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New-Old Foreign Policy?

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by Dr Sarala Fernando

Foreign policy is usually defined in terms of the international promotion and protection of the country’s national interests which includes the projection of the country image abroad to attract aid, trade and investment cooperation. Today, with rising nationalism and in the backdrop of de-globalization, more than ever before, foreign policy-making is looking inward as seen most visibly in President Trump’s “Make America Great Again” campaign pledge. However, as practitioners can testify, “reliability” and “continuity” are also hallmarks of a robust foreign policy. This is why the style of “disruption”, familiar in business strategy and characteristic of Mr Trump, does not sit well with traditional diplomacy and has caused consternation and criticism of the US, not least from long time partners like Canada and the EU.

Yet to be fair to Mr Trump, he is carrying out his election pledges, building the controversial wall on the border with Mexico, re-negotiating or taking the US out of multilateral agreements which were considered unfavourable to US interests whether on trade or climate change, stopping funding of UN organizations (like WHO) whose operational behavior was considered inimical to US interests, finding a “permanent” solution to the Middle East question including by moving the US Embassy to Jerusalem, working towards bringing American soldiers back home from old theatres of war like the Korean peninsular and Afghanistan etc. Despite the criticism from home and abroad, President Trump has persisted in his roller coaster course, probably propelled by the need to cultivate his main constituent voting blocs before the November Presidential election, ignoring the calls for global accommodation.

In this background, it is perhaps not surprising that on the heels of resounding election results, reversals on foreign policy appear to be also taking place in Sri Lanka. However the problem is that before the elections, there had been a general consensus among all the political parties as to the value of Sri Lanka’s traditional non-aligned foreign policy. President Gotabaya’s visionary speech at Ruwanvelisaya had moreover outlined a policy of “neutrality” to avoid being sucked into power rivalry, friendship- with- all in the expectation of reciprocal respect for our sovereignty (mutuality principle) and open to the need for international cooperation including with the UN on the SDGs . This speech should be made available on the Foreign Ministry website as it sets out important foreign policy objectives.

In that context, eyebrows were raised in Sri Lanka when newly appointed Foreign Secretary Admiral Professor Jayanath Colombage in the course of his first press interviews referred to Sri Lanka’s new strategic security policy as having an “India first” approach while adding that Colombo would remain open to dealing with other key players for “economic development”. Speculation is rife whether this means a departure from non-alignment which traditionally includes such provisions as non- participation in foreign military pacts, non- stationing of military bases and foreign troops on its soil etc. With Maldives recently entering into a security pact with the US, the question many are asking is whether the ‘new policy’ pronouncement by Foreign Secretary Colombage is a precursor to Sri Lanka signing the pending security and development agreements with the US (ACSA, SOFA and MCC) which had become so controversial in the eyes of the public. This speculation is also linked to the recent signing by the Maldives of a security pact with the US. It is said that India had been supportive of this new development despite some press commentary in India about the “crowding” of security interests in the Indian Ocean. India has lately become a major source of funds for the Maldives, thereby countering the early Chinese influence.

To give the affable Foreign Secretary his due, perhaps the phrase “putting India first” was just awkward, suggesting a courteous “kowtow” to a big neighbour, intended to reassure India that its security concerns would be addressed on a priority basis. However, with regard to the well known Indian complaint of Chinese submarines arriving in Sri Lanka unannounced, could these concerns have been better addressed by enacting a transparent and clear policy on port calls as suggested by former Foreign Secretary Palihakkara?

The central problem here is that for many years Sri Lanka’s bilateral relations with India have been characterized as driven more by competition than by cooperation on a gamut of issues such that people are just plain distrustful of our giant neighbour. Soon after independence there were the issues of illicit immigration and contraband smuggling from India, the settling of the maritime border, the disputed sovereignty over Kachchativu and citizenship for the indentured labour from India. In the last three matters, bilateral diplomatic negotiations, complex and lengthy were eventually brought to conclusion, with India being persuaded to move on some of the more difficult points of contention such as its initial refusal to take back any of its citizens. I will not touch on the troubled relationship during the conflict years which my colleague John Gooneratne has amply documented in his book as the “Decade of Confrontation”. While the bilateral relationship can be managed, for better or worse, there remains the need to accept that, looking back on the diplomatic history, more often than not, respective national interests have diverged, so that careful identification of our national interests and building domestic public support for foreign policy changes, becomes key.

Centre-State politics have complicated India’s relations with its neighbours as pointed out by many academics and some commentators have argued that, of late, bilateral relations have deteriorated over new legislation brought in by the Modi government altering the status of Jammu and Kashmir, thereby affecting Pakistan, imposing restrictions affecting the residence status of those from neighboring states such as Bangladesh and developments on defining of the border affecting Nepal. But the Modi government has the strength of its parliamentary majority in Delhi which enables it to divorce foreign policy-making from centre-state politics. Perhaps this is why India has recently been able to offer Sri Lanka not only military training but also arms and equipment, judging by press reports on the prospects for increased bilateral security cooperation.

This leaves observers wondering whether Foreign Secretary Colombage’s “kowtow” had domestic political undertones and was intended to soften India’s stance with regard to the current campaign in Sri Lanka to amend the 13th Amendment? However India has always reiterated in its official statements the call for a full implementation of 13A which arose out of the 1987 Indo- Sri Lanka Agreement to Establish Peace and Normalcy in Sri Lanka.

 

On this matter, it should be remembered that India drives a hard bargain in respect of bilateral relations with its neighbours and it is difficult to see how they will retreat from the 1987 Agreement which has been interpreted as imposing a “lock” on Sri Lanka’s security policy and the use of its ports through the “secret” Annexures. One does not talk much today of these Annexures because they reflect India’s anxiety at the time over the US presence and its military bases in the Indian Ocean, which position has been totally reversed in the current era with India and the US becoming strategic security partners.

There has also been recent references in Sri Lanka to the 1971 Indian Ocean as Zone of Peace proposal made by Prime Minister Sirimavo Bandaranaike to the UN. However, this proposal has a historic context being linked to the expulsion of the indigenous inhabitants of Diego Garcia to make way for an American naval base. The IOPZ initiative eventually lost steam in the UN coming up against the doctrines of freedom of navigation on the high seas for all ships guaranteed by the 1958 Law of the Sea Convention. In Sri Lanka too there was opposition by those who argued that IOPZ was designed to keep extra- regional naval powers out of the Indian Ocean, and would have the effect of leaving room for regional powers to hold sway, at least two of them holding nuclear weapons. A different situation existed in South East Asia where ZOPFAN or Nuclear Free Zone of Peace worked as a confidence building measure for mutual security among members of ASEAN precisely because none of the ASEAN countries held nuclear weapons.

There is also difficulty in accepting Foreign Secretary Colombage’s view that there could be a separation between security and economic interests in developing bilateral relations with nations. India finally moved towards liberalizing its economy in the early 1990’s and since then it has been possible to build synergies with Sri Lanka, as seen in the ISLFTA and increased investment etc. However, looking back at the time of the armed conflict, which country helped us with our security needs, from planes to arms, ammunition and equipment ? Which “old friend” stood with us at the UN ready to help us even in the Security Council if need should arise when human rights attacks inspired by elements of the Tamil diaspora, were launched by the West over the conduct of the war? Can we forget the lessons of history while moving forward the “new” on the “old” security policy?

With much talk today of the impending new Cold War and the looming conflict between the US and China, priority should instead be given to carefully balance both bilateral relationships and avoid any impression of “taking sides”. In this background, there has been some speculation about the new diplomatic appointments to India and China. On the one hand, a former Minister, close to President Gotabaya, with strong personal connections to the US, given Cabinet rank ( a first in Sri Lanka) and posted to New Delhi as opposed to a charming light-weight to Beijing, whose appointment as Foreign Secretary broke the string of professional appointments from within the Foreign Service. While Delhi may be pleased to see the new appointment as a downgrading of the Sri Lanka- China relationship, what would be the reaction in Beijing?

( –  re ref to Palitha Kohona as reputed to have been a representative for a Chinese  company – I just thought it sounds “catty” . Although I saw this info in various press articles previously before the appointment was announced, in the present context it seems to have been wiped out of the cv etc on the net so best leave it out.

(Sarala Fernando PhD, retired from the Foreign Ministry as Additional Secretary and her last Ambassadorial appointment was as Permanent Representative to the UN in Geneva. She writes now on foreign affairs, diplomacy and protection of heritage).



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Wings of Nature: Amila Sumanapala on Sri Lanka’s dragonflies

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By Ifham Nizam 

Sri Lanka, often celebrated for its verdant landscapes and diverse wildlife, holds a lesser-known treasure within its waters and riparian zones: dragonflies and damselflies. These ancient insects, often overlooked, are quietly playing a crucial role in maintaining ecological balance. For Amila Sumanapala, a pioneering naturalist and entomologist, dragonflies have been more than a mere subject of study—they represent an ongoing quest to understand and protect Sri Lanka’s rich natural heritage.

In an interview with The Island, he said, “I’ve been interested in the overall diversity of animals since my school years.

“When I started as an amateur naturalist, I realised that very few people were focusing on dragonflies and damselflies. There was no one to guide me in identifying or understanding what we were observing in the field. That lack of resources and knowledge motivated me to dive deeper. I read extensively, taught myself, and invested time in understanding these remarkable insects.”

The untold story of Sri Lanka’s dragonflies

Sumanapala’s research has been instrumental in uncovering Sri Lanka’s significance as a global hotspot for dragonflies. Out of 132 species documented so far, over 50% are endemic to Sri Lanka. “Sri Lanka has a remarkable dragonfly diversity compared to its land extent. Our mountains and rainforests harbour species that are unique to very specific locations,” Sumanapala explained.

Places like the Peak Wilderness Sanctuary and Sinharaja Forest Reserve are particularly rich in dragonfly species. “These habitats are critical for some of the most elusive species. For example, several endemics in Peak Wilderness are found in just a handful of streams and wetlands,” he said, highlighting the need for their preservation. “These areas are not just pockets of biodiversity; they are also key to understanding the evolution and ecological roles of dragonflies on the island.”

Green’s Gem

Dragonflies as ecosystem indicators

Beyond their beauty, dragonflies play a critical ecological role. “Dragonflies and damselflies have an amphibious lifecycle,” Sumanapala said. “Their larval stages are fully aquatic, while the adults are aerial predators. They lay their eggs in water, often within aquatic plants or riparian zones. Some species are very habitat-specific and require pristine, unpolluted water bodies to breed.”

This sensitivity to water quality makes dragonflies excellent bioindicators—organisms whose presence or absence can signal the health of an ecosystem. “When you see dragonflies thriving, it is a sign of a healthy aquatic environment,” Sumanapala shared. “They help control populations of other insects, including pests and mosquitoes, making them essential for ecosystem balance.”

The growing threats

Despite their ecological importance, dragonflies face growing threats across Sri Lanka. “Habitat destruction remains the largest challenge outside protected areas,” Sumanapala said. “The clearance of riparian vegetation, pollution of streams and wetlands, and poorly planned development projects are devastating these habitats. Climate change adds another layer of complexity.”

Changes in rainfall patterns have already begun to impact dragonfly populations. “We’ve observed significant fluctuations during dry spells and periods of erratic rainfall,” Sumanapala noted. “When rains are delayed or occur in short, intense bursts, the aquatic habitats required for dragonfly larvae become unstable. Early findings also suggest that climate change will shrink the suitable habitats for many endemic species, especially those confined to mountain regions.”

However, Sumanapala remains hopeful that proactive conservation strategies could mitigate these threats. “While the existing protected area network provides some level of security, more needs to be done. Policies around land use planning and sustainable development must be strengthened, and cumulative impacts of projects should be carefully considered.”

Role of communities and citizen scientists

For Sumanapala, conservation is not a job reserved for scientists alone—it is a collective effort. “If communities protect their natural waterways and the surrounding vegetation, they automatically safeguard dragonflies and many other species,” he explained. “These insects can thrive even in human-modified habitats if key elements, like clean water and plant cover, are preserved.”

Sumanapala emphasised the role of citizen science, where individuals contribute to scientific research by sharing field observations. “Citizen scientists are invaluable, especially in countries like ours where resources for biodiversity research are limited. Every observation, every record helps us better understand distribution patterns and population trends.”

Vermilion Forester

Uncovering the unknown

Sumanapala’s contributions extend far beyond observation. His fieldwork has already led to significant discoveries. “So far, I’ve discovered and named a new species, rediscovered species that were once thought extinct, and recorded several new country-specific species. I’ve also updated distribution ranges and documented the natural history of lesser-known species.”

Yet, he believes this is just the beginning. “Large parts of Sri Lanka remain underexplored, particularly in the north and central regions. There is much more to uncover in terms of dragonfly diversity, behaviour, and their interactions with ecosystems.”

Message to young scientists

Sumanapala’s journey is as inspiring as it is instructive. For budding entomologists and naturalists, his advice is straightforward: start small but think big. “Biodiversity is vast, and the more time you spend observing, the more you’ll learn. Start with the animals and plants in your own surroundings—your garden, local parks, or paddy fields. Learn the basics, study the species around you, and expand your curiosity from there.”

He sees a bright future for young scientists in Sri Lanka, particularly in biodiversity studies. “There’s so much more to discover here. Whether it’s dragonflies or any other group of organisms, Sri Lanka has a wealth of biodiversity waiting to be explored. If you have the passion and curiosity, you can build a lifelong journey contributing to science and conservation.”

Lifelong commitment to Nature

For Sumanapala, studying dragonflies is more than a profession—it is a commitment to nature. His work stands as a testament to the power of curiosity, perseverance, and dedication. As climate change and human activity continue to reshape ecosystems, the insights from his research serve as a guide for preserving Sri Lanka’s natural heritage.

“Every dragonfly has a story to tell—of adaptation, survival, and beauty,” he said. “By protecting them, we protect the ecosystems they depend on, and ultimately, we protect ourselves.”

As Sri Lanka moves forward, voices like Sumanapala’s remind us that even the smallest creatures can play a monumental role in our planet’s survival—and that every effort counts.

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‘UN fudged Lankan casualty figures’ – Lord Naseby

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by Palitha Senanayake

The United Nations Human Rights Council at its 57th session adopted a resolution extending the mandate of the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) Project on Sri Lanka Accountability by one year. Babu Ram Pant, Deputy Regional Director for South Asia at Amnesty International, has commented extensively on this resolution.

International perversion

The source of these allegations of human rights violations against Sri Lanka is the controversial report called the ‘Dharusman (UNPOE pr United Nations Panel of Experts.) report,’ which the UN Secretary-General commissioned in 2010 after Sri Lankan forces defeated LTTE terrorism. The Secretary-General justified the commissioning of this report, stating that ‘the report is for his personal knowledge.’ This is a strange move to start with because in the UN, HR violation investigations are commissioned by resolutions of the UN Security Council and never by the UN Secretary-General ‘for his knowledge’ in his personal capacity. However, since the report was published, it received authenticity and UN and international blessings to make a case against Sri Lanka.

This ‘international perversion’, however, does not end there. In its mandate, the report further maintained that its task was to look into the ‘accountability to the International Humanitarian and Human Rights law, on the final stages of the Sri Lankan conflict’. This, again, is twisted advocacy to suit one’s agenda as what logically applies to the situation is only international humanitarian law and certainly not Human Rights law.

Expert Opinion

Confronted by these allegations of the UNSG and his ‘experts’, the Sri Lankan government in 2012 hired a team of independent experts, whose expertise in international conflicts and international law was beyond question. This team comprised

Professor DM Crane
Sir Desmond De Silva QC
Rodney Dixon QC

Professor Michael Newton -Professor of the Practice of law, Vanderbilt University School of Law.

Major General Sir John Holmes DSO OBE MC- UN Under-Secretary for Humanitarian Affairs 2007-2010

These eminent persons had served on various international investigation panels. After studying the issues in detail, they submitted their reports to the government of Sri Lanka. They were all in agreement that the Sri Lankan case should be viewed under International Humanitarian Law and not under International Human Rights law.

The applicability of IHRL and its relevance can be explained as follows. It is an accepted fact that the LTTE was the most organized terrorist unit in the world. This fact signifies that the conflict in Sri Lanka was an armed conflict between two sets of forces, namely the SL security forces and the LTTE.

In such a context, international law, as spelt out by the ICRC statute, is very clear in stating that the law that applies to an armed conflict is international humanitarian law, and not International Human Rights law.

Further, as the above experts on international law have pointed out, “International law provides civilian protection while simultaneously allowing for military objectives to be fulfilled, which is the central goal of International Humanitarian Law (IHL). The death of civilians during a conflict, no matter how grave or regrettable, does not in itself constitute a war crime. In particular, the three principals

1. Distinction

2. Military necessity and

3. Proportionality

should guide the legality of action under IHL.

Distinction means that no civilians should be targeted intentionally, Military necessity means that targeting of the particular object should be necessary for the advancement of the troops, and Proportionality is that, the collateral damage (civilian and property) should be justifiable to the military advantage anticipated to be achieved’ – Sir Desmond de Silva QC Page 23.

Therefore, if Sri Lankan forces are to be made guilty of war crimes, charges may have to be brought either on the grounds of intentionally targeting civilians, attacking with no military necessity or for disproportionate killings, over and above the military advantage.

Tendentious allegation

In addition to the above, the Darusman report, makes another tendentious allegation against the Sri Lankan forces. It says in paragraph 137:

137. In the limited surveys that have been carried out in the aftermath of the conflict, the percentage of people reporting dead relatives is high. The number of credible sources has estimated that there could have been as many as 40,000 civilian deaths. Two years after the end of the war, there is still no reliable figure for civilian deaths, but multiple sources of information indicate that a range of up to 40,000 civilian deaths cannot be ruled out at this stage. Only a proper investigation can lead to the identification of all of the victims and the formulation of an accurate figure for the total number of civilian deaths.

Now, this is the figure that is widely quoted to discredit Sri Lanka’s armed forces. Further a figure of 40,000 appears somewhat ‘disproportionate’ in a conflict of this nature and therefore it can be used to make the Sri Lankan forces out to be guilty under international law although the claims made by the UNPOE have not been substantiated.

The Darusman report contradicts the number of ‘dead persons during the conflict’ furnished by the UN country team stationed in the conflict zone for that specific purpose. The US State Department report says the number of deaths is 6,710 from January 2009 to April 2009. The UN’s Country team report prepared by Gordon Weise, the country team leader, states that the figure of casualties is 7,714 from January 2nd to 13th May 2009. The two reports have a basis on daily counts, and they were prepared on the current basis while the conflict was raging, whereas this Darusman report, having come after two years since the end of the battle, presents a figure of 40,000 casualties without a basis or naming a source for the same.

Here is how the Panel justifies its reasons for questioning the first COG (UN Country team) figure:

135.

The number calculated by the United Nations Country Team provides a starting point but is likely to be too low for several reasons. First, it only accounts for the casualties that were observed by the networks of observers who were operational in LTTE-controlled areas. Many victims may not have been observed at all. Second, after the United Nations stopped counting on May 13th, the number of civilian casualties likely proliferated. Due to the intensity of the shelling, many civilians were left where they died and were never registered, brought to a hospital, or even buried. This means that, in reality, the total number could easily be several times that of the United Nations figures.

The country team was stationed in the war zone to prevent and record violations of the international laws of conflict, and the most crucial part of that operation was recording the number of dead in the fighting. The members of this panel, before casting aspersions on the quality of the information found on the Country-Team report, should do well to re-examine the authenticity of their own information sources because their sources, such as the Tamil Diaspora and the ‘Peace’ NGOs, could be highly partisan since they have lost their relevance (and also contributions) since this conflict came to an end.

Lord Naseby

On 01 November 2017, Lord Naseby, a member of the British House of Lords, moved a resolution in the British Parliament to the effect that the number of civilians killed in the final stage of the Sri Lankan conflict was around 7,000 and not 40,000. Accordingly, he suggested to the Parliament that Britain should change its perspective towards the Sri Lankan issue at the UN Human Rights Commission.

Even though Lord Naseby’s assertion is based on the reports of the Defense Attaché of the British Embassy in Colombo at the time of the war, it needs loads of optimism to expect that the British Government will accept these statistics and change its official position towards Sri Lanka at international forums, especially at the UN Human Rights Council where they have co-sponsored the US resolution against Sri Lanka.

Lord Naseby, subsequently airing his views to Mandy Clerk of the British media, stated, “I went into the civilian factor of this war because the figures I had did not add up to the official figures. So, I applied under the freedom of information, requesting the reports of the Defense Attaché of our embassy in Colombo at the time of the war. I received 26 reports, but that did not include the final few days of the war situation. So, I made another appeal, and there I received a further 12 reports. These reports had enough evidence to prove that nobody in the Sri Lankan government ordered to kill people and that was not the intention. The reports said that the casualty figure is around 7,200 civilians and the report further mentioned that a quarter of those casualties could be the LTTE cadres because they did not wear a uniform towards the last stages of the conflict. Then I went to the University Teachers of Jaffna, which is a professional organization of Tamil University teachers, and they said, ‘ it is about 7000’.

Verified Official Statistics

The Department of Census and Statistics performs its customary population survey for the whole of Sri Lanka every 10 years, but due to the LTTE activity, it has not been able to collect data in the North and East since the 1981 survey. Thus, during these years, the officers of respective kachcheries have been issuing population estimates when required for official purposes. However, since the conflict ended in 2009, and given the conflicting claims made by interested parties, including the Catholic Church, the Department commenced an exclusive survey for the northern province in June 2011. This survey was specially designed to ascertain, with verification, the number of people living as well as those who have died, especially during 2009 so that death certificates could be issued on account of them to their next of kin.

This survey was spearheaded by the following officers for each of the regions as follows,

Jaffna – S Udayakumaran (Head of the District Statistics office)

Mannar – M. Vithiyananthaneshan (Head of the District Statistics offic)

Kilinochchi – K.Velupillai (Head of the District Statistics office)

Vavuniya – M. Thyagalingam (Head of the District Statistics office)

Mullaitivu – N. Gangatharan (Head of the District Statistics office)

Following are the results of this survey

Thus, the above schedule gives the death toll as 8,998 during the period, including 1,067 who died due to old age/sickness, and the numbers are enumerated on the house-to-house survey regarding the cause of death. Death certificates were issued to all persons in this schedule and even those that did not explain their cause of death and stated as ‘not stated.’ People do not disclose the cause of death for various reasons, and most of such undisclosed deaths fall into the category ‘other’, meaning deaths due to terrorism. Therefore, it is possible that the number of deaths due to conflict situation was 7,442 (6,858+ 584).

Now, these death counts are reported of persons who were born and lived in the five districts where the conflict raged and also in the districts from where the LTTE used human shields. Therefore, when the Darusman report claims 40,000 deaths, such additional deaths have to be of people who were not born or did not live in these districts.

In modern times, dominant nations do not have to use weapons to subjugate others. They could just as well ‘Weaponize human rights’ to achieve the same end. That way, they could wear the cloak as the “Champions of Human rights,” hiding their authentic characters as killers, decimators and dominators.

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SL women to the fore; Prez shines in India

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Chief Justice Fernando with President Dissanayake

Cass has always maintained that if you want a job done well give it to a woman. Of course, there will be exceptions but generally that maxim holds. Eleanor Roosevelt, a power in her own right, said; “A woman is like a tea bag – you can’t tell how strong she is until you put her in hot water.”

Women are generally incorruptible and can resist the temptation of flesh and spirit. How many men down the corridors of history have fallen from their pedestals – King Solomon and the Hebrew man of great strength Samson of Biblical times and thereafter – to the charms (or wiles) of female temptresses. How many famous women holding positions of kingship or governance have sacrificed their positions for the attraction of a man? None at all, Cass believes. All down the ages, men have taken bribes; in contrast to so few women. Corruption of the spirit? Comes to mind a meteoric Christian preacher and self-appointed Prophet, now claiming to be consecrated a Bishop. Plenty of such publicity seeking Buddhist monks are also around. They claim having attained higher states on the Path to Nibbana, or worse, pronounce persons following their teaching and meditation as now Sovan, their samsaric cycle reduced to a mere seven rebirths. Corruption of the spirit in lay persons can be causing aberration of the mind.

Second female Chief Justice

Sri Lankan women are proud that the 48th Chief Justice of the country is a woman, the second after Dr Shirani Bandaranayake whose very elevation to the position during the time of G L Peiris being Minister of Justice was critiqued. She suffered a short stormy career which was most rudely terminated by Prez Mahinda Rajapaksa. We recall the insults she was subjected to by some MPs who were delegated to question her and the manner of her ejection from the official residence.

Here is a Head of the Judiciary who possesses qualifications, has risen correctly, meaning through meritocracy to the position, and is accepted. This last fact was proven in the ceremonial welcome she received, which the media detailed.

In acknowledging her reception, Chief Justice Murdu Fernando said; “I am indeed honoured and privileged to serve … and I pledge my unwavering commitment to uphold the integrity, independence and dignity of our judiciary as an independent and impartial arbiter of justice.” We believe her and Cass more so, because she is a woman who promises thus.

CJ Fernando continued thus: “I also recognise the significance of this achievement to all women of the legal profession and those aspiring …. any other chosen field… This milestone is not just for me, but for all those who have fought for equality,…to break down barriers, the glass ceiling and who have believed in the power of perseverance… Justice is not a mere ideal; it is a living, breathing force that impacts families, communities and nations. It is our duty to ensure that the rule of law is applied fairly and impartially, without fear or favour and that every individual who enters this hallowed institution, regardless of their background, finds a system that listens, understands, and seeks to protect their rights.”

BRAVO! A whole lot said simply but sincerely and giving us Ordinaries hope for the future, which promises to be so different from how it has been these past decades.

Champion of animals

We ordinaries usually cheer those who fight for or even protest the rights of animals. But Cass feels that those who shout out now for the rights of marauding animals are way out. In this category is another woman who has been making a mark – this time a black mark – by organising roadside protests and speaking out for the right of animals to live and roam around freely: monkeys of all kinds, wild pigs and other animals who destroy crops from paddy to fruit, particularly banana and papaw; sugar cane to vegetables. She is Dr. Ajantha Perera. Who is of greater importance to the world at large – human beings or animals? Who calls for precedence when safety and life itself are at stake? Humans of course. In this instance the animals destroy the plantation of farmers, small holders et al and thus are a positive menace. They impoverish those engaged in agriculture and cause immense frustration and misery. You nurture a clump of fruit trees or a vegetable plot with your life’s toil and then one morning you rise to see it all destroyed. These animals are wantonly destructive. So who needs help and saving?  The farmers of course!

Cass asked an experienced ex Sri Lankan civil servant who worked with rural people what he thought of the Minister of Agriculture’s pronouncement in Parliament that farmers could use any method to get rid of marauding animals. He said the minister was correct. Cassandra’s gut feeling is the same: the problem of crop destruction by animals being so severe. A good sign: sterilisation of monkeys has begun. Better late than never.

Please note that Cass has not included elephants as marauding animals. There the blame is shared by intruding human beings. That conflict is very different from the monkey, porcupine, pig incursion of agricultural lands.

Another quirk of ours?

Earlier in this Cry, oops sorry, Song of Celebration, Cass expressed hope in the turn we think the country has been taken on after the new government came to power. But due to the Speaker, now resigned, a slur has been cast, a stain impressed. He seems to have used and exhibited the highest academic qualification fraudulently, or a PhD he acquired from an institution that cannot award doctorates that are recognised and accepted by global academia. Some claimed that it was a minor matter. Not at all. In a dispensation claiming to be honest and against all forms of corruption, one of the highest being deceptive about his academic qualifications is dishonest and equal to corruption.

We have had many Drs of Phil sprouting up recently, Cass thinks after Viyathmaga professors gathered around Prez hopeful, Gotabaya R. They could all be thus: having been conferred doctorates but the conferring universities may not be recognised nor even be universities proper. One knows degrees can be bought in the US. We recall how Mervyn Silva from Kelaniya used the prefix Dr claiming it was a doctorate. Was it in alternate medicine and from a sort of university set up an acupuncture specialist?

Cass’s point here is that claiming or exhibiting academic qualifications is a new quirk in our collective psyche. There are great men who have refused honours they did not mentally work for. Many professionals of high calibre are conferred doctorates by well recognised universities but do not use the prefix.  We hope this near manic yen for high academic qualifications of Prof and Dr will die down.

Stupendous waste of funds

Wednesday December 18 headline in The Island: “Govt. intends to save Rs 1,200 mn by reducing ex-Presidents’ security.” Why only intend? Should have been done long ago. What threat is there for any of them, the widow included? Cass says, and it makes sense, will anyone expend even that much energy to throw a stone at any of them? They must travel unescorted or not travel at all. They live in fortressed mansions, also provided by us the heavily burdened taxpayers. Didn’t any of them realise that the money spent so uselessly on their security could have fed so many families who are now suffering near starvation.

Then the other scandal that came to light in Parliament on Tuesday December 17. The millions taken for personal use by those in power from the President’s Fund. Even minding her own business Cass roiled with anger to know Rambukwella’s balcony walk for whatever purpose cost us poor Sri Lankans millions for his long Australian hospital stay. Thank goodness all this will end.

Let’s conclude this song of today on another celebratory note. We were proud to see Prez Disanayake in India given a warm welcome. He carried himself perfectly: proud but with no hauteur; indicated or gave the impression we are a small poor country but with national pride. Gratitude to India was expressed.  Thank you, Mr President.

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