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Understanding People Power and GotaGoGama!

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By Austin Fernando

As a state officer, I had a ringside view of several uprisings in Sri Lanka. The worst was the LTTE conflict. One may call these uprisings, struggles, insurgencies, terrorism, militancy, etc. Economics was the main driver of all of them. The same is true of the current struggle as well.

One common factor in all these uprisings was that all of them were led by the youth. The first and second JVP ‘insurgencies’ were led by Rohana Wijeweera himself; the other armed conflict was led by Velupillai Prabhakaran, who was young when it commenced.

Another common factor was that all these events were marred by violence by the parties thereto. In 1971, the Sirimavo Bandaranaike government secured limited foreign assistance (air/ military) in handling the uprising. Later, all governments enlisted international support to procure arms and ammunition, gather intelligence, and safeguard Sri Lanka’s interests at international fora.

Another commonality was the extensive killings by both parties and the devastation of properties, state assets, disappearances, and a large number of deaths that went unaccounted for.

The three previous struggles were not ethnically inclusive while the current one shows ethnic and religious inclusivity.

The involvement of expatriate Sri Lankans in previous uprisings was only through the Tamil Diaspora on behalf of the LTTE. But the current struggle has driven thousands of Sri Lankans to protest in foreign capitals, irrespective of their ethno-religious differences. Their common demand has been the removal of those in power here, the hashtag being ‘Gota Go Home!

GotaGoHome Uprising

I have highlighted the foregoing because we have a youth-led peaceful protest movement in Sri Lanka. The uprising commenced with consumer resistance at filling stations, gas sales outlets, cooperative shops, etc., later leading to evening vigils, and protests at workplaces and then at GotaGoGama.

Until GotaGoGama happened People Power had been thought to be spontaneous. Now, we find elders, academics, media persons, artistes, trade unionists, war heroes, undergraduates, and many others joining the protest.

Although previous struggles were violent, the GotaGoGama clamour is for a non-violent change of political leadership, the elimination of nepotism and corruption, constitutional reforms, and the introduction of progressive legislation/institutions and engaging foreign expertise.

The GotaGoGama protesters should not misunderstand that politicians will give up power without a ‘struggle’ to safeguard their interests.

Since the uprising is nonviolent, the demanded change should happen without violence. We have seen the youth acting with restraint despite being provoked by some members of the Police, but the question is how long both sides would remain calm.

Nonnegotiables

There are four non-negotiables according to the GoGotaGamians:

(1) Gotabaya Rajapaksa should leave office;

(2) The Rajapaksa clan should be removed from the government;

(3) The 20th Amendment must be repealed and an upgraded version of19th Amendment brought in as the 21st Amendment, and

(4) All stolen national assets should be traced and returned while the culprits are punished severely.

The first demand is supported by most enlightened Sri Lankans as it is clear to everyone that the economic collapse is due to the wrong economic decisions of the President and the government. However, constitutionally vacating the presidency could happen under Article 38 due to death, resignation, the holder of the presidency ceasing to be a citizen of Sri Lanka, and impeachment. The legal difficulties should be understood, especially by non-violent GotaGoGamians.

Nevertheless, the presidential immunity is invoked where item four (corruption) is concerned, and thus there is a strong case for the ouster of the President immediately because presidential immunity blocks potential prosecution.

The second demand pertains to nepotism, and the youth do not subscribe to the usual explanation given by pro-government spokespersons, as it is consequentially tagged to the electoral victories of the Rajapaksas. Such explanations are due to a misunderstanding of the GotaGoGama demands. Protesters are also denouncing appointments to key positions, made on the basis of kinship.

The third demand is the concentration of power (through the 20th Amendment) in one individual. This has become particularly problematic as the President lacks political experience. Inexperience made him take ill-advised, uninformed decisions and thereby plunge the country into economic misery, provoking social unrest. He has owned up to his mistakes and his admission has strengthened the position of his critics that he has to give up the presidency urgently.

The fourth demand is backed by many social and formal media revelations which have not been countered satisfactorily. Government politicians and their cronies have callously demanded critics pursue legal action to prove allegations of corruption. Since there are time-tested international institutions (World Bank StAR, UN Convention Against Corruption, UN Office on Drugs and Crimes, etc.,) and other mechanisms to probe these allegations, it is obvious that the alleged culprits have misunderstood reality.

Additionally, it is claimed in some quarters that corruption cases against government politicians have collapsed, and therefore there is no point in prosecuting them. They allege that government influence on the legal system will help key politicians cover up their tracks. It shows the understanding of ground realities by GotaGoGamians.

Attempted civilian interventions

A group of retired public servants, civil society activists, and professionals recently discussed how to resolve the complex issues and had some fruitful discussions with the GoGotaGama protesters, mostly via Zoom.

Non-negotiables and intransigence are common in conflict resolution. I experienced them when we negotiated peace with the LTTE, which was powerful at the time but opted to enter into negotiations. It is therefore advisable for the GotaGoGamians to identify a team of negotiators. Even the ruthless terrorists chose to be flexible and the question is why a group of peaceful young protesters cannot do so.

The protesters’ insistence that there is no need for negotiations may be taken as their position that everything should happen as they wish. The GotaGoGamians should understand that the basic law is supreme. Or, one may interpret intransigence as an attempt to explore other means by them, and this may provoke the government into adopting other means, which may be disastrous nationally and internationally, politically and economically.

It is not advisable to disregard laws. The best example is the appointment by President Maithripala Sirisena of Mahinda Rajapaksa as the Prime Minister on 26 Oct. 2018, and the shock he received in the form of a Supreme Court ruling.

I recall that the LTTE during negotiations with us made certain demands with no respect for the Constitution, or the Ceasefire Agreement, knowing well that the government would not agree. Hence, I wish the GotaGoGamians would change their stance and select some efficient, effective negotiators.

If a stalemate occurs after their demands are partially granted—as in the case of Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapaksa stepping down—they could change their strategy, within limits. I am reminded of the advice by the President of the Bar Association of Sri Lanka, Saliya Pieris, PC regarding the need to adhere to the Constitution of Sri Lanka. I recollect that one of the GotaGoGama Zoom interlocutors stressed the need to be constitutionalist; I hope all protesters share this positive approach.

Arguing for the government

We come across critics who ask why political reforms such as the vacation of the presidency are required when the issue is economic. This argument amounts to a misrepresentation of facts. Others point out that excessive constitutional power is misused (e. g. (1) whitewashing the sugar duty concessions granted to ‘friends of the President’ to the tune of nearly Rs. 16 billion, by debilitating the parliamentary watchdog committee through prorogation, and, (2) not following action on the shady deal despite recommendations made by the Auditor General (March 2022) in his special report, (3) disastrous ban on agrochemicals (4) excessive tax concessions granted in 2019). Critics argue that if the President is allowed to remain in office and make some more disastrous arbitrary decisions, the country will be done for.

Some of those who argue on behalf of the government ask what will happen to the country if both the Prime Minister and the President leave office. They say the Opposition has not disclosed how it will deal with such an eventuality. Indeed, the Opposition without state power has not divulged an action plan, but it is much worse when the government with all state power cannot spell out how it proposes to solve the existing problems.

The government wavered until the change of the Central Bank Governor and the Finance Ministry Secretary and tried to cover up the mess it had caused as regards foreign reserves, exchange rates, gold reserves, duty waivers, etc. It is clear that they have been without any action plan, and will not have one in the future as well. This bolsters the argument for their ouster.

‘Leaderless’ uprising

Once we met some GotaGoGamian youth informally though we were uncertain of their real role identities. That meeting and the Zoom discussions made us understand that there was no single leader for the uprising. There were some persons leading different protests and they seem to believe that leaders will emerge as time lapses.

Although the leadership of the protest movement did not emerge for the first two weeks or so, it emerged after a new face claiming “hash-tag ownership” appeared. This created a sort of dispute among the GotaGoGamians and received wide publicity on social media. It must be noted that such disputes will weaken the movement, and the government will certainly benefit from them. The GotaGoGamians should not undervalue unity.

Some political critics thought that a leadership council might be preferable, but the youth might have considered the disadvantages, especially for the personal safety of those on the leadership council. They may have even considered it as a ploy to create disunity among them. Some questioned whether the movement was disintegrating, a claim which was dismissed by social media activists supportive of the uprising as emanating from the prophets of gloom.

Concurrently, the government seemed clueless about responding to the uprising. The easiest way for it was to use military force, which would however have jeopardised the ongoing efforts to secure IMF and international support.

The Rambukkana incident may have been an instance where the government tested the water, but the united front that lawyers et al presented, and the protests that erupted, condemning police brutality, put paid to the government’s efforts.

At GotaGoGama, there was not much military or police presence. It was something positive since the force to crush the GotaGoGama agitation would have led to protests emerging in all parts of the country.

Since the protesting youth declared that they had no political affiliations, and no political parties were participating in their agitations officially, labels cannot be stuck on them. It cannot however be denied that infiltration has not taken place; there may be intelligence cadres and political proxies mingling with protesters. Some persons have been caught and exposed as Presidential Secretariat workers, according to social media reports.

The government may be thinking that the uprising will die down with the passage of time when leadership issues emerge; supplies become scarce, and public interest dwindles.

The youth may be cashing in on competing political interests within the government and among opposition groups, efforts being made to appease the IMF, participation of society leaders, academics, artistes, professionals, and business magnates, trade unions, etc., in their protest. They may also have expected the general strike to continue for a few days, crippling the government. The one-day work stoppage by 1,000 trade unions has proved how a strike could effectively affect communities.

Under these circumstances, GotaGoGama may be expecting the resignation of the Prime Minister first, (even before the strike on 06 May ends!), followed by that of the President. Up to date, their prayers have not been answered.

However, the President has not been able to visit his office for weeks and if the strike stops the government from functioning, it would mean that the Executive President is toothless, and I do not think President Rajapaksa will be able to come to terms with it.

It will be difficult for the government to give in, but what alternatives are available other than to give up power?

Reverberation

I am reminded of 05 of July 2018, when I left the Presidential Secretariat for good. That day, addressing my officials, I said:

“There is no inherent power in power. If there were an inherent power in power, you could not oust those with power. The true power of power- whether it is personal, professional, or political- comes with your ability to give up that power. The strength that the renouncement of power gives you is unmatched by any other force. The Buddha taught us this lesson 2500 years ago. It is something important that public servants and politicians alike should reflect on.”

I believe that I have not misunderstood power. Nevertheless, these words reverberate in my mind. If these words could echo in the Secretariat from where I made the speech, it may enlighten those who hear them.

Concluding remarks

Let the power games of the politicians and the people be settled without misunderstandings or bloodshed. My Sri Lankan brethren do not deserve such a disaster in these difficult times, simply because politicians cannot renounce power, and Opposition politicians remain undecided. All of them from the President, the Prime Minister, and all parliamentarians (except a handful) probably think People’s power is secondary to political power. This is a huge mistake.

No wonder People Power is gaining momentum, and I hope that it leads to sustainable great results. Let’s keep our fingers crossed.



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Opinion

Homer’s Odyssey

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Odysseus

An archetypal journey of life towards self-discovery

By Dr Siri Galhenage,
Psychiatrist [Retd]

The Odyssey is a narrative poem by Homer, the revered Greek poet of antiquity. Along with its forerunner, The Iliad, it is regarded as one of the foundational works of Western Literature. Both epics were transmitted for generations through the oral tradition by travelling bards before being committed to writing several centuries later. In 2026, it has received a major cinematic adaptation, and is currently being screened in theatres around the world. Written and directed by Christopher Nolan, the movie has a renowned ensemble cast including Matt Damon and Anne Hathaway, and is expected to top the charts this year.

The enduring interest in the Odyssey is reflected in its continuing reinterpretation across the arts and psychology. My interest in the epic is in the deeper meaning to the narrative – ‘the subterranean flow’ – which I have endeavoured to explore in light of the theoretical concepts developed by pioneer psychiatrists Sigmund Freud and Carl Jung, mainly the latter, while also appreciating the aesthetic dimensions of its cinematic presentation. My attempt, admittedly, is no road less travelled; yet each journey along it may reveal something new beneath the surface of the narrative!

Applicable Psychoanalytical Concepts

The psychoanalytical concepts developed by Freud and Jung concerning the structure and workings of the human mind are complex, but I shall restrict myself to outlining those aspects that are relevant to exploring the deeper meaning of the narrative in The Odyssey.

In psychoanalytical terms the human mind is divided into two domains – the conscious and the unconscious. Sigmund Freud’s structural model of the psyche was primarily applied to the individual. It consists of the ‘personal unconscious’, which harbours experiences that have been repressed or kept beneath the ‘conscious’ level.

In contrast, Carl Jung, Freud’s junior colleague, conceived the idea of a ‘collective unconscious’ as a deeper and a universal layer of the psyche shared by humanity as a whole. It contains innate patterns of psychological experience, which Jung called archetypes. An archetype may therefore be understood as an underlying psychic pattern or predisposition. In a narrative, such a pattern may appear in the form of a character, theme, image or symbol that becomes recognisable to consciousness. It is capable of presenting in different cultures and historical periods. What we encounter in a narrative, therefore, are archetypal manifestations rather than the archetype itself.

The Narrative

The Odyssey is a mythical tale; its setting and characters probably would have been familiar to the original Greek audience. A modern day audience, however, may find it ludicrous!

It is the story of Odysseus, King of Ithaca, and his struggle to return home after the victory at Troy, longing to be united with his wife, Penelope, and son, Telemachus. Meanwhile, in Ithaca, Penelope is besieged by a group of conceited suitors who pressure her to remarry, assuming that Odysseus is dead. Telemachus, now grown up, sets out in search of news of his father.

Odysseus embarks on a perilous journey across the Mediterranean Sea with his fellow soldiers, but his homeward voyage becomes a ten year ordeal as he encounters not only the forces of nature but also an array of hostile gods and mythical creatures.

The journey had a calamitous start with a raid on the Cicones at Ismarus where Odysseus loses many of his men. Soon afterwards, storms drive them to the land of the Lotus-Eaters, where some of his crew consume the intoxicating lotus and lose all desire to return home.

Odysseus rouses his men from their lethargy and moves on to confront the Cyclops, particularly the gigantic Polyphemus, son of the sea god Poseidon. Odysseus blinds Polyphemus who is blocking the cave they were trapped in, and escapes by clinging beneath a flock of sheep. It provokes the enduring wrath of Poseidon, god of the sea.

As the fleet sailed on, lost across the vast seas, Aeolus, keeper of the winds, gives Odysseus a bag of winds that might carry them home. While Odysseus sleeps, however, his suspicious crew opens the bag, believing it contains treasure. The released winds drive the ship away from their planned direction.

They next encounter the Laestrygonians, a race of gigantic cannibals who destroy most of the fleet. Odysseus escapes, but grimly continues his voyage.

He then reaches the island of Circe, where the powerful enchantress transforms some of his men into swine, who indulge in gluttony. Odysseus overcomes her spell, and Circe becomes his ally. At her direction, he consults the prophet Tiresias in the Underworld, who warns him about the continued hostility of Poseidon and advises him to refrain from harming the sacred cattle of the sun god Helios.

Returning to the sea, Odysseus encounters the Sirens, who use alluring sounds to lure sailors to their deaths. Forewarned by Circe, he orders his men to plug their ears with wax and bind him tightly to the mast so that he can hear their songs without steering the ship towards them.

He then navigates between Scylla, a six-headed sea monster, and Charybdis, a terrifying whirlpool. Choosing the lesser danger, he loses six of his men to Scylla. The incident becomes one of the most painful episodes of his journey.

With the surviving crew, Odysseus reaches the island of Thrinacia, where his starving men slaughter the sacred cattle of Helios, against the wishes of the prophet Tiresias, while he is asleep. In response to Helios’s demand, Zeus destroys their ship with a thunderbolt, killing all the men except Odysseus.

Odysseus is subsequently washed ashore on the island of Ogygia, where the nymph Calypso keeps him captive because she loves him. She commands the waves to wash him back to shore, each time he tries to make a raft and sail to sea. Odysseus turns down her offer to make him immortal if he remains with her. He longs to return home. At the command of Zeus, the God of the Heavens, Calypso eventually releases him, and Odysseus sets sail once more.

Angered by the release, Poseidon, the god of the seas, summons the winds and smashes Odysseus’s raft. Thrown overboard, an exhausted Odysseus manages to swim ashore in the land of the Phaeacians, a peaceful people living in relative isolation. With the help of Athena, the goddess of wisdom, he is brought before their king and queen. Moved by his story, they offer him hospitality and provide him with a ship, which finally carries him safely to Ithaca.

In Ithaca, Penelope has been besieged by numerous suitors, who have consumed his wealth and assumed that he was dead. With the help of Athena, he disguises himself as a beggar and secretly returns to his palace. Penelope meanwhile remains faithful to Odysseus, and has devised strategies to postpone remarriage. She announces that she will marry the man who can string Odysseus’s great bow and shoot an arrow through a series of axe-heads. None of the suitors succeeds. The disguised Odysseus effortlessly strings the bow and reveals his identity. With Telemachus and a few loyal servants, he kills the suitors and restores order to his household and reunites with Penelope.

Exploration of the ‘Subterranean Flow’ of the Narrative

Derived from the Greek root odussia, the word odyssey has entered the English language, meaning ‘long adventurous journey’ while, interestingly, some linguists argue that it is also linked to the word odyne meaning ‘pain and suffering, distress or consuming grief’.

The Odyssey can be understood as more than an adventure story. It is an archetype of the journey through life itself: departure, ordeal, wandering, self-discovery and return.

The narrative embodies three archetypal elements – a character [a hero], a theme [his journey] and a symbolic destination [home]

The character of Odysseus represents a pattern of struggle, confrontation with danger and transformation. He emerges as the archetypal ‘hero’, fighting the Trojan War to secure the release of Helen, who has been taken from her husband, Menelaus, the king of the allied nation of Sparta. Helen came to be known as ‘Helen of Troy’, an enduring archetypal image of feminine beauty. The war was brought to a dramatic conclusion by Odysseus’s ingenious stratagem: he and his men concealed themselves inside a giant wooden horse which was brought into Troy enabling them to launch a surprise attack. The ‘Trojan Horse’ has since become a lasting allegory for deception and cunning.

Odysseus is characterised as a ‘hero’, not only due to his military prowess, but also to the courage, resourcefulness and perseverance he displays throughout his archetypal journey home. Tested by forces both external and within, he endures suffering, confronts his limitations and undergoes a process of transformation before finding his way home.

He encounters storms, monsters, seductive enchantresses, intoxicating flora [lotuses: the ‘lotus eaters’ becoming an allegory for Indulgence in idle pleasure], enthralling music and the supernatural world – a realm divided between forces that protect, obstruct, tempt and test him. Yet his journey is not without errors of judgement or disagreement with his fellow crew members, and he must face the consequences of his actions, and most poignantly, the loss of his companions. His greatest challenge, however, is not merely survival, but the preservation of his identity and sense of purpose. He must resist the temptations that threaten to keep him from home, recognise the limits of his own pride and ingenuity, and ultimately learn the value of humility. The theme represents, in varying degree, a recurring pattern or journey of human experience, transformation and self-discovery, beyond its literary presentation.

Ithaca becomes not merely a geographical destination but an archetypal ‘home’, a symbol of selfhood, continuity and the restoration of order after chaos and suffering. One must not overlook the crucial role played by Penelope in preserving the home, enduring her own trials, sustaining the household and preserving its continuity against overwhelming odds.

In essence, the archetypal pattern beneath the narrative in Homer’s Odyssey is the human journey home – through danger, temptation, loss and transformation – towards identity, belonging and restoration.

Conclusion

A good piece of Art – literary or cinematic – much like Psychology, seeks to illuminate the complexities of human experience. In this regard, The Odyssey can be seen as a timeless metaphor for the human journey – the difficulties, hardships, setbacks and emotional challenges that people inevitably encounter throughout their lives: the trials and tribulations that may alter the course of a life. Such trials are not merely tests of character in the face of suffering but, more importantly, they may serve as opportunities for self-discovery, growth and transformation.

As Carl Jung, the renowned psychiatrist, postulated, much of this experience is rooted in the ‘collective unconscious’, a deeper layer of the psyche beneath conscious thought and individual experience. It is perhaps this deeper, often unspoken dimension of our shared humanity that enables The Odyssey to transcend its ancient origins and continue to resonate universally, across cultures and generations.

[sirigalhenage@gmail.com]

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Opinion

Meritocracy or seniority number for pilot promotions in commercial airlines?

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by Capt. (Ret) G.A.Fernando

‘Meritocracy’ is held to be an essential part of good governance in any organisation. The other two essential components are ‘pragmatism’ and ‘honesty as in Singapore’. Unfortunately, meritocracy is also subjective. Reportedly, in the early days of Air Ceylon, the first officer (co-pilot) would sometimes help to pack the operations manager’s bags before an impending trip, in order to gain ‘merit’ in the airline. Alternatively, the first officer considered for command may have been a ‘boozing buddy’ of the captain. In short, there was no system.

In Air Lanka all our managers, instructors and chief pilots were expatriates. Fairly or unfairly, a rumour had it that pilot promotions were decided at the whites-only Colombo Swimming Club. There were many instances when promotions were offered to someone of so-called ‘good standing’, or ‘a friend of the family’, in the eyes of airline management. Thus, some junior pilots were unfairly by-passed for no valid reason.  Such was life in those days.

 Consequently, in the mid-1980s the Pilots’ Guild declared that ‘enough was enough’, and after a quick survey of other airline practices, using data supplied by the International Federation of Air Line Pilots’ Associations (IFALPA), it was demanded of Air Lanka management that they too should establish a seniority list to ensure that no-one will be overlooked when it came to pilot promotions.

 Essentially, a pilot would be given a ‘seniority number’ at the time of joining the airline. If the date of joining was the same for a batch of pilots, then the number of hours of experience at the time of joining in decreasing order would be the factor in determining individual pilots’ seniority within that batch. The lower the seniority number the greater the seniority of the pilot. That, and only that, would be the consideration. In other words, it was a pecking order of sorts. In case a pilot was bypassed due to some valid requirement, that pilot would be entitled to a good and acceptable reason, and then to a bypass allowance.

While accepting it on principle, no one in the Flight Operations department was willing to ‘bell the cat’ or buck the system.

Therefore, it fell upon the Pilots’ Guild, and specifically me as its secretary, to establish a draft copy of a seniority list, which was eventually accepted by the management of Air Lanka, for pilot promotions.

The pilot was to carry that number until his career with the airline ended. It also gave an opportunity for management to pick candidates out of sequence (for good reason), as the seniority will eventually be re-established. However, if the pilot left the airline for greener pastures and returned, he/she would have to join at the bottom of the list (as the most junior pilot).

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Opinion

When crime speaks louder than politics

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Narcotics, firearms, capital flight and a daylight massacre, and the duty of the security state

By Mahil Dole

Senior Superintendent of Police (Retired) | Former Head of Counter-Terrorism, State Intelligence Service

The past fortnight has not been a collection of isolated crime stories. It has been a pattern: a large maritime narcotics seizure in the North, inland heroin and ICE hauls in the West and South, a cache of military-pattern firearms on the outskirts of Colombo, a multi-billion-rupee foreign-exchange fraud through shell companies, and, worst of all, a daylight shooting in Halpethota, Baddegama. Gunmen in a car intercepted a three-wheeler and fired at point-blank range, leaving a man and a woman dead. Another woman succumbed to her injuries.

These are not good signs for a peace-loving people. Criminals operating in tandem, brandishing firearms, and treating a public road as an execution ground advertise an insecure environment. When that coincides with Easter Sunday judgments and a presidential claim that politics has been turned from a business into public service, the temptation in Colombo is to treat security as background noise. That would be a serious error.

What the record of two weeks actually shows

On 27 September, personnel of the Northern Naval Command and SLNS Agbo intercepted a consignment at Kusumanthurai Beach, Madagal, Jaffna. One suspect was arrested and a small boat recovered. Examination with the Police Narcotics Bureau established approximately 45.5 kilograms of ICE and 35.7 kilograms of heroin, nearly 81 kilograms, with a street value exceeding Rs. 1.5 billion. It was described as the Navy’s largest ICE-and-heroin haul from northern waters.

That same morning, in Halpathota, Baddegama, the victims were said to have been returning after signing at the Galle Crimes Division. Motive can wait. The method cannot: pursuit, interception and execution in daylight, with a military-pattern weapon, in a populated southern town.

In the days immediately preceding these events, officers of the Western Province North Crime Division arrested suspects in Bokundara, Piliyandala, with more than 11 kilograms of heroin and more than 6 kilograms of ICE, valued in the region of Rs. 300 million. In Walgama, Matara, a man and a woman were arrested with nearly 22 kilograms of ICE, together with cash and vehicles suspected of being used in trafficking. In Kolonnawa, raids recovered a 9mm pistol, seven firearms capable of firing T-56 ammunition, and more than 600 rounds of 9mm ammunition. The Financial Crimes Investigation Division produced before court a suspect alleged to have aided remittances equivalent to some Rs. 24.8 billion through shell companies, against imports that never arrived. He has been remanded until 1 October. The file sits inside a wider inquiry into scores of companies and tens of thousands of telegraphic transfers.

Taken separately, each arrest is a success. Taken together they describe a market: drugs arriving by sea, broken and distributed inland, protected by firearms, and accompanied by money moving through corporate vehicles that look lawful until they are examined.

Non-traditional threats in a crowded political climate

National security in Sri Lanka is still too often imagined as the business of preventing another Easter Sunday or another armed insurgency. Those remain real responsibilities. The Colombo High Court Trial-at-Bar has just convicted 15 of 24 accused in the principal Easter Sunday case and imposed sentences running to two centuries of rigorous imprisonment. That judgment matters for victims, for the record, and for deterrence. It does not, by itself, close the file on intelligence failure, institutional negligence, or the wider architecture that allowed a conspiracy to mature. Into that same week has come another publication, and it requires a different kind of honesty.

A book titled Navayay Paha Vikurthiya– (9:5 Distortion), has been launched after Qur’an 9:5. There is a particular hypocrisy in that naming while refusing to read 9:1 to 9:7. The verse is not a licence. It is a wartime clause after a broken treaty, a four-month warning, and an order to honour pacts that were kept. The next line requires safe-conduct for an enemy who only wants to hear the Word of God. To lift “kill the polytheists” and sell it as the meaning of Islam is not scholarship. It is the method Surah Al-Imran 3:7 condemns: those in whose hearts is deviation chase isolated lines to create fitnah, while those firm in knowledge take the Book as a whole.

The vested interest is not hard to see. The same launch that branded a Qur’anic verse as “distortion” was used to seek another presidential pardon and the cover of the Maha Sangha. A cleric already convicted for insulting Islam now packages that faith as a public threat, then asks the State for mercy so that he may continue the same politics. That is not national security. It is the old trade: isolate a line, inflame a crowd, and convert communal fear into personal and political capital. Sri Lanka has paid for that trade before, in broken streets, in a community placed under blanket suspicion after Easter, and in an intelligence culture that watched identity instead of behaviour. Say so plainly, without matching abuse with abuse, and without letting a slogan stand in for the text.

Narcotics, underworld firearms, capital flight dressed as trade, and contract-style public shootings are not “ordinary crime” in a country that still lives with organised violence. They feed corruption and create the cash and firepower on which larger threats later ride. A state that treats them as a blotter problem, while its political class argues in Colombo, has misread its own risk register.

From politics as business to public service, a test, not a slogan

At a mass rally in Gampaha this Sunday, under the theme “People’s Rule – Two Years Strong. Progress for All,” the President said that politics which had become a business has been transformed into public service. The sentence is well aimed. For decades office was inventory: licences, contracts, land, appointments and silence. That marketplace ran into Customs sheds, bank counters, landing points and the underworld’s procurement of weapons. If politics is now public service, the claim must be tested in the court and on the road.

The courts, in recent weeks, have not been idle. Political figures, public servants and entrepreneurs have been produced on corruption charges: a sitting parliamentarian on an alleged aircraft-procurement bribery file; a former Krrish Group director over an alleged Rs. 70 million payment tied to a Fort property; the former chairman of Lanka Mineral Sands; the General Manager of Lanka Salt; a former National Transport Commission chairman over Expressway permits; a former minister’s secretary over an alleged Rs. 8.1 million bribe. Earlier this year CIABOC reported more than thirty public officials arrested in four months. These files are the visible edge of an effort to make “politics as business” expensive.

That effort is a condition of national security, not a side-issue to be parked with the bribery commission. A dinghy does not beach at Kusumanthurai without facilitators. A T-56 does not appear in Kolonnawa or Baddegama without a supply chain that has passed through a compromised official or a bank that asked too few questions. Phantom imports on the FCID’s scale are the financial twin of the narcotics trade. Clean politics starves those networks. Dirty politics feeds them. But a remand is not yet public service, and a rally sentence is not yet a secure street. If directors are in court while a three-wheeler is raked in Halpethota, and if ICE still moves by the kilo through northern waters, the citizen is entitled to ask which marketplace has actually been closed.

There is a further caution. Campaigns against corruption succeed only when they are even-handed and evidence-led. Selective zeal recreates the old business of politics under a new label. An intelligence service used to settle scores will not be trusted when it later asks the public about a landing or a weapons dump. The Gampaha formulation is useful if it becomes an operational standard: the law applies to the powerful and the obscure alike, and the State’s first business is the ordinary person on an ordinary road.

Agency responsibilities: who must do what.

Figure: The citizen on an ordinary road is the test. The Navy, Police and Narcotics Bureau, intelligence desks, FCID and banks, Customs and the FIU, CIABOC, the courts and the National Security Council are not rival press offices. They are one picture — or they are three press releases.

The Navy’s duty on the northern and southern approaches is not ceremonial. The Palk Strait remains a preferred corridor: the crossing is short and fishing provides cover. Interdiction at Kusumanthurai is valuable only if it is followed by source-to-market mapping, packers, landing points, inland receivers, offshore facilitators. That work requires the Police Narcotics Bureau, Customs, the Financial Intelligence Unit, and a fusion cell that treats a dinghy, a bank transfer and a T-56 as one picture.

The Police duty is to prevent the next daylight murder, not merely to investigate the last. When a T-56 is used on a public road against people returning from a crimes division, the question is how the weapon moved, who sanctioned the hit, and why threat assessment failed. Inland ICE and heroin finds must be treated as distribution nodes, not trophies. A 22-kilogram haul in Matara and an 18-kilogram mixed find in Piliyandala, days apart from an 81-kilogram coastal seizure, should be one picture, not three press releases.

The FCID and the banks have a national-security function whether or not the statute uses that phrase. Phantom imports drain reserves, can wash criminal proceeds, and can pay for the consignments the Navy pulls off beaches. The Kotikawatte arrest should open a network case, not close a headline.

Intelligence agencies must resist waiting for a “terrorism” label before they sit up. Organised narcotics, contract killing and covert capital movement are intelligence problems. They require sources, financial intelligence, maritime awareness and the courage to share what is known before the next three-wheeler is stopped on a southern road.

Preventive measures that can be taken now

Prevention is a set of unglamorous tasks. First, a standing joint cell, Navy, Police Narcotics Bureau, Customs, FCID and the Financial Intelligence Unit, with one target list and one weekly assessment to the National Security Council. Measure networks dismantled, not only kilograms.

Second, treat firearms recovery as a campaign. The Kolonnawa cache is a logistics dump. Every recovery should be traced: origin, last custodian, end-user, cash trail. Unaccounted military-pattern weapons remain an unfinished post-conflict item.

Third, close the gap between court appearance and street vulnerability. People required to sign at a crimes division are known to the system. The system then owes a threat assessment. Public roads in Baddegama should not become killing grounds because two factions have a rifle.

Fourth, match telegraphic transfers against Customs and shipping data as routine, not as a special project after a complaint reaches Police Headquarters. The Rs. 24.8 billion file should rewrite that routine.

Fifth, political controversy must be ring-fenced from operational command, and the anti-corruption drive must speak to the anti-narcotics drive. A National Security Council on a fixed cycle, with a fused assessment and written tasking, keeps the permanent State at work while the temporary Government argues its constitutional case. CIABOC, the FCID, the Police Narcotics Bureau and Customs should not discover at a press conference that they have been chasing the same names.

The test that matters

Sri Lanka has spent a generation learning, at terrible cost, that security is not the same thing as the absence of a declared war. The peace-loving public does not ask the State to win arguments in Colombo, or to win applause at a Gampaha rally. It asks that a three-wheeler on a southern road can pass a car without being raked by a T-56; that a northern beach is watched before the dinghy beaches, not after; that a house in Kolonnawa is not a magazine; that billions of rupees cannot leave the country dressed as imports that never were; and that the man who once sold a licence and the man who now fires a rifle are both answerable to the same law.

The detections of the past two weeks prove that parts of the system still work. The Baddegama murders prove that other parts do not work in time. The court list proves that another part has at last been put to work. National security is the closing of that gap, by agencies that know their duty, by a centre that refuses to be distracted, and by a standard that treats public service as the protection of the ordinary citizen from the old business of politics and the new business of crime.

(This analysis is offered in the interest of national security, institutional reform, and public safety)

The writer is a Senior Superintendent of Police (Retired), former Head of the Counter-Terrorism Division of the State Intelligence Service, and a former Member of the Sri Lanka Wakfs Board. He writes on national security, intelligence and institutional reform. Email- mahildole54@gmail.com

Sources:

contemporaneous reports of the Sri Lanka Navy, Police spokesmen, CIABOC and court proceedings, News First, Newswire, Ada Derana, Daily Mirror and related parliamentary reporting, 21–27 September 2026; Qur’an 9:1–7 and 3:7; book launch of Navayay Paha Vikurthiya, 20 September 2026.

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