Features
Big fishes in little ponds: The government’s and civil society’s rightward tilt
By Uditha Devapriya

The recent visits of India’s External Affairs Minister and a delegation from the Communist Party of China (CPC) reveal Sri Lanka’s geopolitical complexities, as well as its foreign policy failures. Even if Sri Lanka has not appreciated it enough, its two most powerful neighbours still prioritise us in their scheme of things. Anything that happens here is obviously going to be felt there. The issue, to me, isn’t that we haven’t acknowledged this properly: at times it almost feels as though we haven’t acknowledged anything at all.
I think we need to put these two visits in perspective, and properly. Sri Lanka is at a virtual standstill. Although tourist arrivals have improved considerably from last year, the country is still reeling from shortages. Queues are nowhere to be found, but that is owing to enforced privations and quotas. Sathosa is going through a price reduction spree, but malnutrition is high and the poor are skipping a meal or two a day. A recent World Food Programme (WFP) survey paints a rather grim picture: food insecurity is highest in the most deprived regions, including the Southern, the Uva, and the Sabaragamuwa Provinces.
All these are tell-tale signs. They are indicative of a fermenting mass of rebellion. What is intriguing is that they cut into the very electoral bases that pushed the Rajapaksas into power and kept them there for so long: in particular, the Southern peasantry. Indeed, if one is to locate the aragalaya less at Galle Face than across the entire country, then one would have to trace its origins to the farmers’ protests against the fertiliser ban. In such a context, it is in the interests of the State, whatever the party in power, to ensure that the minimum pain is inflicted on those most likely to strike back and re-enact last year’s events.
Unfortunately, this is precisely what the government has failed and is failing to do. From tax hikes to welfare cuts, from tariff increases to quantitative tightening, its target seems to be to curb consumption. To that end it is pursuing a heavily neoliberal agenda, focused almost entirely, as Kusum Wijetilleke puts it, on “selling the family silver.”
The government seems to think that the support of the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and World Bank will be enough to implement these measures. It sincerely believes there is no alternative to them: hence the Energy Minister’s recent confrontations with the Public Utilities Commission Chairman, and his remark, actually bordering on a threat, that if tariffs are not hiked, we will all once again see queues and lengthy power cuts.
The Ranil Wickremesinghe government, in other words, is committing the two mistakes which every UNP administration – barring one, the Ranasinghe Premadasa regime – has committed, namely 1) to conflate legality or constitutionality with political legitimacy and 2) to consider international approbation as the green light for everything.
These are strategic errors that no regime has held for long: least of all the J. R. Jayewardene administration, whose assumptions about Western support cost it everything when India, exercising its hegemony, gave it the proverbial finger and intervened, and when none of the Western powers it had hedged its bets on came to the rescue. Vernon Walters, who was appointed Special Envoy by Ronald Reagan, advised Jayewardene to handle the Tiger issue with India and bluntly implied that the US would not intervene.
The UNP’s short-lived ceasefire proposal with the Tamil Tigers is another case in point. As Chanaka Talpahewa has noted in his book on the peace-talks (Peaceful Intervention in Intra-State Conflicts: Norwegian Involvement in the Sri Lankan Peace Process, Routledge, 2016), the party side-lined or excluded not just the country’s president, but also Sri Lanka’s most respected post-Cold War Foreign Minister, Lakshman Kadirgamar, in the belief that support from Norway, Japan, the US, and the EU would be enough. In this the UNP suffered from what Rajan Hoole calls the arrogance of power: the assumption that whatever it does can and will be accepted by the people, because it believes it to be right.
This is the same outlook that governs the Wickremesinghe regime’s stance on austerity and liberalisation. Read the UNP’s manifesto for the 2004 election, and you will discern the same sure-footedness and arrogance that has marked the party out so well throughout its history: its proposal to liberalise even strategic sectors, its belief in the private sector as the engine of growth, and its desire to emulate what it sees as international best practices in the realm of economic reform.
The 2004 manifesto was more or less thwarted by a populist backlash against the SLFP’s rightward tilt, a backlash organised by the party’s centre-left wing and led by Mahinda Rajapaksa. Now the Rajapaksas’ own rightward tilt has provoked a return to the UNP and its prescriptions: what the President himself calls “bitter medicine.”
At one level, though what is happening now is somewhat unprecedented. In 2004, the UNP lacked a civil society which was in broad agreement with its policies. It now has this civil society tacitly by its side. “[I]n Sri Lanka,” comments Pasan Jayasinghe (“Vistas of stability: Challenges to President RW’s Govt.”, DailyFT, January 9, 2023), “there is almost dogmatic fervour among the economic establishment for ‘necessary reforms’.”
This is nothing new. Once upon a time, Sri Lankan think-tanks focused on food security, poverty, and industrialisation. Today, that focus has shifted to neoliberal reforms, most discernibly that toxic, odious combination of privatisation, foreignization, and welfare cuts. These institutions castigated the Rajapaksas for what they saw as their “heterodox” and “unorthodox” economic policies; now, with the “correct policies” in place, they flag every other reform authored by the present government as “necessary.” Those who condemn or oppose them are thus conveniently dismissed as populists, opportunists.
That is not to say that these organisations lack critics. They do have them, mostly if not only from the left and centre-left, and they do have a presence. Yet deprived of funding and agency – one only needs to look at the state of social science think-tanks now and compare them to what they were in their prime, in the 1970s and the early 2000s – many of these progressive institutions have become pale, emaciated replicas of themselves.
As a result, the right and centre-right have gained some dominance within civil society, rendering its critics virtually powerless. Indeed, as Rajiva Wijesinha has pointed out in his excellent book Representing Sri Lanka, think-tanks which used to dwell on social justice and equity have, since the Reaganite and Thatcherite “revolutions”, converted to neoliberalism, promoting free markets and foreign, specifically Western, intervention in the Global South. Dr Wijesinha notes that this has not spared even the Liberal Party.
“… I was beginning to feel increasingly uncomfortable with the way in which International Liberalism was echoing the ideas of what I thought of as doctrinaire neoliberalism. Gone were the days of John Kenneth Galbraith… His contempt for Reaganomics – ‘the rich do not work because they do not have enough money, the poor do not work because they have too much’ – had been replaced by advocacy of wholesale withdrawal by the state from the social services necessary to develop a level playing field.”
Representing Sri Lanka: Geneva, Rights and Sovereignty, 2021, Godage, page 33
Once upon a time, Sri Lanka’s unusually protean middle-classes used to fall in line with these views. Recent calls for debt moratoriums, from no fewer than 182 economists and former political officials, including an ex-Finance Minister, however, have provoked heated debates within this class. While a considerable section held up boards urging the then government to “go to the IMF”, these sections now are too chastened by the current dispensation’s zeal for austerity to hold on to and advocate those slogans.
Predictably, right-wing think-tanks have been dismissive of the above petition, particularly since their focus has shifted from their support for the aragalaya, which they rationalised in terms of the Rajapaksas’ unorthodox policies, to their thinly veiled support for stability at whatever price: hence the recent tweet from one of their heads, candid as it is, affirming or approving Rishi Sunak’s anti-protest legislation and implicitly calling for similar legislation to put down “disruptive” demonstrations against IMF imposed austerity. Such tweets should not, of course, surprise those who already knew the real intentions and objectives of these organisations. But it will surprise those who thought otherwise.
Where do we go from here? For a while, people will keep debating and disagreeing with these think-tanks and their representatives. When push comes to shove, and when that fermenting mass of rebellion I mentioned earlier reaches boiling point, though, they will associate them with one of the most hated and loathed administrations in Sri Lanka’s post-independence history. When that happens, Pasan Jayasinghe concludes, “the economic establishment… will need to find far better narratives to pin their destructive agenda on.” This obviously includes Colombo’s ubiquitous neoliberal think-tanks.
The writer is an international relations analyst, researcher, and columnist who can be reached at udakdev1@gmail.com
Features
Rethinking post-disaster urban planning: Lessons from Peradeniya
A recent discussion by former Environment Minister, Eng. Patali Champika Ranawaka on the Derana 360 programme has reignited an important national conversation on how Sri Lanka plans, builds and rebuilds in the face of recurring disasters.
His observations, delivered with characteristic clarity and logic, went beyond the immediate causes of recent calamities and focused sharply on long-term solutions—particularly the urgent need for smarter land use and vertical housing development.
Ranawaka’s proposal to introduce multistoried housing schemes in the Gannoruwa area, as a way of reducing pressure on environmentally sensitive and disaster-prone zones, resonated strongly with urban planners and environmentalists alike.
It also echoed ideas that have been quietly discussed within academic and conservation circles for years but rarely translated into policy.
One such voice is that of Professor Siril Wijesundara, Research Professor at the National Institute of Fundamental Studies (NIFS) and former Director General of the Royal Botanic Gardens, Peradeniya, who believes that disasters are often “less acts of nature and more outcomes of poor planning.”
“What we repeatedly see in Sri Lanka is not merely natural disasters, but planning failures,” Professor Wijesundara told The Island.
“Floods, landslides and environmental degradation are intensified because we continue to build horizontally, encroaching on wetlands, forest margins and river reservations, instead of thinking vertically and strategically.”
The former Director General notes that the University of Peradeniya itself offers a compelling case study of both the problem and the solution. The main campus, already densely built and ecologically sensitive, continues to absorb new faculties, hostels and administrative buildings, placing immense pressure on green spaces and drainage systems.
“The Peradeniya campus was designed with landscape harmony in mind,” he said. “But over time, ad-hoc construction has compromised that vision. If development continues in the same manner, the campus will lose not only its aesthetic value but also its ecological resilience.”
Professor Wijesundara supports the idea of reorganising the Rajawatte area—located away from the congested core of the university—as a future development zone. Rather than expanding inward and fragmenting remaining open spaces, he argues that Rajawatte can be planned as a well-designed extension, integrating academic, residential and service infrastructure in a controlled manner.
Crucially, he stresses that such reorganisation must go hand in hand with social responsibility, particularly towards minor staff currently living in the Rajawatte area.
“These workers are the backbone of the university. Any development plan must ensure their dignity and wellbeing,” he said. “Providing them with modern, safe and affordable multistoried housing—especially near the railway line close to the old USO premises—would be both humane and practical.”
According to Professor Wijesundara, housing complexes built near existing transport corridors would reduce daily commuting stress, minimise traffic within the campus, and free up valuable land for planned academic use.
More importantly, vertical housing would significantly reduce the university’s physical footprint.
Drawing parallels with Ranawaka’s Gannoruwa proposal, he emphasised that vertical development is no longer optional for Sri Lanka.
“We are a small island with a growing population and shrinking safe land,” he warned.
“If we continue to spread out instead of building up, disasters will become more frequent and more deadly. Vertical housing, when done properly, is environmentally sound, economically efficient and socially just.”
The veteran botanist also highlighted the often-ignored link between disaster vulnerability and the destruction of green buffers.
“Every time we clear a lowland, a wetland or a forest patch for construction, we remove nature’s shock absorbers,” he said.
“The Royal Botanic Gardens has survived floods for over a century precisely because surrounding landscapes once absorbed excess water. Urban planning must learn from such ecological wisdom.”
Professor Wijesundara believes that universities, as centres of knowledge, should lead by example.
“If an institution like Peradeniya cannot demonstrate sustainable planning, how can we expect cities to do so?” he asked. “This is an opportunity to show that development and conservation are not enemies, but partners.”
As climate-induced disasters intensify across the country, voices like his—and proposals such as those articulated by Patali Champika Ranawaka—underscore a simple but urgent truth: Sri Lanka’s future safety depends not only on disaster response, but on how and where we build today.
The challenge now lies with policymakers and planners to move beyond television studio discussions and academic warnings, and translate these ideas into concrete, people-centred action.
By Ifham Nizam ✍️
Features
Superstition – Major barrier to learning and social advancement
At the initial stage of my six-year involvement in uplifting society through skill-based initiatives, particularly by promoting handicraft work and teaching students to think creatively and independently, my efforts were partially jeopardized by deep-rooted superstition and resistance to rational learning.
Superstitions exerted a deeply adverse impact by encouraging unquestioned belief, fear, and blind conformity instead of reasoning and evidence-based understanding. In society, superstition often sustains harmful practices, social discrimination, exploitation by self-styled godmen, and resistance to scientific or social reforms, thereby weakening rational decision-making and slowing progress. When such beliefs penetrate the educational environment, students gradually lose the habit of asking “why” and “how,” accepting explanations based on fate, omens, or divine intervention rather than observation and logic.
Initially, learners became hesitant to challenge me despite my wrong interpretation of any law, less capable of evaluating information critically, and more vulnerable to misinformation and pseudoscience. As a result, genuine efforts towards social upliftment were obstructed, and the transformative power of education, which could empower individuals economically and intellectually, was weakened by fear-driven beliefs that stood in direct opposition to progress and rational thought. In many communities, illnesses are still attributed to evil spirits or curses rather than treated as medical conditions. I have witnessed educated people postponing important decisions, marriages, journeys, even hospital admissions, because an astrologer predicted an “inauspicious” time, showing how fear governs rational minds.
While teaching students science and mathematics, I have clearly observed how superstition acts as a hidden barrier to learning, critical thinking, and intellectual confidence. Many students come to the classroom already conditioned to believe that success or failure depends on luck, planetary positions, or divine favour rather than effort, practice, and understanding, which directly contradicts the scientific spirit. I have seen students hesitate to perform experiments or solve numerical problems on certain “inauspicious” days.
In mathematics, some students label themselves as “weak by birth”, which creates fear and anxiety even before attempting a problem, turning a subject of logic into a source of emotional stress. In science classes, explanations based on natural laws sometimes clash with supernatural beliefs, and students struggle to accept evidence because it challenges what they were taught at home or in society. This conflict confuses young minds and prevents them from fully trusting experimentation, data, and proof.
Worse still, superstition nurtures dependency; students wait for miracles instead of practising problem-solving, revision, and conceptual clarity. Over time, this mindset damages curiosity, reduces confidence, and limits innovation, making science and mathematics appear difficult, frightening, or irrelevant. Many science teachers themselves do not sufficiently emphasise the need to question or ignore such irrational beliefs and often remain limited to textbook facts and exam-oriented learning, leaving little space to challenge superstition directly. When teachers avoid discussing superstition, they unintentionally reinforce the idea that scientific reasoning and superstitious beliefs can coexist.
To overcome superstition and effectively impose critical thinking among students, I have inculcated the process to create a classroom culture where questioning was encouraged and fear of being “wrong” was removed. Students were taught how to think, not what to think, by consistently using the scientific method—observation, hypothesis, experimentation, evidence, and conclusion—in both science and mathematics lessons. I have deliberately challenged superstitious beliefs through simple demonstrations and hands-on experiments that allow students to see cause-and-effect relationships for themselves, helping them replace belief with proof.
Many so-called “tantrik shows” that appear supernatural can be clearly explained and exposed through basic scientific principles, making them powerful tools to fight superstition among students. For example, acts where a tantrik places a hand or tongue briefly in fire without injury rely on short contact time, moisture on the skin, or low heat transfer from alcohol-based flames rather than divine power.
“Miracles” like ash or oil repeatedly appearing from hands or idols involve concealment or simple physical and chemical tricks. When these tricks are demonstrated openly in classrooms or science programmes and followed by clear scientific explanations, students quickly realise how easily perception can be deceived and why evidence, experimentation, and critical questioning are far more reliable than blind belief.
Linking concepts to daily life, such as explaining probability to counter ideas of luck, or biology to explain illness instead of supernatural causes, makes rational explanations relatable and convincing.
Another unique example that I faced in my life is presented here. About 10 years ago, when I entered my new house but did not organise traditional rituals that many consider essential for peace and prosperity as my relatives believed that without them prosperity would be blocked. Later on, I could not utilise the entire space of my newly purchased house for earning money, largely because I chose not to perform certain rituals.
While this decision may have limited my financial gains to some extent, I do not consider it a failure in the true sense. I feel deeply satisfied that my son and daughter have received proper education and are now well settled in their employment, which, to me, is a far greater achievement than any ritual-driven expectation of wealth. My belief has always been that a house should not merely be a source of income or superstition-bound anxiety, but a space with social purpose.
Instead of rituals, I strongly feel that the unused portion of my house should be devoted to running tutorials for poor and underprivileged students, where knowledge, critical thinking, and self-reliance can be nurtured. This conviction gives me inner peace and reinforces my faith that education and service to society are more meaningful measures of success than material profit alone.
Though I have succeeded to some extent, this success has not been complete due to the persistent influence of superstition.
by Dr Debapriya Mukherjee
Former Senior Scientist
Central Pollution Control Board, India ✍️
Features
Race hate and the need to re-visit the ‘Clash of Civilizations’
Australian Prime Minister Anthony Albanese has done very well to speak-up against and outlaw race hate in the immediate aftermath of the recent cold-blooded gunning down of several civilians on Australia’s Bondi Beach. The perpetrators of the violence are believed to be ardent practitioners of religious and race hate and it is commendable that the Australian authorities have lost no time in clearly and unambiguously stating their opposition to the dastardly crimes in question.
The Australian Prime Minister is on record as stating in this connection: ‘ New laws will target those who spread hate, division and radicalization. The Home Affairs Minister will also be given new powers to cancel or refuse visas for those who spread hate and a new taskforce will be set up to ensure the education system prevents, tackles and properly responds to antisemitism.’
It is this promptness and single-mindedness to defeat race hate and other forms of identity-based animosities that are expected of democratic governments in particular world wide. For example, is Sri Lanka’s NPP government willing to follow the Australian example? To put the record straight, no past governments of Sri Lanka initiated concrete measures to stamp out the evil of race hate as well but the present Sri Lankan government which has pledged to end ethnic animosities needs to think and act vastly differently. Democratic and progressive opinion in Sri Lanka is waiting expectantly for the NPP government’ s positive response; ideally based on the Australian precedent to end race hate.
Meanwhile, it is apt to remember that inasmuch as those forces of terrorism that target white communities world wide need to be put down their counterpart forces among extremist whites need to be defeated as well. There could be no double standards on this divisive question of quashing race and religious hate, among democratic governments.
The question is invariably bound up with the matter of expeditiously and swiftly advancing democratic development in divided societies. To the extent to which a body politic is genuinely democratized, to the same degree would identity based animosities be effectively managed and even resolved once and for all. To the extent to which a society is deprived of democratic governance, correctly understood, to the same extent would it experience unmanageable identity-bred violence.
This has been Sri Lanka’s situation and generally it could be stated that it is to the degree to which Sri Lankan citizens are genuinely constitutionally empowered that the issue of race hate in their midst would prove manageable. Accordingly, democratic development is the pressing need.
While the dramatic blood-letting on Bondi Beach ought to have driven home to observers and commentators of world politics that the international community is yet to make any concrete progress in the direction of laying the basis for an end to identity-based extremism, the event should also impress on all concerned quarters that continued failure to address the matters at hand could prove fatal. The fact of the matter is that identity-based extremism is very much alive and well and that it could strike devastatingly at a time and place of its choosing.
It is yet premature for the commentator to agree with US political scientist Samuel P. Huntingdon that a ‘Clash of Civilizations’ is upon the world but events such as the Bondi Beach terror and the continuing abduction of scores of school girls by IS-related outfits, for instance, in Northern Africa are concrete evidence of the continuing pervasive presence of identity-based extremism in the global South.
As a matter of great interest it needs mentioning that the crumbling of the Cold War in the West in the early nineties of the last century and the explosive emergence of identity-based violence world wide around that time essentially impelled Huntingdon to propound the hypothesis that the world was seeing the emergence of a ‘Clash of Civilizations’. Basically, the latter phrase implied that the Cold War was replaced by a West versus militant religious fundamentalism division or polarity world wide. Instead of the USSR and its satellites, the West, led by the US, had to now do battle with religion and race-based militant extremism, particularly ‘Islamic fundamentalist violence’ .
Things, of course, came to a head in this regard when the 9/11 calamity centred in New York occurred. The event seemed to be startling proof that the world was indeed faced with a ‘Clash of Civilizations’ that was not easily resolvable. It was a case of ‘Islamic militant fundamentalism’ facing the great bulwark, so to speak, of ‘ Western Civilization’ epitomized by the US and leaving it almost helpless.
However, it was too early to write off the US’ capability to respond, although it did not do so by the best means. Instead, it replied with military interventions, for example, in Iraq and Afghanistan, which moves have only earned for the religious fundamentalists more and more recruits.
Yet, it is too early to speak in terms of a ‘Clash of Civilizations’. Such a phenomenon could be spoken of if only the entirety of the Islamic world took up arms against the West. Clearly, this is not so because the majority of the adherents of Islam are peaceably inclined and want to coexist harmoniously with the rest of the world.
However, it is not too late for the US to stop religious fundamentalism in its tracks. It, for instance, could implement concrete measures to end the blood-letting in the Middle East. Of the first importance is to end the suffering of the Palestinians by keeping a tight leash on the Israeli Right and by making good its boast of rebuilding the Gaza swiftly.
Besides, the US needs to make it a priority aim to foster democratic development worldwide in collaboration with the rest of the West. Military expenditure and the arms race should be considered of secondary importance and the process of distributing development assistance in the South brought to the forefront of its global development agenda, if there is one.
If the fire-breathing religious demagogue’s influence is to be blunted worldwide, then, it is development, understood to mean equitable growth, that needs to be fostered and consolidated by the democratic world. In other words, the priority ought to be the empowerment of individuals and communities. Nothing short of the latter measures would help in ushering a more peaceful world.
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