Features
Parliamentary fantasy and ground reality
The Wickremesinghe Presidency
by Anura Gunasekera
July 20, 2022, will go down in Sri Lanka’s history as a day of a political miracle, possible only in Sri Lanka.
Ranil Wickremesinghe, the man who lost in his own seat in the 2020 General Election, securing less than 3% of the ballot, was levered into Parliament, in June 2021, through the national list, to the single seat available in the house for his party, the UNP. On 12 May, 2022, through a questionably opaque political gambit, he is appointed Prime Minister by then President, Gotabaya Rajapaksa. On 9th July, his personal residence is reduced to rubble by an enraged mob, demanding his resignation. On 15th July, consequent to GR’s abdication, the man who received a paltry 30,000 votes in his own electoral district, replaces the man who was driven out of the country, despite being elected with an overwhelming national mandate of 6.9 million. On 20th July, beating all-known odds, and in defiance of all predictions, he is elected President by a huge majority in Parliament, in a house in which he was the sole representative of the once mighty United National Party.
Despite being elected Prime Minister, on six occasions, he was never able to complete a term. However, since the beginning of his career, in spite of being reviled, ridiculed and periodically defeated and sidelined, he has, somehow, survived the perilous journey through the political minefield of Sri Lanka. As the leader of the UNP, he presided over the rapid disintegration of his own party, towards which he made a significant contribution. But, today, he is the elected leader of the country, ironically, enthusiastically sponsored by the very members of the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP) which, in August 2020, consigned him to political oblivion. For decades a frequent starter but never a finisher, he has finally clambered to the top; discarded by the nation but recalled by a group, themselves rejected by the same nation.
It is equally ironic that the Aragalaya, committed to overturning a system which includes leaders of RW’s ilk, finally, unwittingly, created the very conditions which enabled RW’s resurrection and elevation to the highest office, after all other legitimate means had failed him. In a sense, although the Aragalists would despise the symbolism, RW has become the illegitimate offspring of their struggle. It also appears that the constitution of Sri Lanka, purported to enshrine the sovereignty of the people, facilitates and validates this travesty of what one might call natural justice and both the will and wish of the people.
Why was a relative nonentity, like Dulles, until very recently a Rajapaksa faithful, chosen to oppose RW? The most obvious answer would be that Sajith Premadasa, faced with a second career challenge within weeks, again showed no stomach for the fight. In this situation the most obvious candidate to oppose RW would have been the Leader of the Opposition. Under the circumstances, one would have naturally expected Sajith to heed the call of the nation, and on its behalf carry that fight into Parliament, instead of placing a stooge on the firing line. Hirunika Premachandra, a woman with no place in Parliament, has done more on behalf of the people in the street itself, in the last couple of months, than what Sajith has done in Parliament since August 2020.
An analysis of the voting pattern, on behalf of Dulles, clearly indicates that I mentioned this in a previous writing (The Island – 17/07/22) and shall say it again; Sajith needs to replace rhetoric with action; he pales in comparison with previous leaders of the Opposition, and does not merit mention in the same breath with his late father, Ranasinghe Premadasa, who was unflinchingly resolute in adversity.
Sajith has not been able to muster total SJB support on behalf of his nominee, and nor has he been able to ensure the full support of the minor parties. Under these circumstances, obviously, the leadership of both the SJB and the combined opposition needs review. I mentioned this in a previous writing (The Island – 17/07/22) and shall say it again; Sajith needs to replace rhetoric with action; he pales in comparison with previous leaders of the Opposition, and does not merit mention in the same breath with his late father, Ranasinghe Premadasa, who was unflinchingly resolute in adversity.
For the last several months ordinary people, such as students, daily-wage earners, housewives, three-wheeler drivers have been doing the job of the Opposition, in cities and towns all over the island. Since it is clear that Sajith is unable to complement that dynamism with political leadership, it is fitting that he hands over the reins to another. Had he contested RW and lost, he would have still have been able to regain the credibility he lost by his reluctance to accept the premiership, when it was on offer earlier. It cannot be lost on him either, that had he seized that opportunity, he may have been the President elect today. The perfect landing strip that he yearns for does not exist in real-time politics. The RW-Pohottuwa vanguard needs to be countered with a robust, combined Opposition of all the other parties, led by a politician with durable moral fibre; Sajith, with his clear lack of resolve, has proved that he is no longer a choice.
The parliamentary majority that the Dulles faction claimed, clearly on assurances given prior to the actual election, evaporated overnight and, predictably, the house of ill-fame at Diyawanna produced a skewed result. The procurers, courtesans and their patrons – all appointed by the people – conspired to deliver an outcome, which has once again inflamed public sentiment, temporarily soothed by Gota’s eviction. Vote-buying on the promise of a range of rewards, as alleged widely – not an uncommon reality in Sri Lankan politics – may have resulted in a Presidency auction instead of an election.
RW’s first major command decision, unleashing the dogs of war on the Aragalists at the Presidential Secretariat, pre-empting a possible peaceful vacation of the premises, has drawn justifiable condemnation, both locally and internationally. The Aragalaya itself appears to have changed in both complexion and composition. Ordinary citizens of all social and economic classes have withdrawn and the Aragalaya is now represented by more militant, professional agitators, seemingly drawn largely from the Frontline Socialist Party and the Inter-University Federation, with some assistance from habitual malcontents who occupy the fringe of all strife, irrespective of political belief.
A manifesto, allegedly representing the Aragalaya vision for future governance, is being circulated widely in social media. To me, it is an unhealthy and impractical blend of reason and un-reason, laced with a few “Pol-Potish” elements, which would create a clear sense of unease in any citizen with a democratic and liberal mindset. If the Aragalaya is to challenge the RW regime, as it should, it must also evolve a practical post-Aragalaya agenda, with which the majority can engage without apprehension.
The current political reality is that RW is president, as powerful as the deposed tyrant, Gotabhaya. The Pohottuwa would have endorsed his candidacy, only on certain assurances which would enable its members to continue as before. Despite the eviction of a Rajapaksa president, the ground reality is still a Rajapaksa dispensation with a “neo-liberal leader”, which, from the first day itself, promises to be more repressive than its predecessor. The cancer has not been excised whilst the cabinet appointments of a convict, Prasanna Ranatunga, the discredited Keheliya Rambukwella and Bandula Gunawardena suggest that issues such as personal integrity and credibility did not feature significantly in the selection criteria.
Every time the law-makers assemble, the Diyawanna house becomes a garrison. Massive metal barricades manned by heavily armed troops need to be in place, before our representatives feel safe enough to attend to the business of governance. Therefore, it is clear that the law-makers themselves have accepted their illegitimacy in the eyes of the people. No democratic government can cower permanently behind a military shield, and pretend to represent the people. Eventually, those fortifications will be breached by an enraged nation, despite the possibility of real bullets replacing tear gas and water cannon.
The only possible solution to this impasse is a general election, as soon as that becomes practically possible. It should be held as soon as the current shortages have been eased and stability introduced to the financial system, and no later than six months down the line. RW should make haste to announce a date to a nation, totally disenchanted with the current governance. The people must be allowed to make their choices. Perhaps, if the lessons of recent history have not been forgotten by then, our electors will cast aside racial, religious and caste bigotry, irrational political affiliations, and vote with wisdom, rationality and selectivity.
Our nation needs to understand that the ongoing social and economic implosion, was not entirely the result of the Gotabhaya presidency. His disastrously stupid decisions supplied the ingredients for critical mass, but the fault lines opened with the first independent governance of Sri Lanka, with successive governments cementing the concept of social justice, through the primacy of Sinhala nationalism. Language policy, disenfranchisement of plantation Tamils, the standardization of marks for university admission, the State-endorsed persecution of minorities, the ennobling of Buddhism and the demonization of other faiths, have entrenched in the psyche of a largely Sinhala-Buddhist nation, the notion that the primary concern of the State must be its Sinhala-Buddhist polity.
Unsustainable food subsidies, easy working hours and tolerance of low productivity in government service, political patronage for employment, a bloated and undisciplined public service with assured terminal benefits and the immense corruption and waste within the State machine- reinforced by a lack of accountability – have for long been an unendurable drain on State resources. Similarly, State patronage of enormous, loss-making enterprises (e. g., Sri Lankan Airlines) a ridiculously large standing army ( increased by about 25% since the end of the war in 2009), with a peace-time budget much greater than the allocation for education, a richly entitled legislature at both national and regional level, combine to contribute to unsustainable outgoings; a guaranteed fertilizer subsidy is a disincentive for farmers to increase land productivity. Also a word to unemployed graduates; the State provides you with an education but is not obliged to provide you with sinecure employment of your choice. You need to work at becoming employable and learn to accept what is available.
There is much, much more to the above but the nation as a whole, needs to understand the complexity of the problem Sri lanka is currently faced with, and acknowledge its witting and unwitting contribution to many of its features. Hand-outs from neighbouring nations and a bail-out from the IMF will only provide temporary relief. Changes of government will make but little difference. Salvation and long-term stability will be possible, only when we recognize and remedy the root causes ourselves. If the people take the initiative, as the “Araglaya” has convincingly demonstrated, the politicians will be compelled to follow suit.
Features
Ranking public services with AI — A roadmap to reviving institutions like SriLankan Airlines
Efficacy measures an organisation’s capacity to achieve its mission and intended outcomes under planned or optimal conditions. It differs from efficiency, which focuses on achieving objectives with minimal resources, and effectiveness, which evaluates results in real-world conditions. Today, modern AI tools, using publicly available data, enable objective assessment of the efficacy of Sri Lanka’s government institutions.
Among key public bodies, the Supreme Court of Sri Lanka emerges as the most efficacious, outperforming the Department of Inland Revenue, Sri Lanka Customs, the Election Commission, and Parliament. In the financial and regulatory sector, the Central Bank of Sri Lanka (CBSL) ranks highest, ahead of the Securities and Exchange Commission, the Public Utilities Commission, the Telecommunications Regulatory Commission, the Insurance Regulatory Commission, and the Sri Lanka Standards Institution.
Among state-owned enterprises, the Sri Lanka Ports Authority (SLPA) leads in efficacy, followed by Bank of Ceylon and People’s Bank. Other institutions assessed included the State Pharmaceuticals Corporation, the National Water Supply and Drainage Board, the Ceylon Electricity Board, the Ceylon Petroleum Corporation, and the Sri Lanka Transport Board. At the lower end of the spectrum were Lanka Sathosa and Sri Lankan Airlines, highlighting a critical challenge for the national economy.
Sri Lankan Airlines, consistently ranked at the bottom, has long been a financial drain. Despite successive governments’ reform attempts, sustainable solutions remain elusive.
Globally, the most profitable airlines operate as highly integrated, technology-enabled ecosystems rather than as fragmented departments. Operations, finance, fleet management, route planning, engineering, marketing, and customer service are closely coordinated, sharing real-time data to maximise efficiency, safety, and profitability.
The challenge for Sri Lankan Airlines is structural. Its operations are fragmented, overly hierarchical, and poorly aligned. Simply replacing the CEO or senior leadership will not address these deep-seated weaknesses. What the airline needs is a cohesive, integrated organisational ecosystem that leverages technology for cross-functional planning and real-time decision-making.
The government must urgently consider restructuring Sri Lankan Airlines to encourage:
=Joint planning across operational divisions
=Data-driven, evidence-based decision-making
=Continuous cross-functional consultation
=Collaborative strategic decisions on route rationalisation, fleet renewal, partnerships, and cost management, rather than exclusive top-down mandates
Sustainable reform requires systemic change. Without modernised organisational structures, stronger accountability, and aligned incentives across divisions, financial recovery will remain out of reach. An integrated, performance-oriented model offers the most realistic path to operational efficiency and long-term viability.
Reforming loss-making institutions like Sri Lankan Airlines is not merely a matter of leadership change — it is a structural overhaul essential to ensuring these entities contribute productively to the national economy rather than remain perpetual burdens.
By Chula Goonasekera – Citizen Analyst
Features
Why Pi Day?
International Day of Mathematics falls tomorrow
The approximate value of Pi (π) is 3.14 in mathematics. Therefore, the day 14 March is celebrated as the Pi Day. In 2019, UNESCO proclaimed 14 March as the International Day of Mathematics.
Ancient Babylonians and Egyptians figured out that the circumference of a circle is slightly more than three times its diameter. But they could not come up with an exact value for this ratio although they knew that it is a constant. This constant was later named as π which is a letter in the Greek alphabet.
It was the Greek mathematician Archimedes (250 BC) who was able to find an upper bound and a lower bound for this constant. He drew a circle of diameter one unit and drew hexagons inside and outside the circle such that the sides of each hexagon touch the sides of the circle. In mathematics the circle passing through all vertices of a polygon is called a ‘circumcircle’ and the largest circle that fits inside a polygon tangent to all its sides is called an ‘incircle’. The total length of the smaller hexagon then becomes the lower bound of π and the length of the hexagon outside the circle is the upper bound. He realised that by increasing the number of sides of the polygon can make the bounds get closer to the value of Pi and increased the number of sides to 12,24,48 and 60. He argued that by increasing the number of sides will ultimately result in obtaining the original circle, thereby laying the foundation for the theory of limits. He ended up with the lower bound as 22/7 and the upper bound 223/71. He could not continue his research as his hometown Syracuse was invaded by Romans and was killed by one of the soldiers. His last words were ‘do not disturb my circles’, perhaps a reference to his continuing efforts to find the value of π to a greater accuracy.
Archimedes can be considered as the father of geometry. His contributions revolutionised geometry and his methods anticipated integral calculus. He invented the pulley and the hydraulic screw for drawing water from a well. He also discovered the law of hydrostatics. He formulated the law of levers which states that a smaller weight placed farther from a pivot can balance a much heavier weight closer to it. He famously said “Give me a lever long enough and a place to stand and I will move the earth”.
Mathematicians have found many expressions for π as a sum of infinite series that converge to its value. One such famous series is the Leibniz Series found in 1674 by the German mathematician Gottfried Leibniz, which is given below.
π = 4 ( 1 – 1/3 + 1/5 – 1/7 + 1/9 – ………….)
The Indian mathematical genius Ramanujan came up with a magnificent formula in 1910. The short form of the formula is as follows.
π = 9801/(1103 √8)
For practical applications an approximation is sufficient. Even NASA uses only the approximation 3.141592653589793 for its interplanetary navigation calculations.
It is not just an interesting and curious number. It is used for calculations in navigation, encryption, space exploration, video game development and even in medicine. As π is fundamental to spherical geometry, it is at the heart of positioning systems in GPS navigations. It also contributes significantly to cybersecurity. As it is an irrational number it is an excellent foundation for generating randomness required in encryption and securing communications. In the medical field, it helps to calculate blood flow rates and pressure differentials. In diagnostic tools such as CT scans and MRI, pi is an important component in mathematical algorithms and signal processing techniques.
This elegant, never-ending number demonstrates how mathematics transforms into practical applications that shape our world. The possibilities of what it can do are infinite as the number itself. It has become a symbol of beauty and complexity in mathematics. “It matters little who first arrives at an idea, rather what is significant is how far that idea can go.” said Sophie Germain.
Mathematics fans are intrigued by this irrational number and attempt to calculate it as far as they can. In March 2022, Emma Haruka Iwao of Japan calculated it to 100 trillion decimal places in Google Cloud. It had taken 157 days. The Guinness World Record for reciting the number from memory is held by Rajveer Meena of India for 70000 decimal places over 10 hours.
Happy Pi Day!
The author is a senior examiner of the International Baccalaureate in the UK and an educational consultant at the Overseas School of Colombo.
by R N A de Silva
Features
Sheer rise of Realpolitik making the world see the brink
The recent humanly costly torpedoing of an Iranian naval vessel in Sri Lanka’s Exclusive Economic Zone by a US submarine has raised a number of issues of great importance to international political discourse and law that call for elucidation. It is best that enlightened commentary is brought to bear in such discussions because at present misleading and uninformed speculation on questions arising from the incident are being aired by particularly jingoistic politicians of Sri Lanka’s South which could prove deleterious.
As matters stand, there seems to be no credible evidence that the Indian state was aware of the impending torpedoing of the Iranian vessel but these acerbic-tongued politicians of Sri Lanka’s South would have the local public believe that the tragedy was triggered with India’s connivance. Likewise, India is accused of ‘embroiling’ Sri Lanka in the incident on account of seemingly having prior knowledge of it and not warning Sri Lanka about the impending disaster.
It is plain that a process is once again afoot to raise anti-India hysteria in Sri Lanka. An obligation is cast on the Sri Lankan government to ensure that incendiary speculation of the above kind is defeated and India-Sri Lanka relations are prevented from being in any way harmed. Proactive measures are needed by the Sri Lankan government and well meaning quarters to ensure that public discourse in such matters have a factual and rational basis. ‘Knowledge gaps’ could prove hazardous.
Meanwhile, there could be no doubt that Sri Lanka’s sovereignty was violated by the US because the sinking of the Iranian vessel took place in Sri Lanka’s Exclusive Economic Zone. While there is no international decrying of the incident, and this is to be regretted, Sri Lanka’s helplessness and small player status would enable the US to ‘get away with it’.
Could anything be done by the international community to hold the US to account over the act of lawlessness in question? None is the answer at present. This is because in the current ‘Global Disorder’ major powers could commit the gravest international irregularities with impunity. As the threadbare cliché declares, ‘Might is Right’….. or so it seems.
Unfortunately, the UN could only merely verbally denounce any violations of International Law by the world’s foremost powers. It cannot use countervailing force against violators of the law, for example, on account of the divided nature of the UN Security Council, whose permanent members have shown incapability of seeing eye-to-eye on grave matters relating to International Law and order over the decades.
The foregoing considerations could force the conclusion on uncritical sections that Political Realism or Realpolitik has won out in the end. A basic premise of the school of thought known as Political Realism is that power or force wielded by states and international actors determine the shape, direction and substance of international relations. This school stands in marked contrast to political idealists who essentially proclaim that moral norms and values determine the nature of local and international politics.
While, British political scientist Thomas Hobbes, for instance, was a proponent of Political Realism, political idealism has its roots in the teachings of Socrates, Plato and latterly Friedrich Hegel of Germany, to name just few such notables.
On the face of it, therefore, there is no getting way from the conclusion that coercive force is the deciding factor in international politics. If this were not so, US President Donald Trump in collaboration with Israeli Rightist Premier Benjamin Natanyahu could not have wielded the ‘big stick’, so to speak, on Iran, killed its Supreme Head of State, terrorized the Iranian public and gone ‘scot-free’. That is, currently, the US’ impunity seems to be limitless.
Moreover, the evidence is that the Western bloc is reuniting in the face of Iran’s threats to stymie the flow of oil from West Asia to the rest of the world. The recent G7 summit witnessed a coming together of the foremost powers of the global North to ensure that the West does not suffer grave negative consequences from any future blocking of western oil supplies.
Meanwhile, Israel is having a ‘free run’ of the Middle East, so to speak, picking out perceived adversarial powers, such as Lebanon, and militarily neutralizing them; once again with impunity. On the other hand, Iran has been bringing under assault, with no questions asked, Gulf states that are seen as allying with the US and Israel. West Asia is facing a compounded crisis and International Law seems to be helplessly silent.
Wittingly or unwittingly, matters at the heart of International Law and peace are being obfuscated by some pro-Trump administration commentators meanwhile. For example, retired US Navy Captain Brent Sadler has cited Article 51 of the UN Charter, which provides for the right to self or collective self-defence of UN member states in the face of armed attacks, as justifying the US sinking of the Iranian vessel (See page 2 of The Island of March 10, 2026). But the Article makes it clear that such measures could be resorted to by UN members only ‘ if an armed attack occurs’ against them and under no other circumstances. But no such thing happened in the incident in question and the US acted under a sheer threat perception.
Clearly, the US has violated the Article through its action and has once again demonstrated its tendency to arbitrarily use military might. The general drift of Sadler’s thinking is that in the face of pressing national priorities, obligations of a state under International Law could be side-stepped. This is a sure recipe for international anarchy because in such a policy environment states could pursue their national interests, irrespective of their merits, disregarding in the process their obligations towards the international community.
Moreover, Article 51 repeatedly reiterates the authority of the UN Security Council and the obligation of those states that act in self-defence to report to the Council and be guided by it. Sadler, therefore, could be said to have cited the Article very selectively, whereas, right along member states’ commitments to the UNSC are stressed.
However, it is beyond doubt that international anarchy has strengthened its grip over the world. While the US set destabilizing precedents after the crumbling of the Cold War that paved the way for the current anarchic situation, Russia further aggravated these degenerative trends through its invasion of Ukraine. Stepping back from anarchy has thus emerged as the prime challenge for the world community.
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