Features

Building collapse in Kandy due to foundation on unstable slope: National implications

Published

6 years ago

2020/09/28

By Dulip Jayawardena

The recent collapse of a five-storey building in Kandy has caused much concern among the residents around the district, especially those who have built houses around slopes which are now speculated as unstable by an expert geologist who has rung alarm bells indicating that all those who reside on hill slopes should vacate their houses during heavy rains.

The Governor of the Central Province has gone on record as saying there are over 200 buildings, including houses, at risk of collapse, and it is pertinent to question whether that conclusion was reached after conducting relevant investigations.

HISTORY OF FOUNDATION

ENGINEERING IN SRI LANKA

The origin of the Geological Survey Department (present GSMB ) can be traced to 1904, when Dr Ananda Cooramaswamy was the Principal Mineral Surveyor appointed by the Colonial government. The Mineral Survey was converted into the Mineralogy Department in early the 1940s and, with the appointment of the first Sri Lankan as Head of the Department, in 1948 this vital state institution was renamed the Geological Survey Department (GSD) in 1961.

With the reorganisation of the GSD, an Engineering Geology section was created and the first Engineering Geologist was my former Director, the late D. B. Pattiarachchi, who underwent extensive training at the US Bureau of Reclamation, which was founded in 1902.

The GSD had a very efficient Engineering Geology Section, headed by Pattiarachchi and all the foundation investigations for major buildings, power plants hydro electric dams, reservoirs, etc., were undertaken by it. Some of the foundation investigations that I was involved in were the construction of the proposed Urea Plant at Sapugaskanda by Kellogg Inc of USA at a cost of US $ 117 million in early the 1970s and the Electro Smelting Plant at the Oruwela Steel Corporation also in the early 1970s with the assistance of the former Soviet Union.

Following the establishment of the GSMB in terms of the Mines and Minerals Act No 33 of 1992, the earlier functions of the GSD, in engineering geology were dropped (See Para 12 (a) to (e) of the Act). However, the Mines and Minerals (Amendment )Act No 66 of 2009 was amended to undertake projects in regard to engineering geology and advise and recommend remedial measures in case of geological hazards and disasters.

The question is whether there is an effective engineering geology division at GSMB with trained engineering geologists.

In order to educate the readers and the so-called experts, I would like to quote from a publication titled “Engineering geology: Principles and Practice” Publisher Springer Authors D.G. Price and Michael Freitas, etc., where the Abstract reads as follows “Provides the reader with the basics of engineering geology illustrates how geology is related to calculations of stability, deformation and groundwater flow. Specifically written for those first degree is not geotechnical engineering. Shows how to identify, investigate and define an engineering response to problems arising from ground conditions … The text is directed at the heart of Engineering Geology where geology is used to identify potential problems arising from ground conditions. It describes how to investigate those conditions and to define an engineering response that will either avoid or reduce related calculations of stability deformation and ground water flow ….” This applies to shallow foundations in residential areas, especially in the hill country of Sri Lanka.

THE NATIONAL BUILDING RESEARCH ORGANIZATION (NBRO) AND LANDSLIDE HAZARD MAPS

The NBRO is now designated as the prime organisation specialising in landslides and formulating effective policies and strategies to effect risk reduction.

It must be stressed that the GSD was earlier involved in these functions that have been assigned to NBRO. It is incorrect to say that according to NBRO landslide studies date back to only 1980, ignoring the extensive field and research studies done by the GSD from the early 1960s.

A paper written by me titled “Analysis of Devastating Landslides in Haldumulla – Koslanda Areas ( -lands) I have stated that landslides up to 2002 were considered as minor disasters and from 1974 to 2002 the incidence was 10 to 60 per annum. However in 2006 this number shot up to 360.

It was recognised by GSD that from the 1980s that the Haputale scarp including the devastating landslide that occurred at Haldumulla on October 29, 2014, causing a huge of loss of lives and property proved that the area from Haldumulla and Koslanda as well as the Poonagala Valley up to Ella is unstable. It is interesting to find out whether the NBRO has done any detailed studies in this area recently.

The seasonal distributions of rainfall were during the south west and north east monsoons and the months were January, May and October that experienced highest rainfall. It appears that this trend has been affected due to climate change; Sri Lanka has not placed emphasis on carrying out research in this regards.

I have also stressed that the Meteorology Department should analyze rainfall data since 1956 up to present and compare them with the data from the Hunting Survey Corporation of Canada, in which past records indicate rainfall data from 1907 to 1956. A Monograph titled “Hydrometeorology of Ceylon” was compiled and copies were available at the relevant Departments including GSD. The temperature variations were also published.

Any change in rainfall during the period October to January identified as the autumnal period may be directly attributed to climate change.

LANDSLIDE HAZARD MAPS AND NBRO

The NBRO, established in 1985 to conduct building and geotechnical research, was involved in Landslide Hazard Zoning Programme (LHZMP) to compile Landslide Hazard maps with funding from the UNDP, in 1990, and initially covered the Nuwara-Eliya and Badulla Districts. This programme was eventually extended to 12 other landslide prone districts namely Kegalle, Matale, Kandy, Kalutara, Galle, Hambantota, Moneragala and Kurunegala. Three hazard zones were identified as High, Medium and Low by analyzing relevant data related to geology, hydrology, inclination of slopes, landform, soil characteristics and its thickness and land use. Public and stakeholder awareness programmes were initiated in effected landslide areas. Conflicting land use by stakeholders due to land development, building and relevant construction activities were not recognised. Further identification of zones related to these development activities would help avoid conflicting land use, especially in the areas with high population density.

TESTING GEOTECHNICAL PROPERTIES OF SOIL

The Standard Penetration Test (SPT) is an effective test to check the geotechnical engineering properties of soil. ( https: //en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Standard_penetration_test ). The procedure helps determine relative density of soil which can vary from very loose, loose, medium dense and very dense. In house building, the bearing capacity determined by the SPT will depend on the foundation load factor, namely number of floors, concrete columns, including reinforced steel beams, etc.

TYPES OF FOUNDATIONS IN BUILDING CONSTRUCTION

There are many types of foundations in building construction .

I quote from an article, “Foundations in Building Construction- Understanding Building Construction” as follows “In this article we will discuss the common types of foundations in buildings. Broadly speaking all foundations are divided into two categories: shallow foundations and deep foundations. The words shallow and deep refer to the depth of soil in which foundation is made. Shallow foundations can be made in depths of as little as 3 ft. (1m) when deep foundations can be made at depths of 6 -200 ft (20-65m) shallow foundations are used for small light buildings while deep ones for large heavy buildings” ( http://www.understanding construction.com/types-of-foundations.html ). The types are (a) individual footings (c) strip footings (d) raft or mat foundations and (e) pile foundations.

Another common type of foundation is the floating foundation (Ref Floating Foundation – Principles, Suitability and construction Difficulties – quoting “a floating foundation is a type of foundation constructed by excavating the soil in such a way that the weight of structure built on the soil is nearly equal to the total weight of soil excavated from the ground including the weight of water in the soil before construction of structure. Floating foundation is also called balancing raft and caused zero settlement to the structure”

However, in most of the lowlands, especially around Colombo, the soil in underlain by laterite (weathered hard rock) and some areas are identified as soft laterite. Accordingly, if a floating foundation is anchored in hard laterite and if some areas have soft laterite it will result in differential settlement which will damage the building due to differential settlement.

DEVELOPING BUILDING CODES FOR SRI LANKA

It is encouraging to note that the NBRO with the Construction Industry Development Authority (CIDA) has initiated action to formulate building codes with financial assistance from the World Bank which has appointed an expert team, led by the University College London, to conduct a Building Regulatory Capacity Assessment in Sri Lanka. This team will carry out the following tasks:

“(1) to evaluate the current Building Regulatory capacity in Sri Lanka. (2) To facilitate discourse and consultations with local stakeholders in Sri Lanka to determine their aspirations for an improved system of building Regulations and identify barriers and opportunities for their implementation (3) Provide tailored recommendations for implementation of an improved Building Regulatory system.

Further, a Steering Committee Meeting (SCM) had been held on 7 March 2019 with the team from the University College London and consisted of the following organizations (1) Ministry of Public Administration and Disaster Management (2) Ministry of Housing Construction and Cultural Affairs (3) National Building Research Organization (4) Construction Industry Development Authority (5 ) Urban Development Authority (6) National Physical Planning Department (7) Sri Lanka Institute of Local Governance and (8) Disaster Management Centre .

A Workshop held on 8 March 2019 on Building Regulatory Capacity Assessment (BRCA) to identify the views of the stake holders on the following (a) National level legislation and institutions (b) Building code development and maintenance (c) Local level implementation

(Ref Building Codes for Resilience <http:www.nbro.gov.lk/index.php?option=com_content&view=a…>

It is interesting to find out about the progress of this Expert Group in identifying and formulating the relevant Building codes covering the entire Island.

CONCLUSIONS

In this article, I have highlighted the collapse of a five-storied building used as a residence in an unstable slope in Kandy. It has now resulted in the law enforcing authorities taking legal action about the construction and the owner of the building has made statements that all approvals were obtained from the regulatory agencies and the construction was supervised by the State Engineering Corporation.

I also highlighted the past activities of the Geological Survey Department (GSD Present GSMB) and the extensive work carried out by the Engineering Geology Section in foundation investigations as well as the landslide investigations by the highly qualified and experienced geologists with a limited staff of only 13 geologists. However in 1992 with the conversion of the GSD to GSMB both a legitimate functions of GSD namely foundation investigations as well as landslide studies was dropped but again in 2009 with the Amendments to the GSMB Act those functions were restored. It is queried whether the GSMB is now involved in these functions.

I also briefly described the various foundations and also the initiation of identifying procedures for formulation of appropriate building codes.

RECOMMENDATIONS

(1) The NBRO, which has prepared landslide hazard maps covering the 14 districts should make these maps available to local government authorities and building plans should be approved with the recommendations of NBRO.

(2) The GSMB should also actively get involved to identify landslide prone areas as well as foundation investigations for residencies and buildings.

(3) The NBRO should demarcate safe zones in the High, Medium and Low Risk areas for housing and other buildings including factories for relevant industries by foreign and local investors.

(4) The government should study the creation of effective entities that would have expertise of civil engineers, geotechnical engineers, engineering geologists, representatives from NBRO and Disaster Management Center, Ministry of Environment Central Environment Authority (CEA) etc to approve building plans for dwellings and the industrial activities. Such entities could be on a district basis.

(5) To expedite identification and appropriate building codes for construction in the three areas namely High, Medium and Low Risk areas and legislate such Codes expeditiously.

(6) Include the Ministry of Environment CEA and the GSMB to participate in the Steering Committee for developing building codes for the entire Island.

(7) The NBRO and GSMB should actively coordinate in exchange information of landslides that had occurred prior to 1992 and past foundation investigations by the GSD and create a depository of such information and data for the use of relevant agencies.

(8) The appointment of a Presidential Task Force to regulate building activity in Sri Lanka with all safety precautions and eliminate loss of life and property to achieve sustainable economic and social development.

References

1. Landslide Danger Risk Reduction Strategies and Present Achievements in Sri Lanka by R.M.S.Bandara and Padhmakumara Jayasinghe National building Research Organization Geosciences Research Vol 3 No 3 August 2018.

2. Standard penetration test –Wikipedia

3. Developing Building Code for Resilience – NBRO

(The writer is a retired Economic Affairs Officer United Nations ESCAP and former Director Geological Survey Department form 1983 10 1985 (Present GSMB) Professional Geologist for over 55 years and can be contacted at ?)

Building collapse in Kandy due to foundation on unstable slope: National implications

By Dulip Jayawardena

HISTORY OF FOUNDATION

ENGINEERING IN SRI LANKA

The question is whether there is an effective engineering geology division at GSMB with trained engineering geologists.

THE NATIONAL BUILDING RESEARCH ORGANIZATION (NBRO) AND LANDSLIDE HAZARD MAPS

The NBRO is now designated as the prime organisation specialising in landslides and formulating effective policies and strategies to effect risk reduction.

Any change in rainfall during the period October to January identified as the autumnal period may be directly attributed to climate change.

LANDSLIDE HAZARD MAPS AND NBRO

TESTING GEOTECHNICAL PROPERTIES OF SOIL

TYPES OF FOUNDATIONS IN BUILDING CONSTRUCTION

There are many types of foundations in building construction .

DEVELOPING BUILDING CODES FOR SRI LANKA

Building

(Ref Building Codes for Resilience <http:www.nbro.gov.lk/index.php?option=com_content&view=a…>

It is interesting to find out about the progress of this Expert Group in identifying and formulating the relevant Building codes covering the entire Island.

CONCLUSIONS

I also briefly described the various foundations and also the initiation of identifying procedures for formulation of appropriate building codes.

RECOMMENDATIONS

(2) The GSMB should also actively get involved to identify landslide prone areas as well as foundation investigations for residencies and buildings.

(3) The NBRO should demarcate safe zones in the High, Medium and Low Risk areas for housing and other buildings including factories for relevant industries by foreign and local investors.

(5) To expedite identification and appropriate building codes for construction in the three areas namely High, Medium and Low Risk areas and legislate such Codes expeditiously.

(6) Include the Ministry of Environment CEA and the GSMB to participate in the Steering Committee for developing building codes for the entire Island.

References

2. Standard penetration test –Wikipedia

3. Developing Building Code for Resilience – NBRO

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Features

Power crept into the Sangha and is now tearing it apart

Published

19 hours ago

2026/06/5

Thilina Walpola

A file photo of Buddhist monks engaged in a protest

For more than a century, Sri Lankan society has lived with a quiet contradiction at the heart of its religious life. On the one hand, the Buddhist monk is revered as the embodiment of moral discipline, selfrestraint, and renunciation. On the other, the modern monk has become a public figure, political actor, administrator, media personality, and in some cases power broker whose influence extends far beyond the temple. This contradiction has been tolerated, even celebrated, for decades. But recent events, most notably a widely publicised case involving a senior monk accused of grave moral misconduct, have forced the country to confront a painful truth: the institutional conditions that make such scandals possible are not new. They are the predictable outcome of a long historical process that H. L. Seneviratne described with remarkable clarity in The Work of Kings. The moral deterioration visible today is not an aberration. It is the culmination of a centurylong transformation in the identity, function, and authority of the Sangha.

To understand how we arrived at this moment, it is necessary to revisit the argument Seneviratne made nearly three decades ago. His thesis was simple but profound: the modern Sri Lankan monkhood has taken on the ‘work of kings.’ By this he meant that monks, instead of confining themselves to the renunciant life prescribed by the Vinaya, have assumed the secular responsibilities once associated with precolonial kingship, such as protecting the religion, organising society, guiding the nation, and enforcing moral order. This shift, he argued, was not a natural evolution of Buddhist tradition but a modern invention shaped by colonialism, nationalism, and the anxieties of a society struggling to redefine itself in the face of foreign domination. The monk became a symbol of national identity, a guardian of cultural authenticity, and a leader in the struggle for political autonomy. In the process, the boundaries that once separated the monastic from the worldly began to dissolve.

Transformation

The consequences of this transformation were not immediately visible. For decades, the activist monk was celebrated as a patriot, a reformer, and a moral guide. His involvement in education, social welfare, and nationalist mobilisation was seen as a necessary response to colonial pressures and missionary competition. But beneath the surface, the foundations of monastic discipline were slowly eroding. The Vinaya, which had served for centuries as a rigorous framework for regulating monastic life, was increasingly overshadowed by the demands of public engagement. The communal structures that once ensured accountability, senior supervision, collective confession, and the daily rhythms of monastic routine, were weakened by the pressures of modernity. Monks who travelled constantly, managed institutions, or lived independently in urban temples found themselves outside the traditional systems of oversight that had long protected the integrity of the Sangha.

Scandal

It is within this historical context that the recent scandal must be understood. The case shocked the nation not only because of the severity of the allegations but because it shattered the public’s assumption that the monkhood remains a bastion of moral purity. Yet the shock itself reveals a collective denial. For years, Sri Lankan society has been aware, sometimes quietly, sometimes openly—of the growing gap between the ideal of the monk and the realities of modern monastic life. Stories of misconduct, financial irregularities, political manipulation, and abuse of authority have circulated with increasing frequency. But each incident has been treated as an isolated failure, a personal weakness, or an unfortunate exception. What has been missing is recognition that these incidents are symptoms of a deeper structural problem.

Seneviratne’s analysis helps illuminate this problem. When monks take on the work of kings, they inevitably enter domains of power that expose them to temptations the Vinaya was designed to avoid. Handling money, managing institutions, cultivating political patrons, and exercising authority over laypeople create opportunities for ego, ambition, and moral compromise. The monk who becomes a public figure is no longer shielded by the anonymity and humility of the renunciant life. Instead, he becomes a celebrity, a leader, and in some cases an object of uncritical devotion. This elevation brings with it a dangerous form of immunity. Laypeople who revere a monk for his public achievements may hesitate to question his behaviour. Politicians who rely on monastic support may protect him from scrutiny. The media, which often treats monks as moral authorities, may be reluctant to investigate allegations that challenge the sanctity of the robe.

The recent scandal illustrates how these dynamics can converge. The monk at the centre of the case was not an obscure figure. He was a respected preacher, charismatic leader, and head of a prominent institution. His public image was built on years of service, teaching, and community engagement. Yet it was precisely this public stature that allowed him to operate without meaningful oversight. The institutional structures around him, administrators, lay supporters, and junior monks, were either unwilling or unable to challenge his authority. The very qualities that made him a respected figure in the eyes of the public also made him untouchable within his own institution. When allegations finally emerged, they revealed not only personal wrongdoing but a systemic failure of accountability.

Failure that is not unique

This failure is not unique to one temple or one monk. It reflects a broader pattern within the modern Sangha. As monastic institutions have grown in size, wealth, and influence, their internal governance has struggled to keep pace. Many temples operate as semiautonomous entities controlled by a single monk or a small group of monks. Financial transparency is limited, administrative oversight is weak, and the mechanisms for addressing misconduct are often informal or ineffective. The traditional structures of monastic discipline, such as the Sangharama procedures for adjudicating offences, are rarely used in modern contexts, partly because they require collective participation and partly because they are illsuited to the complexities of contemporary institutional life. In practice, this means that monks who wield significant authority can act with little fear of internal sanction.

The politicisation of the Sangha has further complicated matters. Since the midtwentieth century, monks have played an increasingly prominent role in electoral politics, nationalist movements, and public policy debates. This involvement has given them access to political networks that can be mobilised to protect their interests. It has also created a culture in which monks are valued not for their adherence to the Vinaya but for their ability to influence public opinion, mobilise voters, or lend moral legitimacy to political causes. In such an environment, the monk who is politically useful may be shielded from criticism, while the monk who adheres strictly to the renunciant ideal may find himself marginalised or ignored.

The result is a profound distortion of monastic identity. The monk who once sought liberation from worldly attachments is now encouraged to cultivate influence, authority, and public recognition. The monk who once lived under the strict supervision of senior elders now operates in a world where independence is celebrated and oversight is minimal. The monk who once relied on laypeople for basic sustenance now controls vast resources, manages institutions, and commands the loyalty of thousands of followers. This inversion of traditional roles has created a fertile ground for moral deterioration.

Yet it would be a mistake to interpret this deterioration as evidence that the Sangha as a whole is corrupt. Many monks continue to live lives of remarkable discipline, humility, and spiritual dedication. In remote forest monasteries, small village temples, and meditation centres across the country, monks quietly uphold the ancient ideals of the renunciant life. They are not the ones who appear on television, lead political rallies, or manage large institutions. Their work is invisible, their influence subtle, and their commitment unwavering. The crisis facing the Sangha today is not a crisis of individual morality but a crisis of institutional identity. It is the product of a centurylong transformation that has blurred the boundaries between the monastic and the secular, the spiritual and the political, the renunciant and the worldly.

If Sri Lanka is to address this crisis, it must begin by acknowledging the structural nature of the problem. The temptation to treat each scandal as an isolated incident must be resisted. Instead, the country must confront the uncomfortable reality that the modern configuration of monastic life is fundamentally at odds with the principles of the Vinaya. The Sangha cannot simultaneously function as a political force, a social service provider, a media institution, and a spiritual community without compromising its integrity. The more monks are drawn into the world, the more vulnerable they become to the moral dangers that the Buddha warned against.

Reform, therefore, must focus not only on punishing individual offenders but on rethinking the institutional structures that enable misconduct. This includes strengthening internal governance, enhancing financial transparency, restoring the authority of senior elders, and reestablishing the communal practices that once ensured accountability. It also requires a broader cultural shift in how laypeople relate to monks. Blind devotion must give way to informed respect. Reverence must be balanced with responsibility. The robe must be honoured, but it must not be used as a shield against scrutiny.

Seneviratne’s work offers a valuable starting point for this rethinking. His analysis reminds us that the crisis facing the Sangha is not the result of moral decline alone but of historical forces that reshaped the identity of the monkhood. By tracing the evolution of the activist monk, he shows how the Sangha became entangled in the political and social structures of the modern nationstate. This entanglement has brought both benefits and dangers. It has allowed monks to play important roles in education, social welfare, and national development. But it has also exposed them to the corrupting influences of power, wealth, and public acclaim.

The challenge now is to disentangle the Sangha from these influences without undermining its ability to serve society. This will not be easy. The activist monk has become deeply embedded in the cultural and political fabric of the country. Many laypeople expect monks to be leaders, reformers, and guardians of national identity. Politicians rely on monastic support to legitimise their agendas. Media institutions depend on monks for content, commentary, and moral authority. Reversing this trend will require a collective effort from monks, laypeople, and political leaders alike.

Ultimately, the future of the Sangha depends on its ability to reclaim the renunciant ideal that lies at the heart of Buddhist monasticism. This does not mean withdrawing from society entirely, but it does mean reestablishing the boundaries that protect the monk from the dangers of worldly involvement. It means recognising that the true strength of the Sangha lies not in its political influence or institutional power but in its moral authority, its spiritual discipline, and its commitment to the path of liberation. The recent scandal, painful as it is, may serve as a catalyst for this reevaluation. It has exposed the vulnerabilities of the modern monastic system and forced the country to confront the consequences of a centurylong transformation.

To understand how the Vihara Devalegam Act relates to the perceived moral deformation of the clergy, it is necessary to examine how property management, state law, and monastic discipline intersect in the modern era. Historically stemming from the Buddhist Temporalities Ordinance No. 19 of 1931, this act serves as the primary legal framework governing the ‘temporalities’—meaning the secular wealth, extensive landholdings, and material donations belonging to Buddhist temples and shrines. While ancient kings granted these vast tracts of land to support the monkhood’s spiritual pursuits, the modern codification of this law has inadvertently fostered a system where property rights frequently supersede spiritual accountability.

The core of the crisis lies in the commercialisation of the monastic order that this legal framework enables. By treating temple lands as economic assets and vesting absolute administrative power in individual chief monks or lay trustees, the act has contributed to the rise of what critics term a monastic middle class. Access to vast, unregulated financial resources, rent from lands, and corporate donations has fundamentally shifted the focus of certain segments of the clergy away from the traditional path of worldly renunciation and spiritual guidance. Instead, it has driven a preoccupation with business investments, the accumulation of private capital, and luxury lifestyles, which deeply alienates a public looking to the Sangha for moral leadership.

The institutional flaws embedded in the Vihara Devalegam Act find a stark, real-world manifestation in the recent criminal case involving Venerable Pallegama Hemarathana Thero. As the chief priest of Anuradhapura and the custodian of the Atamasthana—the eight highly venerated Buddhist shrines, including the sacred Jaya Sri Maha Bodhi—Hemarathana Thero occupied one of the most powerful and wealthy positions within the Sri Lankan Sangha. His arrest on charges of sexual abuse of a minor girl perfectly illustrates how the structural defects of the Act facilitate not only moral decay but also the systemic obstruction of justice.

The core of this intersection lies in the vast, unaccountable wealth generated by the temporalities of the Anuradhapura shrines. Under the Vihara Devalegam Act, the chief custodian exercises immense, virtually unchecked control over temple revenues, state-backed land management, and millions of rupees in daily donations from millions of global pilgrims. It is precisely this immense financial liquidity that enabled the alleged deployment of vast sums of money to the victim’s family.

Furthermore, the situation underscores the profound policy failures cited regarding the helplessness of the monastic hierarchy and state enforcement. When child protection authorities initially attempted to act, the National Child Protection Authority noted severe delays and institutional resistance, stating they practically had to force the police to execute the arrest. The monk’s immediate retreat to a private hospital in Colombo upon the advancement of the criminal probe, followed by his release on bail, mirrors the exact loop described where wealthy monastics deploy high-priced legal defence teams funded directly or indirectly by their institutional positions. Because the Vihara Devalegam Act does not provide a mechanism for the immediate, unconditional forfeiture of temporal administrative rights upon a criminal indictment, the accused retains his structural power throughout the legal process. The Pallegama Thero scandal stands as definitive proof that without a fundamental overhaul of how temple wealth is legally governed and disciplined, the material benefits guaranteed by ancient temporalities will continue to shield the worst elements of moral deformation from the rule of law.

If Sri Lanka can learn from this moment and if it can recognise the structural roots of the crisis and commit to meaningful reform, then the Sangha may yet emerge stronger, more disciplined, and more faithful to its ancient ideals. But if the country continues to treat each scandal as an isolated failure and if it continues to ignore the deeper institutional problems that Seneviratne identified, then the moral deterioration we see today will only deepen. The work of kings, when performed by monks, carries a heavy price. It is time to decide whether that price is worth paying.

by Professor Amarasiri de Silva

Features

Kondachchi wind farm and battery storage project to boost energy security, says Power Ministry Secretary

Published

19 hours ago

2026/06/5

Thilina Walpola

The Power and Energy Ministry’s drive towards energy security and renewable energy expansion received a major boost yesterday with the signing of a tripartite cooperation agreement for the development of the 150 MW Kondachchi Wind Power Project and an integrated Battery Energy Storage System (BESS) in Mannar.

The agreement was signed at the Ministry of Power auditorium under the patronage of Power Minister Anura Karunatilaka and Deputy Power Minister Arkam Ilyas.

Speaking at the event, Ministry Secretary G. M. R. D. Aponsu described the project as a transformative investment that would strengthen the country’s electricity network while supporting Sri Lanka’s transition towards cleaner energy sources.

“The Kondachchi Wind Power Project represents a significant milestone in Sri Lanka’s renewable energy journey. By combining large-scale wind generation with advanced battery energy storage technology, we are creating a more resilient and reliable power system capable of meeting future energy demands while reducing dependence on imported fossil fuels,” Aponsu said.

The project will be developed at Silavathurai in the Kondachchi area of Mannar on lands owned by the Sri Lanka Cashew Corporation. It is expected to utilise some 31 modern wind turbines with a total installed capacity of at least 150 MW.

Aponsu said the inclusion of an integrated battery storage facility would help address the variability associated with wind power generation and ensure stable electricity supply to the national grid.

“The battery energy storage component is a key feature of this project. It will enable the efficient integration of renewable energy into the grid and enhance overall system stability, which is essential as Sri Lanka increases the share of renewables in its energy mix,” he said.

According to the Ministry, the wind farm is expected to generate nearly 525 gigawatt-hours of electricity annually, significantly reducing the country’s expenditure on imported fuel and strengthening national energy security.

The project is also expected to contribute to Sri Lanka’s climate commitments by reducing carbon dioxide emissions by an estimated 372,750 tonnes annually.

“This investment delivers both economic and environmental benefits. It will reduce greenhouse gas emissions, support sustainable development objectives and help Sri Lanka move closer to achieving its renewable energy and climate targets,” Aponsu noted.

The project will be implemented under a Public-Private Partnership (PPP) arrangement using the Build, Own and Operate (BOO) model. The Asian Development Bank is providing technical and financial advisory support through its Transaction Advisory Services programme.

The signing ceremony was attended by Pradeep Perera, Chairman of the National System Operator (Pvt) Ltd., and Takeyo Koike, Head of Market Development and Public-Private Partnership Division of the ADB, among other distinguished guests.

The Ministry said comprehensive Environmental Impact Assessments and avifaunal studies have been undertaken to ensure minimal impacts on bird populations, nearby communities and agricultural lands. A dedicated 220-kilovolt transmission system will also be constructed to connect the project to the national grid.

“The Kondachchi Wind Farm is a strategic national project that will help secure Sri Lanka’s energy future while accelerating the country’s transition towards sustainable and affordable electricity generation,” Aponsu said.

Energy sector experts view the project as one of the most important renewable energy initiatives currently being pursued in Sri Lanka, combining utility-scale wind generation with modern energy storage technology to enhance grid reliability and long-term energy sustainability.

By Ifham Nizam

Features

Saudi Arabia sets new benchmark in Hajj management as 1.7 million pilgrims complete sacred journey

Published

19 hours ago

2026/06/5

Thilina Walpola

Ambassador Al-Kahtani

Interview with Khalid Hamoud Al-Kahtani, Ambassador of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia to Sri Lanka

Saudi Arabia has once again demonstrated its unparalleled capacity to manage one of the world’s largest annual religious gatherings, with this year’s Hajj pilgrimage concluding successfully despite extreme temperatures and the immense logistical challenge of accommodating more than 1.7 million pilgrims from around the world.

In an exclusive interview with The Island, Khalid Hamoud Al-Kahtani, Ambassador of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia to Sri Lanka, described the 2026 Hajj season as a resounding success, crediting the achievement to the visionary leadership of the Custodian of the Two Holy Mosques, His Royal Highness the Crown Prince and Prime Minister, and the coordinated efforts of multiple government agencies working around the clock to serve pilgrims.

The Ambassador noted that nearly 3,500 Sri Lankan pilgrims participated in this year’s Hajj under the quota allocated to Sri Lanka, benefiting from enhanced healthcare services, sophisticated crowd-management systems, expanded shaded areas and cutting-edge digital solutions introduced by the Kingdom.

With Saudi Arabia continuing to invest heavily in infrastructure, technology and pilgrim services under Vision 2030, Ambassador Al-Kahtani said the Kingdom remains committed to ensuring that pilgrims from around the world perform their religious duties in safety, comfort and tranquility.

The Saudi envoy also highlighted the growing partnership between Saudi Arabia and Sri Lanka, emphasising expanding cooperation not only in Hajj affairs but also in trade, investment, education, culture and institutional exchanges.

Following are excerpts of the interview:

Q: How do you assess this year’s Hajj season?

Ambassador Al-Kahtani: This year’s Hajj season was a resounding success, thanks to the Almighty Allah and the integrated efforts of the government of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, led by the Custodian of the Two Holy Mosques and His Royal Highness the Crown Prince and Prime Minister. This success was reflected in the efficiency of crowd management, the quality of services provided to the Hajj pilgrims and the effective coordination among the various relevant authorities, which enabled pilgrims to perform their rituals in an atmosphere of security, tranquility and ease.

Q: How many Sri Lankan pilgrims performed Hajj this year?

Ambassador Al-Kahtani: The number of Hajj pilgrims from the Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka reached approximately 3,500, within the quota allocated to Sri Lanka for this season.

Q: Are there any discussions regarding increasing Sri Lanka’s quota in the future?

Ambassador Al-Kahtani:Hajj quotas are determined according to approved regulatory mechanisms that take into account a range of considerations. The relevant authorities in the Kingdom continue to study various aspects related to developing Hajj services and accommodating the allocated numbers for all countries, in coordination with the concerned parties.

Q: What were the most prominent special arrangements implemented this year?

Ambassador Al-Kahtani: The operational plans for this season focused on enhancing the safety and comfort of the Hajj pilgrims, especially given the climatic conditions and high temperatures. Measures included expanding shaded areas, increasing water distribution points and enhancing health and ambulance services, in addition to developing the transportation system and traffic management within the holy sites.

Q: What are the most prominent digital systems and smart services that were provided?

Ambassador Al-Kahtani:The Kingdom continues to implement its digital transformation objectives for the Hajj and Umrah system. The scope of electronic services offered through the Nusuk platform and application has been expanded, along with the development of digital systems for issuing permits, managing crowds, guidance and health services. This contributes to increasing the efficiency of services and improving the pilgrim’s experience at all stages of their journey.

Q: How were the challenges of overcrowding and heat addressed?

Ambassador Al-Kahtani: The relevant authorities adopted an integrated crowd-management system based on modern technologies and real-time data analysis. This was coupled with intensified health-awareness campaigns, expanded organised movement routes and increased deployment of field, medical and emergency teams. These measures support the safety of the Hajj pilgrims and reduce the risks associated with crowd density and climatic conditions.

Q: Were there special services for the elderly and sick?

Ambassador Al-Kahtani: Yes. The Kingdom paid special attention to the elderly and people with special health needs by providing specialized medical services, assistive transportation and facilities equipped to meet their needs, in addition to field teams working to provide humanitarian support and necessary healthcare throughout the Hajj period.

Q: How successful was the Kingdom in combating irregular Hajj permits?

Ambassador Al-Kahtani: The relevant authorities in the Kingdom continued to rigorously implement the regulations and instructions governing Hajj, utilising modern technologies and advanced monitoring procedures to reduce violations related to irregular Hajj. These efforts contributed to enhancing the safety of pilgrims, improving crowd-management efficiency and maintaining the smooth flow of movement within the holy sites.

Q: How would you describe Saudi-Sri Lankan cooperation in organising Hajj?

Ambassador Al-Kahtani: Cooperation between the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and the Republic of Sri Lanka is characterised by continuous and constructive coordination in all matters related to Hajj. The relevant authorities in both countries work jointly to ensure the provision of the best services for Sri Lankan pilgrims and enable them to perform their rituals with ease and peace of mind.

Q: How many Hajj pilgrims were there globally, and what were the main challenges?

Ambassador Al-Kahtani: According to official statistics, the number of Hajj pilgrims this year reached 1,707,301 from various countries around the world. The main challenges included managing large crowds, ensuring public safety and providing health, transportation and accommodation services within a specific geographical and temporal scope. These challenges were addressed through advanced and integrated operational plans, which contributed to the smooth and successful completion of the Hajj season.

Q: Are there any future expansion projects?

Ambassador Al-Kahtani: The Kingdom continues to implement strategic development projects within the framework of Vision 2030, including developing the infrastructure in Makkah and the Holy Sites, and enhancing transportation networks and smart services. This contributes to raising the quality of services provided to pilgrims and Umrah performers and improving their long-term experience.

Q: How are Saudi-Sri Lankan relations strengthened outside the context of Hajj?

Ambassador Al-Kahtani: Relations between the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and the Republic of Sri Lanka are witnessing continuous development in many areas, including political, economic, trade, cultural and educational cooperation, in addition to developing exchanges between institutions and the private sector. This reflects the two countries’ keenness to strengthen the bilateral partnership and achieve common interests.

Q: What message would you like to convey to Sri Lankan Muslims?

Ambassador Al-Kahtani: We extend our sincere congratulations to the Hajj pilgrims who have completed their Hajj rituals, and we ask Almighty Allah to accept their pilgrimage. We also assure Muslims in Sri Lanka that the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia places serving the Two Holy Mosques and the guests of Almighty Allah at the forefront of its priorities and continues to develop the Hajj and Umrah system to achieve the highest standards of quality and safety.

By Ifham Nizam