Opinion

Mangala’s Aragalaya that never was, and must be

Published

3 years ago

2022/09/20

By Krishantha Prasad Cooray

In many ways, the economic collapse of Sri Lanka became a near certainty in the weeks after Gotabaya Rajapaksa was elected President. In hindsight, it is clear to all that his government’s number one priority was consolidating their power and punishing those it saw as its enemies. Their next priority was enriching themselves. To the extent that they had anything resembling a policy focus, every major initiative taken by the Rajapaksas only served to further sabotage and doom our economy. But there was a darker, even more bitter and consequential turning point in our nation’s story than the election of November 2019. It was the loss our country suffered on 24 August 2021, with the demise of Mangala Samaraweera.

I say this not only because he was one of my closest friends – a man I deeply admired and trusted implicitly. He too had implicit faith in me and never doubted me. During the years in which we both served in the Yahapalanya government, Mangala and I would meet almost daily, whether at our homes or offices. It is safe to say that neither of us ever took a decision of any consequence without consulting the other. Despite the intimacy of our friendship, we did not blindly agree with or followed each other.

In fact, Mangala and I fought so frequently and bitterly that on my birthday last year, a highlight of the touching open letter he wrote to me was an acknowledgement that he has never fought with anyone as much as he has fought with me. We had plenty of areas of disagreement. He was an extremely loyal friend, and with this loyalty came the clearest proof that he was not infallible. Like many of us, Mangala sometimes trusted the wrong people, who would take advantage of his friendship.

While he could be misled, he was not easy to mislead. For example, Mangala was never one of those politicians who would blindly read out a script handed to him by third parties with vested interests. He welcomed input from his extremely talented and capable team. However, he was always the final arbiter of the words he would take to the nation. He excelled at communicating complex concepts in simple words, a far cry from leaders who drown us in a word salad of complex words to get across even the simplest message.

But whatever our disagreements, of one thing I am certain. If Mangala was alive, no matter how far our country fell, we would not feel so helpless, and devoid of alternatives to the status quo. While many of us could see early on that the government was doomed to fail, Mangala Samaraweera, as he had many times before in his career, saw something that others could not. As the finance minister mostly responsible for repairing the damage done to the Lankan economy in the previous decade of Rajapaksa rule, Mangala saw that the failure that was coming would be unlike any other before it. He realised that this time, failure could be so catastrophic that there may not even be an economy left to repair.

Spurred into action like he had never been before, Mangala was one of the single most important figures in the attempts in early 2020 to build a grand alliance among the opposition parties, to pose a united front against the Rajapaksas at the impending parliamentary elections. As a senior UNP MP, he worked tirelessly for months to bring as many parties as possible into the fold. The alliance that resulted under the blessing of the UNP was the Samagi Jana Balawegaya, or “United People’s Power”.

As one of the chief architects of the new alliance, it was Mangala’s vision that the party would encompass Sri Lankans of all races, religions and creeds, to pose a united front against the jingoistic, Sinhala Buddhist dominated, and backward policies that the Rajapaksas stood for. Even after his party, the UNP, dropped out of the alliance a few weeks before nominations were due in March 2020, Mangala stood fast, and was one of 52 UNP MPs to defy his party and forge ahead with the new alliance.

Being one of the most senior MPs from the Matara District, Mangala accepted the SJB’s nomination as District Leader in Matara. As one of the foremost political strategists of our time, he had to work around the clock with his colleagues to forge a fresh electoral message to take to the people at the parliamentary elections, to give them a credible alternate vision to the political views of the Rajapaksas.

Mangala was politically seasoned and rational enough to realise that the SJB could not win that election, but he wanted to directly appeal to as many of the 5.5 million Sri Lankans who had voted for Sajith Premadasa as possible. He wanted to give them a reason to come out to the polls, and to convert their support into a formidable political opposition that could stand together with other opposition parties. Mangala had a vision of a true ‘Joint Opposition’, one that could prevent the worst excesses of the Rajapaksas and present an alternate path to right the ship of state no sooner the country saw through the smoke and mirrors of the Gotabaya Rajapaksa propaganda machine.

His dream was not to be. He soon became convinced that the party he helped form was not going to provide a liberal alternative to the communal, traditional politics of the Rajapaksas that he had hoped for. Instead, several decisions he failed to prevent led Mangala to fear that voters would see the SJB pitch effectively as “Rajapaksa-lite”,

one where the influence of liberals such as himself, or minority party representatives would serve as an inclusive or progressive veneer on what would otherwise essentially be a Rajapaksa platform that catered to a single community above others and left progressive and egalitarian voters with nowhere to turn.

Mangala shared his fears with like-minded MPs, all of whom reminded him of a terrible truth: nominations had already been filed – their choices were to stay the course or to do the unthinkable and quit the race.

Mangala was deeply anguished by his predicament. He had won election from Matara for nearly 30 years, his entire adult life. He had contested from both the SLFP and the UNP, each time believing deeply and passionately in the party, the platform and the leaders he was asking the people of Matara to bring to power. But now, at the very last minute, he had to choose between trying to deceive his people, to convince them of something he no longer believed in his heart was true, or to give up his precious seat, leave parliamentary politics and find another way to help stave off disaster.

Mangala had no good choices. By June 2020, the Covid-19 pandemic had paralyzed the tourism industry. Meanwhile, the government remained hell bent on its pigheaded strategy to wreck the agriculture industry and accelerate the evaporation of our foreign reserves. As a former Finance Minister, and a leader who frequently saw what others could not, Mangala knew that time was running out.

Rightly or wrongly, he also felt that his party’s platform would not inspire voters to come to the polls as many would find its positions indistinguishable from those of the Rajapaksas or other parties. He concluded that the solution to save our country from the Rajapaksas would not come from Parliament, and so, he did the unthinkable.

On June 9, he appealed to the people of Matara not to vote for him, announcing that he did not wish to return to Parliament, and would instead do politics outside of Parliament. On that day, Mangala warned that Gotabaya Rajapaksa was meticulously dividing and isolating Sri Lankans and militarising the state, and that “the Opposition does not seem to have a clear understanding of what its role and duty should be at a time when the nation is faced with such grave challenges.”

Cynics have often dismissed Mangala as a coward who backed away from the election as he feared he would lose his seat. As someone who knew Mangala inside out, I can say with certainty that fear is a word Mangala simply did not understand. As a founder of the SJB, he could have easily sought and secured a spot on the national list and avoided contesting entirely. He never did. And in the two months between his handing in nominations and deciding to quit the race, nothing had changed that would have weakened his personal prospects. By this time, Mangala had matured beyond opportunistic politics towards principled politics. He was not a politician to whom capturing power came above all else.

With the country largely homebound and focused on the electioneering of the major parties, Mangala faded from the spotlight, and few understood the gravity of his decision until the election itself. As Mangala predicted, over a million voters who had voted for the UNP in 2019, disenchanted with that party and not seeing a viable alternative in the SJB, chose to stay at home. The boycott by these voters handed a two-thirds majority of Parliament to the Rajapaksas on a silver platter, leading in turn to the 20^th Amendment and the unchecked excess and abuse that soon emptied our treasury and brought the country to its knees.

The writing on the wall was clear to Mangala well before the polls opened. A few days before the election, on August 2, he penned an article explaining what he saw as missing from the political spectrum that voters were to be presented with at the 2020 parliamentary elections. He set out the case for a “radical centre” on the political spectrum, for a movement whose founding principles and guiding light resembled those of our Constitution, and indeed, of the Buddhist philosophy embodied by Mangala himself – equality, egalitarianism and compassion. He spoke of a “common humanity, going beyond the boundaries of race, creed and caste.” Rejecting communalism in all its forms, he imagined a political movement that could directly confront the “thinly veiled racism and overzealous chauvinism” that pass for patriotism in Sri Lanka, a definition that he saw as “the main cause of our downhill journey since independence.”

Mangala called for a movement that would reimagine patriotism, to redefine it “to reflect the goals and aspirations of a modern Sri Lanka, rejecting the feudal and tribal attitudes and ‘big frog in a small well’ mindset of the Post-’56 era”. He imagined a party that could inspire Sri Lankans to understand, appreciate, respect and protect the very concept of democracy, and understand that fundamental rights were theirs to defend.

He devoted the rest of his article to setting out a policy agenda that resembles those of every advanced and prosperous country on the planet, with clearly articulated views that were both inspiring, and violently opposed to the Rajapaksa perspective on every issue from human rights, judicial independence, state sector reform, fiscal policy, combating narcotics, a robust safety net, advanced health care, education and the rights of women, children, the LGBTQ and animals. This article felt more inspiring and sincere than any manifesto produced by any party at the election that was just days away.

Having read his vision, I could not help but wonder what would have happened had this intelligent, courageous and forward-looking vision been put to the voters in August 2020. Would at least some of the 1.1 million 2019 voters who boycotted the election have been inspired to show up at the polls? At least enough of them to deny the Rajapaksas a two-thirds majority?

Mangala intended to inspire these disenchanted voters, unite them across lines that traditionally Opposition outside of Parliament. Having lived through the horrors that accompanied the armed insurrections of the JVP in the late 1980s, Mangala knew that when people began to starve, as was seeming inevitable, it would be up to the youth of the country to come together across ethnic and gender lines and to peacefully oppose the government and chart a course for the future.

Mangala spent the next year, through the lockdowns and adversity of the pandemic, putting together his “Radical Centre” movement, which he launched at Darley Road on 25 July 2021, the 38^th anniversary of the 1983 Black July riots. By this time, the Opposition had rallied in unison behind the slogan “Sir Fail”, rightly chastising Gotabaya Rajapaksa for his abysmal failure to govern. But in launching his “Radical Centre” Mangala went a step further.

He resisted the convenient slogan and inspired people to look deeper and more introspectively. “Sri Lanka has fallen into this state today because of decades of politics through the sale of false patriotism, the voters who were continuously deceived by these so-called patriots,” he said.

He did not even spare himself. “In fact, everyone else involved in governance, including myself, is to some extent responsible for the current situation,” Mangala said. He stressed that it was not just one man, Gotabaya Rajapaksa, who had failed, but an entire system of political thinking.

“But it is not President Gotabaya Rajapaksa who has really failed today. It is the religious, majoritarian and outdated socialist ideologies he represents that have failed. Today, it is the Government that promised a solitary Sinhala Government that has failed. Who has failed today is the present Opposition which has gone beyond Rajapaksa in proposing an ideology containing racism and majoritarianism as a solution.”

He built the “Radical Centre” and its headquarters, “Freedom House”, to be focused on the energy, aptitude and aspirations of our youth, with a special focus on professionals who would typically shy away from politics. He planned to present the people with an alternative, educating them on the dangers of the government’s policies, and on how they could be successfully and peacefully opposed. He planned to bring the government to its knees in a way that he felt that the political opposition in Parliament simply lacked the vision, motivation or appetite to do.

His message to the youth was that we, the older generation had failed them, and that it was time that they took the future of the country they would inherit into their own hands. He planted the seeds of what would become the Aragalaya, by inspiring young Sri Lankans to unite and stand up for their rights and their future.

Despite being politically opposed to the Rajapaksas and the Podujana Peramuna, Mangala opposed them responsibly, averse to scoring cheap shots for petty political gain. Just as he was dismissive of the “Sir Fail” simplification of our country’s plight, he had quietly lent his own personal connections to the government earlier that year to try and secure additional vaccine doses and other aid for the country.

Even though he succeeded, he never sought credit, and didn’t try to get his picture in the newspapers receiving stocks of vaccine doses or supplies at the airport or distributing them on camera. He just got the job done. Mangala had risen above politics and fully embraced statesmanship. He was not a party leader. He was a real leader.

In Mangala’s final days, as his Covid-19 treatment grew more intense and his family desperately sought hard to find medication, one politician who helped secure an injection for Mangala actually took to social media to boast of his own charity and generosity. Contrast that to Mangala, who silently mobilised entire countries to procure supplies for millions, and never said a word or sought a lick of praise. That is the difference between Mangala Samaraweera and the choices we are left with today.

In addition, for months prior to launching his movement, Mangala had been writing letters and reports privately and in detail for the consumption of the Rajapaksa government, trying to explain the gravity of the economic devastation that he warned was only months away, virtually pleading with them to change course, to stop bleeding our foreign reserves dry and setting out for them a policy path that could have prevented the worst of the suffering we are enduring today. He never spoke of his fears publicly, conscious of his stature as a former finance minister and fearful of contributing towards the flight of investors or a credit downgrade. He refused to exacerbate the suffering of ordinary Sri Lankans for personal political expediency.

Perhaps, as the situation deteriorated, he would have become more vocal, and tried to use his burgeoning youth movement to advocate for specific policy reversals before the coffers ran dry and we were forced into default. Alas, we will never know. He succeeded in getting the youth to pay attention, but sadly, he was not there to help shape what was next to come.

It was just days after Mangala launched the “Radical Centre” in July 2021, that he contracted COVID-19. After several weeks of fighting fiercely against the disease, on Tuesday, August 24, 2021, Mangala succumbed, and Sri Lanka lost one of its titans of democracy, its paragons of statesmanship. Just 30 days after beginning the most courageous, ambitious, and essential phase of his political journey, suddenly, Mangala was no more.

Mangala’s demise left a gaping hole on Sri Lanka’s political spectrum. He had planned to unite the youth across political party lines and coordinate the peaceful fight against the Rajapaksas with one voice. But with his demise, no leader had the courage or vision to step in to fill that void. No leader had the credibility to unite the youth in an egalitarian, liberal and secular front. No leader had the capacity or team capable enough to bring such an ambitious vision to fruition.

As the cost of living skyrocketed and the country teetered on bankruptcy, the youth took matters into their own hands, launching a leaderless Aragalaya sparked by the unbearable cost of feeding their families and the realization that Rajapaksa policies would lead to the next generations of Sri Lankans being significantly poorer, hungrier, unhealthier and worse off.

In the absence of leadership, the Aragalaya united around the lowest common denominator, a single call to action: “Gota Go Home.” Their bases became “Gota Go” gamas, or villages.

Alas, even as their numbers burgeoned, and tens of thousands more Sri Lankans rallied around the obvious truth that Gotabaya Rajapaksa had to go home, something happened in Sri Lanka that has never ever happened in any country that has undergone a revolution of this nature. What happened in Sri Lanka would never, ever, have happened if Mangala Samaraweera was alive.

While the country was clear that Gotabaya Rajapaksa had failed, there was not a credible leader in sight with the vision, courage, and political acumen to come forward with an alternative to Rajapaksa policies instead of a substitute, or Rajapaksa-lite. The opposition parties were highly effective at pointing out what the Rajapaksas did wrong. But barring a few outstandingly prescient and learned MPs who could speak in technical terms of potential alternate policies to the Rajapaksas, no leader came forward to inspire the country with an alternative vision.

Devoid of any political leadership, most of the contributors to the Aragalaya movement, especially those who were students of history, were fearful of electing leaders among themselves or making any political claims. They had clearly hoped that if they did the hard work of dislodging and breaking the most powerful, authoritarian government that had ever ruled Sri Lanka, that there would be a leader to come forward and provide an alternate path. Sadly, they could not have been more wrong.

In the absence of someone like Mangala to put forward an inspiring, thoughtful and credible alternative, much of the Aragalaya narrative was hijacked by the extreme left, those with anarchist agendas, who would burn the houses of MPs, resort to thuggery, and sought to tear down our democracy in its entirety. These people took the spotlight, torching homes and taking lives, scaring the people that what was to come was no different to Rajapaksa brutality.

As it happened, there was no one to protect the vast majority of innocent youth who devoted their sweat, blood and tears to give their children a better future. They were abandoned and on their own.

Mangala saw, over a year before the Aragalaya was born, that it would be the youth of Sri Lanka, united along all demographic lines, who would pose the only credible threat to the government. He knew they would come together as the cost of living reached for the stars. And despite knowing that this inevitability would have benefited him politically, he fought until he could no longer draw breath to prevent that outcome by privately seeking to convince the government to avoid disaster. In his absence, we are left with so-called leaders who wait with bated breath for the plane to crash, foolish enough to imagine that they can then become its next pilot.

Mangala, on the other hand, was sharper, more principled, and pragmatic. He saw, over a year before the Aragalaya was born, that such a movement could – and must – reclaim the concept of “patriotism” from the nationalists and the xenophobes. Having been called a “traitor” for years for standing by his principles, he stood fast, knowing that history would be on his side. He was right. When I saw young Sri Lankan boys and girls, Sinhalese and Tamils, Buddhists, Christians and Muslims, wrapped in Sri Lankan flags singing the national anthem as they redefined patriotism in protest against the Rajapaksas, my heart skipped a beat, my mind went straight to Mangala, and I choked back tears. If Mangala were alive to see it, he would have wept openly with pride.

Today, Gotabaya Rajapaksa is gone, but his family and political party still dominate the corridors of power. Today, the genuine youth movement Mangala saw coming has materialized, been splintered, and shattered by isolation, incarceration and disillusionment. And today, we can finally see what Mangala could see as far back as August 2020, before the SLPP ever took Parliament.

Mangala knew that the SLPP would fail. He knew that in poverty, Sri Lankans would find unity, and that no leader in Parliament would be ready with an alternative to the Rajapaksas coupled with the courage to act. He knew the risks of a poverty-driven youth rebellion, having lived through one himself, and he understood that it was essential to build a clear message of hope and an alternative to just attacking what was failing. He knew that by the time the government failed, if not sooner, the political centre had to be ready with a plan to succeed.

In remembering Mangala, we must remember his most important lesson. He warned that defeating a single President, a single family, a single party, or winning a single election, would not be enough. Gotabaya Rajapaksa left office, but the ideology he stood for, that brought us to ruin, is still very much with us. If Sri Lanka is to have any hope, this ideology must be defeated and stamped out once and for all. In the same vein, even though Mangala has left this earth, his radical centrist ideology still exists, if not in Parliament, if not in the media, at least in the hearts of the Sri Lankan youth and clear-minded citizens. And if our country is to truly ever thrive again, Mangala’s ideology must be protected, it must blossom, it must become our national ideology. It must become our new patriotism. And the true patriots of Sri Lanka must remain united and make this vision a reality. This is the only way forward for our country.

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Opinion

A 6th Year Accolade: The eternal opulence of my fair lady

Published

11 hours ago

2025/12/8

Thilina Walpola

The 6^th of December marked the sixth solar cycle since my adored life partner, Dr Malwattage Josephine Sarojini Perera (née Peeris), left this mortal world. Six years have elapsed; a period characterised by a searingly perpetual heartache. However, her inspiring influence is not diminished by the passage of time, and her memory has become more burnished and sublimely potent. It has transformed from a painful void into a sparkling, indestructible legacy that fortifies the hearts of all who were privileged to share her path.

The abyss left by her departure is multitudinous for all of us, including those who benefited from her professional dedication. Nevertheless, the consciousness of her magnificent journey, a spectacular 72 years, 2 months, and 11 days on this planet Earth, remains as a seamless record of a unique chronicle. It was the radiance of her inner spirit that rendered her truly peerless. She epitomised the beautiful words of one of my favourite Sri Lankan lady singers, “Beauty is how you feel inside; you glow from within.” Sarojini was a woman of monumental dignity and benevolence, whose serene, consistent luminosity brought a radiance into every room she entered. Her smile was a glorious spectacle of her lovely inner human nature; a pure expression of her soul’s integrity. That spectacularly radiant smile epitomised the immortal words of the beautiful song by Nat King Cole, “Smile though your heart is aching, smile even though it is breaking, when there are clouds in the sky, you will get by.“

Throughout her tenure on earth, she embodied the highest form of selfless service, dedicating her energies wholly to our family unit, her relatives, and all her acquaintances. She served her patients with an unreserved commitment, functioning as the very milieu of abiding reassurance for them. Her chosen field in medicine was one of profound challenges and pressing needs. She primarily worked ever so tirelessly with individuals afflicted and affected by Sexually transmitted Diseases, HIV and AIDS. They were a cohort frequently marginalised, ostracised, and terribly wounded by societal judgment. Yet, this extraordinary woman approached her work with limitless compassion and an intrinsic, deep-seated sense of humanitarian duty. She held an irrefutable conviction that beyond the stark finality of any medical diagnosis, there was a human being whose entitlement to honour, consideration, respect and warmth was absolute.

Sophocles wisely said: “One word frees us of all the weight and pain of life: That word is love.” Sarojini’s approach to life was built upon this very word ‘love’ as its foundation. She remained steadfastly true to her ethical moorings, never wavering in her commitment to assuage suffering and nurture genuine understanding. Her patients were not mere cases receiving clinical attention; they were embraced into a circle of care that extended beyond the confines of the clinic. Sarojini’s gentle disposition and empathetic spirit captivated all those who came seeking relief and comfort in her ministrations.

She extended not only medical expertise but also essential emotional ballast, serving as a critical beacon of optimism in times of the most profound darkness and utter despair. Her engagement was holistic; she saw the complete person, not just the disease. The philosopher Kahlil Gibran expressed a sentiment that describes the core values of her life: “You give but little when you give of your possessions. It is when you give of yourself that you truly give.” Her affection emanated as a gentle, regenerative anodyne, calming the distressed spirits of those sighing in overwhelming heartache. Her bequest in this vital domain of medicine is not merely a record of treatments, but a register of hearts healed and spirits uplifted by unconditional acceptance and love.

Beyond her professional life, Sarojini was the gravitational centre of our existence; a loving spouse, an undaunted mother, and a precious confidante. The habitat and the canvas of love we built together were a haven of affection and composure, a place where joy thrived, and the air was often vibrant with shared merriment. She cultivated her family with boundless tenderness, sowing and nurturing the essential precepts of benevolence, rectitude, and resilience within us. In return, we never made her cry, but sometimes she cried for others, and some made her cry too.

Her capacity for quiet strength was remarkable; she could maintain perfect equilibrium even when confronted with severe setbacks, always taking deliberate, measured steps to restore serenity and balance. Her affection is a vibrant force that persists in the deepest recesses of our hearts, a covenant that triumphantly surpasses the limitations of physical existence and the transience of life. The deep impact of her role as a matriarch cannot be overstated; she was the silent architect of our moral framework and emotional stability, and the queen of our hearts.

As we reflect on her exceptional life and the vast bounty of goodness she left behind, our determination is not to be subdued by the grief of her physical absence, but rather, to eulogise the radiant splendour of her time amongst us. It is a legacy beyond epithets and the true portrayal of the lilting music of remembrance. We feel the unremitting pain of missing her absolutely and profoundly. She may have transitioned from this worldly realm, but her vital essence remains inextricably bound to ours, steering us with her quiet wisdom and inspiring us with her incomparable dignity. Sarojini’s life stands as an eternal affidavit to the transformative power of enduring love, deep empathy, and sacrificial duty. It remains a boon that richly augments our present and illuminates our future. True beauty, as she demonstrated, is not simply what the eyes can witness, but, more crucially, what the soul can permanently safeguard. What we perceive visually is destined to fade, but the treasures we store within our hearts will remain eternally.

Many, including myself, our daughter Maneesha and our grandchildren, Joshua, Malaika and Jaydon, have endeavoured with every available adjective and hyperbolic utterance to paint a faithful portrait of the superlative person that was Sarojini. Yet, even if we were to compile tomes detailing her excellence, the effort would still fall short of creating a realistic depiction that truly captures her profile. It is simply impossible to confine a description of her magnificence to even a substantial plethora of words.

For my part, I had the wonderful pleasure of the company of that stunning lady for all those blessed years, from the dawn of our courtship in 1973 until her fateful day of final rest. Despite the finality of that separation, memories remain the ultimate constant. I will forever recall her life as an exquisite and enduring strand, a beautiful composition, that will never diminish and will reverberate throughout the balance of my time on this planet Earth.

Sarojini, your loved ones strive daily to revere your memory by actively embodying the virtues you demonstrated so effortlessly: boundless compassion, humane benevolence, unbridled affection, and an unwavering commitment to the welfare of others. This is a matter of seminal importance to us, as it is a pledge towards the continuity of the very matrix of your tapestry of life on Mother Earth.

Darling Sara, I will end with a couple of lines from the 1996 Quadruple Chart Topper, “Because You Loved Me” by Celine Dion, which very concisely sums up what you were to me: –

“You’ve been my inspiration.

Through the lies, you were the truth.

My world is a better place because of you.”

by Dr B. J. C. Perera
(This appreciation appeared in The Island online edition on 06 Dec. 2025)

Opinion

Ditwah disaster to recovery

Published

11 hours ago

2025/12/8

Thilina Walpola

Relief operations underway. (Image courtesy Sri Lanka Red Cross)

Sri Lanka is facing one of its worst simultaneous flood and landslide disasters in many decades, with nearly two million people affected and more than 820 reported dead or missing after Cyclone Ditwah unleashed catastrophic flooding and landslides across the island. After 2004 Tsunami tidal wave disaster, this disaster has brought havoc in the life of Sri Lankans.

The human toll of Cyclone Ditwah continues to mount in Sri Lanka, with 481 confirmed deaths and 345 people still missing, according to the latest situation report issued by the Disaster Management Center.

The cyclone has left a trail of devastation across all 25 districts of the country, affecting 509,680 families and 1,814,534 individuals. Matara, Galle, and Hambantota have been less affected by recent heavy rains and flooding in Sri Lanka, with warnings issued and some minor flooding reported in Matara, and landslide risks in all three areas due to heavy downpours from the current monsoon, though some reports suggest they were less severely hit than districts like Kandy, Gampaha and Colombo.

The hardest-hit districts include Kandy, reporting the highest fatalities at 118 deaths and 171 missing, followed by Badulla (83 deaths), Nuwara Eliya (89 deaths), and Kurunegala (56 deaths). Other districts such as Kegalle (30 deaths) and Puttalam (29 deaths) have also suffered significant losses. Beyond the tragic loss of life, the cyclone has caused 1,967 homes to be completely destroyed and 50,173 partially damaged, leaving thousands displaced. Relief efforts are underway, with 1,236 safety centers currently sheltering 48,559 families (171,492 persons).

Infrastructure damage is extensive, with roads, bridges, irrigation systems, and transport networks severely affected or rendered inoperable.

Emergency teams are working tirelessly to restore essential services and prevent secondary crises, such as disease outbreaks.

The people of Sri Lanka have suffered widespread losses and damages in different parts of the country due to the wind and rain associated with Cyclone Ditwah. Stormy winds caused trees to fall and inflicted damage on houses and shops. Hundreds of homes have been partially or completely destroyed due to landslides.

Floodwaters have entered houses, shops, school buildings, hospitals, public buildings, roads, gardens, and agricultural fields, causing extensive damage. Most fatalities resulted from drowning or suffocation caused by injuries sustained in the floods and related landslides. Many people are experiencing trauma and other health impacts.

In addition, floodwaters have rendered mattresses, pillows, and clothing unusable, while electrical appliances and household items, including cooking utensils, have been damaged or destroyed. Thousands of bicycles, motorcycles, cars, vans, trucks, and buses have broken down due to water and mud infiltration, with some vehicles completely lost or missing.

Losses caused by these storms, floods, and landslides are extensive. Accurate information about the affected population and material losses must be collected from reliable local sources, such as mosques, temples, village offices, and community leaders. In many areas, this information is currently unavailable. Data collection must be conducted in such a way assess the immediate requirements and follow up actions and each village wise data collection should include details such as the number of people affected, the extent of material losses, Urgent needs of the affected population, immediate rescue actions to save life.

It is essential to identify measures required to restore communities to their normal state as quickly as possible. The immediate needs of the people must be properly assessed, because rescue and relief operations are the highest priority after a disaster.

Key emergency actions include:

· Saving lives: Injured individuals must receive prompt medical treatment. Survivors trapped in broken houses or collapsed buildings must be rescued.

· Handling the deceased

: The bodies of those who have died should be recovered and cremated according to their respective customs.

· Medical and food support

: Those rescued from rubble should be provided with immediate medical attention and appropriate food and water.

· Rescue operations

: Priority must be given to rescuing people trapped alive inside collapsed or buried buildings.

· Support for the displaced

: Food and water should be provided to individuals displaced by the disaster, whether they are staying in temporary shelters or with friends and relatives. In the early days after the disaster, cooked meals should be prioritised for large numbers of people, continuing as long as they remain in temporary accommodations.

The immediate needs of the people must be properly assessed, because rescue is the priority in the aftermath of a disaster. Saving lives is essential. Providing medical treatment to the injured, rescuing affected individuals, and guiding them to safe areas or shelters must be carried out without delay.

In addition, information must be quickly collected regarding areas where flood levels are dangerously high or above head level, locations affected by landslides, missing persons, the number of houses buried, and the number of people involved. These details should be obtained promptly through places of worship, knowledgeable community members, village officers, and other reliable sources, and then reported to the relevant authorities.

It is the people in the neighbourhood who are the first to be involved in disaster rescue operations. Therefore, essential information must be shared with them so they can act quickly and effectively.

Individuals who are trapped alive in collapsed houses or buildings must be rescued without delay. The bodies of those who have died should be handled and cremated in accordance with their respective religious customs and traditions.

Those rescued from the debris should receive immediate medical attention. While providing food, it is important to avoid giving solid meals to individuals with suspected fractures or injuries that may require urgent surgery. In such cases, only liquids may be given, and even that should be based on medical advice. A qualified doctor must assess the nature of the injury and confirm whether the person can be fed.

Meanwhile, rescue operations must be given top priority during avalanches, with immediate efforts focused on saving people who are trapped alive inside collapsed or buried buildings.

At the same time, food and water should be provided to those who have been displaced by these disasters and are staying in temporary shelters, as well as in the homes of friends and relatives. In the initial days, it is advisable to provide cooked meals, as this is the most practical and efficient way to support large numbers of affected people. Cooked food should continue to be supplied as long as they remain in temporary accommodations.

Once the disaster subsides and the floodwaters begin to recede, people will gradually return to their homes. At this stage too, their health and well-being must be considered. If floodwater has entered their houses, it may take at least three days to clean and restore them. Providing cooked food during these three days will be a considerable relief for the affected families.

If water has entered the homes of returning families, their food supplies, clothing, mattresses, and other items kept at floor level will have become wet and unusable. Therefore mats, pillows, two sets of clothing and adequate dry rations should be provided to those in need. Dry rations should be distributed in quantities sufficient to meet a family’s weekly requirements. If clothing is to be provided, it is best to supply new clothes.

At the same time, houses, schools, and places of worship in disaster-affected areas must be cleaned. Youth groups should take the initiative in assisting with the cleaning of homes. Working in organized teams to clean houses, compounds, and public buildings will help complete the work quickly and efficiently.

Those who participate in cleaning operations must carry proper safety gear such as boots, gloves, soap, adequate drinking water, food items, and adequate number of clothes for their own protection. They should also bring essential tools and equipment, including shovels, pickaxes, hammers, wrenches, garbage pickers, and single-wheel pushcarts. In addition, the use of larger equipment such as small and large backhoe machines, water pumps, wood-cutting tools, knives, garbage collection bags, buckets, and other necessary items will significantly improve the speed and effectiveness of recovery and cleaning efforts.

Carrying a gas cylinder and a portable gas cooker will also be useful for preparing meals during cleaning and recovery operations.

APPRECIATE SUPPORT OF ALL NATIONS

We express our sincere gratitude to all the countries that extended a helping hand during this calamity. India’s immediate relief and rescue assistance is especially commendable. Likewise, on behalf of all Sri Lankans, we convey our heartfelt appreciation to China, the United States of America, Japan, the Maldives, the United Arab Emirates, Qatar, Bangladesh, the Netherlands, and all other nations that stood with us at this critical moment.

We also gratefully acknowledge the contributions of local citizens, volunteers, and foreign nationals who took part in the rescue and recovery operations.

by M. S. M. Jansin
Management Consultant

Opinion

Thoughts for Unduvap Poya

Published

4 days ago

2025/12/4

Sahan Weerasooriya

Arrival of Arahant Bhikkuni Sangamitta

Unduvap Poya, which falls today, has great historical significance for Sri Lanka, as several important events occurred on that day but before looking into these, as the occasion demands, our first thought should be about impermanence. One of the cornerstones of Buddha’s teachings is impermanence and there is no better time to ponder over it than now, as the unfolding events of the unprecedented natural disaster exemplify it. Who would have imagined, even a few days ago, the scenes of total devastation we are witnessing now; vast swathes of the country under floodwaters due to torrential rain, multitudes of earth slips burying alive entire families with their hard-built properties and closing multiple trunk roads bringing the country to a virtual standstill. The best of human kindness is also amply demonstrated as many risk their own lives to help those in distress.

In the struggle of life, we are attached and accumulate many things, wanted and unwanted, including wealth overlooking the fact that all this could disappear in a flash, as happened to an unfortunate few during this calamitous time. Even the survivors, though they are happy that they survived, are left with anxiety, apprehension, and sorrow, all of which is due to attachment. We are attached to things because we fail to realise the importance of impermanence. If we do, we would be less attached and less affected. Realisation of the impermanent nature of everything is the first step towards ultimate detachment.

It was on a day like this that Arahant Bhikkhuni Sanghamitta arrived in Lanka Deepa bringing with her a sapling of the Sri Maha Bodhi tree under which Prince Siddhartha attained Enlightenment. She was sent by her father Emperor Ashoka, at the request of Arahant Mahinda who had arrived earlier and established Buddhism formally under the royal patronage of King Devanampiyatissa. With the very successful establishment of Bhikkhu Sasana, as there was a strong clamour for the establishment of Bhikkhuni Sasana as well, Arahant Mahinda requested his father to send his sister which was agreed to by Emperor Ashoka, though reluctantly as he would be losing two of his children. In fact, both served Lanka Deepa till their death, never returning to the country of their birth. Though Arahant Sanghamitta’s main mission was otherwise, her bringing a sapling of the Bo tree has left an indelible imprint in the annals of our history.

According to chronicles, King Devanampiyatissa planted the Bo sapling in Mahamevnawa Park in Anuradhapura in 288 BCE, which continues to thrive, making it the oldest living human planted tree in the world with a known planting date. It is a treasure that needs to be respected and protected at all costs. However, not so long ago it was nearly destroyed by the idiocy of worshippers who poured milk on the roots. Devotion clouding reality, they overlooked the fact that a tree needs water, not milk!

A monk developed a new practice of Bodhi Puja, which even today attracts droves of devotees and has become a ritual. This would have been the last thing the Buddha wanted! He expressed gratitude by gazing at the tree, which gave him shelter during the most crucial of times, for a week but did not want his followers to go around worshipping similar trees growing all over. Instead of following the path the Buddha laid for us, we seem keen on inventing new rituals to indulge in!

Arahant Sanghamitta achieved her prime objective by establishing the Bhikkhuni Sasana which thrived for nearly 1200 years till it fell into decline with the fall of the Anuradhapura kingdom. Unfortunately, during the Polonnaruwa period that followed the influence of Hinduism over Buddhism increased and some of the Buddhist values like equality of sexes and anti-casteism were lost. Subsequently, even the Bhikkhu Sasana went into decline. Higher ordination for Bhikkhus was re-established in 1753 CE with the visit of Upali Maha Thera from Siam which formed the basis of Siam Maha Nikaya. Upali Maha Thero is also credited with reorganising Kandy Esala Perahera to be the annual Procession of the Temple of Tooth, which was previously centred around the worship of deities, by getting a royal decree: “Henceforth Gods and men are to follow the Buddha”

In 1764 CE, Siyam Nikaya imposed a ‘Govigama and Radala’ exclusivity, disregarding a fundamental tenet of the Buddha, apparently in response to an order from the King! Fortunately, Buddhism was saved from the idiocy of Siyam Nikaya by the formation of Amarapura Nikaya in 1800 CE and Ramanna Nikaya in 1864 CE, higher ordination for both obtained from Burma. None of these Niakya’s showed any interest in the re-establishment of Bhikkhuni Sasana which was left to a band of interested and determined ladies.

My thoughts and admiration, on the day Bhikkhuni Sasana was originally established, go to these pioneers whose determination knew no bounds. They overcame enormous difficulties and obtained higher ordination from South Korea initially. Fortunately, Ven. Inamaluwe Sri Sumangala Thero, Maha Nayaka of Rangiri Dambulla Chapter of Siyam Maha Nikaya started offering higher ordination to Bhikkhunis in 1998 but state recognition became a sore point. When Venerable Welimada Dhammadinna Bhikkhuni was denied official recognition as a Bhikkhuni on her national identity card she filed action, with the support of Ven. Inamaluwe Sri Sumangala Thero. In a landmark majority judgement delivered on 16 June, the Supreme Court ruled that the fundamental rights of Ven. Dhammadinna were breached and also Bhikkhuni Sasana was re-established in Sri Lanka. As this judgement did not receive wide publicity, I wrote a piece titled “Buddhism, Bhikkhus and Bhikkhunis” (The Island, 10 July 2025) and my wish for this Unduvap Poya is what I stated therein:

“The landmark legal battle won by Bhikkhunis is a victory for common sense more than anything else. I hope it will help Bhikkhuni Sasana flourish in Sri Lanka. The number of devotees inviting Bhikkhunis to religious functions is increasing. May Bhikkhunis receive the recognition they richly deserve.” May there be a rapid return to normalcy from the current tragic situation.”

by Dr Upul Wijayawardhana