stalled. Without basic infrastructure, areas that are still hard to reach keep struggling to get the support they need for rebuilding.

Taken together, what do these testaments mean? Disaster response can’t be the same for everyone. The Malaiyaha Tamil community has been double marginalised because they were already living with structural inequalities such as poor infrastructure, geographic isolation, and inadequate services which have been exacerbated by Cyclone Ditwah. An effective and fair disaster response needs to account for these underlying vulnerabilities. It requires interventions tailored to the historical, economic, and infrastructural realities that marginalized communities face every day. On top of that, it highlights the importance of dealing with climate disasters, given the fact that vulnerable communities could face more devastating impacts compared to others.

(Shashik Silva is a researcher with the Social Scientists’ Association of Sri Lanka)

by Shashik Silva ✍️

Features

Crucial test for religious and ethnic harmony in Bangladesh

Published

1 day ago

2026/02/12

Sahan Weerasooriya

A political protest that led to governmental change in Bangladesh mid last year. (photograph: imago)

Will the Bangladesh parliamentary election bring into being a government that will ensure ethnic and religious harmony in the country? This is the poser on the lips of peace-loving sections in Bangladesh and a principal concern of those outside who mean the country well.

The apprehensions are mainly on the part of religious and ethnic minorities. The parliamentary poll of February 12th is expected to bring into existence a government headed by the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) and the Islamist oriented Jamaat-e-Islami party and this is where the rub is. If these parties win, will it be a case of Bangladesh sliding in the direction of a theocracy or a state where majoritarian chauvinism thrives?

Chief of the Jamaat, Shafiqur Rahman, who was interviewed by sections of the international media recently said that there is no need for minority groups in Bangladesh to have the above fears. He assured, essentially, that the state that will come into being will be equable and inclusive. May it be so, is likely to be the wish of those who cherish a tension-free Bangladesh.

The party that could have posed a challenge to the above parties, the Awami League Party of former Prime Minister Hasina Wased, is out of the running on account of a suspension that was imposed on it by the authorities and the mentioned majoritarian-oriented parties are expected to have it easy at the polls.

A positive that has emerged against the backdrop of the poll is that most ordinary people in Bangladesh, be they Muslim or Hindu, are for communal and religious harmony and it is hoped that this sentiment will strongly prevail, going ahead. Interestingly, most of them were of the view, when interviewed, that it was the politicians who sowed the seeds of discord in the country and this viewpoint is widely shared by publics all over the region in respect of the politicians of their countries.

Some sections of the Jamaat party were of the view that matters with regard to the orientation of governance are best left to the incoming parliament to decide on but such opinions will be cold comfort for minority groups. If the parliamentary majority comes to consist of hard line Islamists, for instance, there is nothing to prevent the country from going in for theocratic governance. Consequently, minority group fears over their safety and protection cannot be prevented from spreading.

Therefore, we come back to the question of just and fair governance and whether Bangladesh’s future rulers could ensure these essential conditions of democratic rule. The latter, it is hoped, will be sufficiently perceptive to ascertain that a Bangladesh rife with religious and ethnic tensions, and therefore unstable, would not be in the interests of Bangladesh and those of the region’s countries.

Unfortunately, politicians region-wide fall for the lure of ethnic, religious and linguistic chauvinism. This happens even in the case of politicians who claim to be democratic in orientation. This fate even befell Bangladesh’s Awami League Party, which claims to be democratic and socialist in general outlook.

We have it on the authority of Taslima Nasrin in her ground-breaking novel, ‘Lajja’, that the Awami Party was not of any substantial help to Bangladesh’s Hindus, for example, when violence was unleashed on them by sections of the majority community. In fact some elements in the Awami Party were found to be siding with the Hindus’ murderous persecutors. Such are the temptations of hard line majoritarianism.

In Sri Lanka’s past numerous have been the occasions when even self-professed Leftists and their parties have conveniently fallen in line with Southern nationalist groups with self-interest in mind. The present NPP government in Sri Lanka has been waxing lyrical about fostering national reconciliation and harmony but it is yet to prove its worthiness on this score in practice. The NPP government remains untested material.

As a first step towards national reconciliation it is hoped that Sri Lanka’s present rulers would learn the Tamil language and address the people of the North and East of the country in Tamil and not Sinhala, which most Tamil-speaking people do not understand. We earnestly await official language reforms which afford to Tamil the dignity it deserves.

An acid test awaits Bangladesh as well on the nation-building front. Not only must all forms of chauvinism be shunned by the incoming rulers but a secular, truly democratic Bangladesh awaits being licked into shape. All identity barriers among people need to be abolished and it is this process that is referred to as nation-building.

On the foreign policy frontier, a task of foremost importance for Bangladesh is the need to build bridges of amity with India. If pragmatism is to rule the roost in foreign policy formulation, Bangladesh would place priority to the overcoming of this challenge. The repatriation to Bangladesh of ex-Prime Minister Hasina could emerge as a steep hurdle to bilateral accord but sagacious diplomacy must be used by Bangladesh to get over the problem.

A reply to N.A. de S. Amaratunga

A response has been penned by N.A. de S. Amaratunga (please see p5 of ‘The Island’ of February 6th) to a previous column by me on ‘ India shaping-up as a Swing State’, published in this newspaper on January 29th , but I remain firmly convinced that India remains a foremost democracy and a Swing State in the making.

If the countries of South Asia are to effectively manage ‘murderous terrorism’, particularly of the separatist kind, then they would do well to adopt to the best of their ability a system of government that provides for power decentralization from the centre to the provinces or periphery, as the case may be. This system has stood India in good stead and ought to prove effective in all other states that have fears of disintegration.

Moreover, power decentralization ensures that all communities within a country enjoy some self-governing rights within an overall unitary governance framework. Such power-sharing is a hallmark of democratic governance.

Features

Celebrating Valentine’s Day …

Published

1 day ago

2026/02/12

Sahan Weerasooriya

Valentine’s Day is all about celebrating love, romance, and affection, and this is how some of our well-known personalities plan to celebrate Valentine’s Day – 14th February:

Merlina Fernando (Singer)

Yes, it’s a special day for lovers all over the world and it’s even more special to me because 14th February is the birthday of my husband Suresh, who’s the lead guitarist of my band Mission.

We have planned to celebrate Valentine’s Day and his Birthday together and it will be a wonderful night as always.

We will be having our fans and close friends, on that night, with their loved ones at Highso – City Max hotel Dubai, from 9.00 pm onwards.

Lorensz Francke (Elvis Tribute Artiste)

On Valentine’s Day I will be performing a live concert at a Wealthy Senior Home for Men and Women, and their families will be attending, as well.

I will be performing live with romantic, iconic love songs and my song list would include ‘Can’t Help falling in Love’, ‘Love Me Tender’, ‘Burning Love’, ‘Are You Lonesome Tonight’, ‘The Wonder of You’ and ‘’It’s Now or Never’ to name a few.

To make Valentine’s Day extra special I will give the Home folks red satin scarfs.

Emma Shanaya (Singer)

I plan on spending the day of love with my girls, especially my best friend. I don’t have a romantic Valentine this year but I am thrilled to spend it with the girl that loves me through and through. I’ll be in Colombo and look forward to go to a cute cafe and spend some quality time with my childhood best friend Zulha.

JAYASRI

Emma-and-Maneeka

This Valentine’s Day the band JAYASRI we will be really busy; in the morning we will be landing in Sri Lanka, after our Oman Tour; then in the afternoon we are invited as Chief Guests at our Maris Stella College Sports Meet, Negombo, and late night we will be with LineOne band live in Karandeniya Open Air Down South. Everywhere we will be sharing LOVE with the mass crowds.

Kay Jay (Singer)

I will stay at home and cook a lovely meal for lunch, watch some movies, together with Sanjaya, and, maybe we go out for dinner and have a lovely time. Come to think of it, every day is Valentine’s Day for me with Sanjaya Alles.

Maneka Liyanage (Beauty Tips)

On this special day, I celebrate love by spending meaningful time with the people I cherish. I prepare food with love and share meals together, because food made with love brings hearts closer. I enjoy my leisure time with them — talking, laughing, sharing stories, understanding each other, and creating beautiful memories. My wish for this Valentine’s Day is a world without fighting — a world where we love one another like our own beloved, where we do not hurt others, even through a single word or action. Let us choose kindness, patience, and understanding in everything we do.

Janaka Palapathwala (Singer)

Janaka

Valentine’s Day should not be the only day we speak about love.

From the moment we are born into this world, we seek love, first through the very drop of our mother’s milk, then through the boundless care of our Mother and Father, and the embrace of family.

Love is everywhere. All living beings, even plants, respond in affection when they are loved.

As we grow, we learn to love, and to be loved. One day, that love inspires us to build a new family of our own.

Love has no beginning and no end. It flows through every stage of life, timeless, endless, and eternal.

Natasha Rathnayake (Singer)

We don’t have any special plans for Valentine’s Day. When you’ve been in love with the same person for over 25 years, you realise that love isn’t a performance reserved for one calendar date. My husband and I have never been big on public displays, or grand gestures, on 14th February. Our love is expressed quietly and consistently, in ordinary, uncelebrated moments.

With time, you learn that love isn’t about proving anything to the world or buying into a commercialised idea of romance—flowers that wilt, sweets that spike blood sugar, and gifts that impress briefly but add little real value. In today’s society, marketing often pushes the idea that love is proven by how much money you spend, and that buying things is treated as a sign of commitment.

Real love doesn’t need reminders or price tags. It lives in showing up every day, choosing each other on unromantic days, and nurturing the relationship intentionally and without an audience.

This isn’t a judgment on those who enjoy celebrating Valentine’s Day. It’s simply a personal choice.

Melloney Dassanayake (Miss Universe Sri Lanka 2024)

I truly believe it’s beautiful to have a day specially dedicated to love. But, for me, Valentine’s Day goes far beyond romantic love alone. It celebrates every form of love we hold close to our hearts: the love for family, friends, and that one special person who makes life brighter. While 14th February gives us a moment to pause and celebrate, I always remind myself that love should never be limited to just one day. Every single day should feel like Valentine’s Day – constant reminder to the people we love that they are never alone, that they are valued, and that they matter.

I’m incredibly blessed because, for me, every day feels like Valentine’s Day. My special person makes sure of that through the smallest gestures, the quiet moments, and the simple reminders that love lives in the details. He shows me that it’s the little things that count, and that love doesn’t need grand stages to feel extraordinary. This Valentine’s Day, perfection would be something intimate and meaningful: a cozy picnic in our home garden, surrounded by nature, laughter, and warmth, followed by an abstract drawing session where we let our creativity flow freely. To me, that’s what love is – simple, soulful, expressive, and deeply personal. When love is real, every ordinary moment becomes magical.

Noshin De Silva (Actress)

Valentine’s Day is one of my favourite holidays! I love the décor, the hearts everywhere, the pinks and reds, heart-shaped chocolates, and roses all around. But honestly, I believe every day can be Valentine’s Day.

It doesn’t have to be just about romantic love. It’s a chance to celebrate love in all its forms with friends, family, or even by taking a little time for yourself.

Whether you’re spending the day with someone special or enjoying your own company, it’s a reminder to appreciate meaningful connections, show kindness, and lead with love every day.

And yes, I’m fully on theme this year with heart nail art and heart mehendi design!

Wishing everyone a very happy Valentine’s Day, but, remember, love yourself first, and don’t forget to treat yourself.

Sending my love to all of you.