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Down with the 225 who have failed to agree on united response to Sialkot barbarism!

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By Rohana R. Wasala

The lesson taught by the failure of our pParliament to register a prompt united response of unqualified condemnation against the occurrence of the Sialkot savagery committed in the name of religion should never be forgotten by all patriotic Sri Lankans. My hunch is that ordinary Sri Lankans, whose hearts bled for Priyantha Kumara, the victim of that sadistic barbarity, would have reasonably expected all the MPs to unite against murderous Islamism that led to his ordeal, following the example of all Muslim MPs having stood by their fellow Muslim MP Rishad Badiuddeen who was suspected, by some, to have  had links with the suicide bombers who carried out the 2019 Easter Sunday attacks. The lesson that can be derived from the collective dereliction of a vital national responsibility by the MPs is that the present ruling elite (fully represented in Parliament in the form of the government and the Opposition) has neither the will nor the ability to resolve the problems of political and ideological extremism that have been unnecessarily assailing the nation for a long time, in the characteristically peaceful nonviolent and enlightened way so well illustrated in our dominant, almost identical, Buddhist and Hindu cultures. Relentless pursuers of conflicting geopolitical agendas in our neighbourhood exploit these issues of externally imposed political and religious extremism in their own interest, but to the great detriment of our people (as His Eminence the Cardinal has so often emphasised in the recent past).

It’s almost two weeks since an innocent  Sri Lankan expatriate employee, Priyantha Kumara Diyawadana, was set upon, beaten to death, and burned on a main road in a most despicable, inhumanly cruel manner by an Islamist lynch mob, arbitrarily and maliciously accusing him of blasphemy, at Sialkot, in the north-east of the Punjab province of Pakistan on Friday, December 3, 2021. The sickening details of the appalling incident are now well known, and so we can avoid the pain of repeating them. If the horrendous outrage fails to galvanise the civilised world to resolve to root out forthwith the diabolical crime (against humanity) of killing in the name of religion, nothing will. Not that this kind of extremist brutality is an uncommon happening in the Islamic Republic of Pakistan; probably, though, no religious atrocity committed there previously could rival what our unfortunate compatriot was subjected to.

 Pakistan premier Imran Khan tweeted his utmost concern late Saturday(04) about the brutal lynching episode of the previous day, which he had earlier condemned as ‘horrific’; it was a day of shame for Pakistan, he said. Imran Khan’s twitter message ran: “Spoke to Sri Lankan President Gotabaya Rajapaksa today in UAE to convey our nation’s anger & shame to people of Sri Lanka at vigilante killing of Priyantha Diyawadana in Sialkot. I informed him 100+ ppl arrested & assured him they would be prosecuted with full severity of the law”. (Both Presidents were then in Abu Dhabi for the recent Indian Ocean Conference held there.) The online wionews.com later reported (December 5) that after the Pakistani premier’s order to initiate a concerted probe, more than 800 suspects had already been booked, including the principal assailant Farhan Idrees.

To my mind, the Sri Lankan government’s response has not at all been commensurate with the enormity of the outrage. Hardly a handful of the 225 in Parliament (most of whom are eating and drinking zombies, i.e., will-less and speechless human corpses claimed to have been magically raised from the dead and used in African witchcraft) were courageous enough to utter anything that contradicted or questioned the Pakistani government’s judicious, but duplicitous stand on the lynching of a lone, completely helpless, Sri Lankan citizen. Priyantha was no ordinary Sri Lankan citizen. He had served the Pakistan nation with exceptional professionalism in a senior position in its industry field for 11 long years away from his home country and from his beloved young family. Actually, it was his commitment to his work that brought him this fate. Some workers under him were unhappy about the expat senior manager’s no-nonsense approach to work. They were looking for an opportunity to have him punished. The poster removing incident gave them the chance to invoke the blasphemy allegation, and physically eliminate him. However, we cannot blame the Pakistani Premier or his government too much in connection with the lynching. It must be as abhorrent to them as it is to all civilised people of the world. Yet it is up to the Pakistani rulers to put an end to blasphemy laws in order to prevent future crimes like this. The civilised Pakistani citizens do not approve of what happened, but they know the PM’s constraining dilemma, and would excuse him for his dubious stand on the matter; but they will not think very highly about Sri Lankan MPs’ chickening out of a robust rejection of violent Islamism on this occasion.

Be that as it may, with justice and humanity on our side, we have all the reason to have expected of our politicoes a non-militant, but nationally more dignified and more engaged response to the tragedy. It looks like they are too dumb to realise that, probably, their own accustomed parochial politicking even while the whole country is being devoured by the monster of  geopolitics in the region also served to precipitate this obviously premeditated attack on a poor unsuspecting citizen of a country that the Jihadists have been brainwashed  to identify as an infidel nation that persecutes Muslims. This unsavoury image of Sri Lanka has been created through relentless anti-Buddhist propaganda.

It looked as if both the government and the Opposition were more concerned with dealing with the political fallout of the Sialkot incident than with assuaging the suffering of the bereaved family. When Minister Bandula Gunawardane announced in Parliament the planned award of the  derisory sum of 2.5 million in the debased SL currency to Priyantha’s family as interim relief until proper compensation is arranged, Opposition and SJB leader Sajith, gave the family 2.0 million rupees for the educational welfare of Priyantha’s children. Probably, they were both more concerned about the political capital they were individually making out of the family’s inexpressible adversity than about helping them to cope up with the tragedy.

Sri Lanka must demand that Premier Imran Khan keep his word in this case, and as Professor Pratibha Mahanamahewa urges, Pakistan ought to tender an international apology for failing to protect a defenceless individual’s basic human right to live; it is ironical that this happened so close to December 10, the International Human Rights Day. The Pakistan PM’s apparent attempt to mitigate the atrociousness of the lynching episode as a case of vigilantism (i.e., law enforcement by a self-appointed group of people without legal authority, especially in a situation where relevant authorities are not available or cannot function) is not an encouraging gesture (Please see his twitter message quoted above).

According to the Indian newspaper Hindustan Times  of December 8, 2021, Pakistan’s Defense Minister Parvez Khattak has made a more explicit attempt than Prime Minister Imran Khan to rationalise the lynching. Khattak was reported as having made a shockingly unapologetic statement: “Murders take place when young people get emotional over Islam…..They are emotional kids with Islamic understanding; they act under Islamic understanding, they act under Islamic sentiments…. At Sialkot, these boys converged, shouted slogans and termed manager’s action against Islam…..They became emotional and the murder took place suddenly, but that doesn’t mean everything has got ruined…..Please make people understand that they are youngsters who become emotional for Islam ….I too can become emotional for Islam and do something wrong but that doesn’t mean Pakistan is heading towards destruction.” These murdering ‘kids’ that Pak Defence Minister Khattak idolizes are no doubt products of the Islamic madrasas in that country, 30,000 of which PM Khan himself planned, as reported in early 2019, to bring under state control  in response to allegations that they turned out youngsters indoctrinated with violent Jihadism, that led them to carry out attacks in neighbouring India and Afghanistan. The Islamist suicide bombers who carried out the 2019 April 21 Easter Sunday attacks were educated at local non-traditional madrasas that teach Wahhabism. Prof. G.L. Peiris, as Education Minister of the new government vowed to streamline those madrasas, obviously completely ignorant of the problems involved.

When Public Security Minister Sarath Weerasekera in Parliament questioned the Pakistani Defence Minister’s utterances, government MP Shantha Bandara of the SLFP rose to the latter’s defence. A TNA MP tried to suggest that the majority community, to which Priyantha Diyawadana belonged, deserved even worse treatment on account of similar acts of vicious violence they have allegedly inflicted on the Tamil minority since 1956. The show of grief to the bereaved family by the highest of the land was also subdued, probably in deference to the local sympathizers of the jihadist lynch mob with whom they struck deals to maintain the required two thirds majority in Parliament for passing 20A.

Meanwhile, the Sri Lankan people and the leaders (of both the government and the Opposition), no doubt, appreciate the Pakistan PM’s resolve to mete out justice to the perpetrators. They may be thought to be similarly determined to prevent any spillover effect of the tragic affair flowing into Sri Lanka. Pakistan is and has always been one of Sri Lanka’s staunchest friends. That friendship at the government to government and the people to people levels should not be damaged, though we have to recognize the fact that the Pakistani society today seems to be far more radicalised than in the past.

Nevertheless, social media including Twitter, Facebook, Instagram, etc., are flooded with expressions of shock, sorrow, and shame by thousands of outraged ordinary Pakistani citizens who share our grief with the utmost sincerity. All our political, civil and religious leaders are sure to unite in fulfilling their obligatory national responsibility to convince the leaders of friendly Islamic nations not to be misled by certain opportunistic Sri Lankan Muslim politicians who maintain treacherous links with suicide-bombing extremists for personal political advantage, while creating an illusion of a non-existent Buddhist-Muslim conflct or disharmony in Sri Lanka through false propaganda.

Pakistan is one of the 12 Muslim majority countries where blasphemy against Islam, or its founder, is punished with death. Journalist Khundar Khuldune Shahid working and living in his native Pakistan, a Muslim himself, who is a correspondent to the Washington D.C. based online current affairs magazine The Diplomat, believes that Islamist fundamentalists in his country commit murder with impunity because of the blasphemy law that operates in the country. It was because of the fact that the concept of ‘death for blasphemy’ is included in Pakistan’s penal code that the crowd, including the few policemen who were there or arrived too late to stop the lynching, looked on passively, while the lawful proceedings were going on. But Priyantha’s Pakistani colleague Malik Adnan made a heroic effort to save him from the mob, risking his own life in the process. PM Imran Khan expressed his and the nation’s appreciation of Malik Adnan’s attempt to rescue the victim by honouring him with a special award. Malik has now dedicated it to Priyantha and Sri Lankans.  Hundreds and thousands of ordinary Pakistanis have already expressed their outrage from both within and from outside Pakistan at the hideous murder of Priyantha Kumara. This unfortunate incident should not be allowed to have the least negative impact on Pakistan-Sri Lanka bilateral relations. At the same time, Sri Lankans should not dishonour the memory of their murdered compatriot by opting not to demand an adequate apology from Pakistan for failing to ensure the physical safety of the Sri Lankan citizen. This is not too much to demand from a friendly Muslim nation. The last thing our leaders could do to continue our prevailing excellent relations with Pakistan without undermining them is to unnecessarily act as if these relations depend on their tolerance of the barbaric Islamist excesses inflicted on our citizens on its soil, condemned as creatures unworthy of human dignity.



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Opinion

Panadura debate: special exhibition most welcome

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The special exhibition displaying original manuscripts relating to the Panadura Debate at Rankoth Vihara is welcome and, as Nishantha Peiris mentions (News, 30 Aug), the debate gained international interest following the publication of a book containing the speeches made in the debate. The credit for this must be given to John Capper, the then editor of the Ceylon Times. He published an account of each day’s proceedings in his paper and the full text of the speeches in a book entitled ‘Full Account of the Buddhist Controversy Held at Pantura in August 1873.

The preface of the book stated: ‘In the belief that an authentic account of the Controversy which took place at Pantura in August last, between a Buddhist Priest and two Ministers of the Protestant religion, will be read with interest by a large number of persons here and in Europe. I have produced the proceedings in the present form. The report has been revised by the respective disputants, so that it may be taken as a correct account of what passed’.

Capper’s book was picked up by J M Peebles who was in India, who then published an extended version in the United States. If an original copy of Capper’s book is available in Sri Lanka, it should be exhibited in the Rankoth exhibition.

Yours faithfully,

Dr R P Fernando,

19 Danetree Close,
Epsom UK

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In Memory of Dr Upatissa Pethiyagoda

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Dr. Pethiyagoda

It is with a deep sense of sadness that I record the passing of Dr Upatissa Pethiyagoda, who died on 27 August 2026 at the age of 94. To many, he was a distinguished scientist, accomplished administrator, diplomat and public intellectual. To me, he was much more than that.

Dr Pethiyagoda was a proud product of Trinity College, Kandy. At a time when a first class in Botany was a rarity, he obtained one and subsequently pursued postgraduate studies in London. His scientific career reflected not only his knowledge but, more importantly, an enquiring and restless mind that was never satisfied with simply accepting what was known.

In the 1970s, he headed the Plant Physiology Department of the Tea Research Institute of Sri Lanka. He was part of a formidable team of scientists that included Drs R L de Silva, R L Wickramasinghe, P Sivapalan, Tilak Wettasinghe and W Danthanarayana. They were scientists who contributed enormously to the development of the tea industry in Sri Lanka, and Dr Pethiyagoda stood comfortably among them.

In 1978, he moved to the Coconut Research Institute as its Director. It was there that I had the privilege of working with him. Those years left a lasting impression on me.

Dr Pethiyagoda was, in every sense, a complete scientist. Although his formal specialisation was plant physiology, he was remarkably comfortable discussing almost anything scientific. What distinguished him was his curiosity. He questioned the science behind the ordinary things that most of us simply accepted. I remember his asking questions such as, why is an orange green in Sri Lanka? It was typical of him: an apparently simple observation would lead him to ask what lay behind it.

That curiosity never left him.

After his tenure at the CRI, he undertook an FAO assignment in the Middle East, working on the improvement of date palms. There he was exposed to agriculture under conditions of severe water scarcity. He pursued this further during a visit to Israel, learning about agronomic practices suited to such environments. Later, when he worked with the Mahaweli Authority, he was able to translate that knowledge into practice, introducing high-value horticultural crops to Systems B and C.

What impressed me was not merely that he acquired knowledge, but that he connected knowledge from one context to another and turned it into practical solutions. His enquiring mind and analytical ability enabled him to do this with remarkable effectiveness.

He was equally impressive as a communicator. Dr Pethiyagoda was an eloquent speaker, whether he was talking about science, agriculture, public policy or the everyday affairs of our country. His speeches were often laced with wit, humour and the occasional tongue-in-cheek remark. But beneath the humour was a very serious mind. He was forthright in his opinions and, importantly, he was not afraid to express them, whatever the possible repercussions.

His contributions to the media demonstrated this courage.

Writing about the travel to London by a former President, he observed:

“Where a person enjoys immunity by virtue of his position, this carries a reciprocal obligation to exercise an abundance of exemplary behaviour. In effect, immunity is best exercised, when the need to invoke it, is never allowed to arise.”

[Immunity Does Not Confer Impunity – Colombo Telegraph]

That was quintessential Pethiyagoda—precise, pointed and impossible to misunderstand.

He was equally outspoken about the government’s decision to ban inorganic fertiliser with ‘immediate effect’. He was deeply distressed by what he believed would be the consequences for farmers, particularly the poorer farming community. He would speak about it almost every day, driven not by political considerations but by his conviction that science and evidence had been disregarded.

In one of his writings on the subject, he remarked:

“What the ‘Vipathmaga’ caper taught us was that advice of sundry ‘Experts’ can be disastrous. Professors of Surgery, clergymen and Pediatricians are not the best equipped to advise on fertilisers, as much as a Soil Scientist should not prescribe treatment for a sick child.’ [Some Lessons That Can Be Learned Even From Disasters – Colombo Telegraph]

And in another article, his frustration was summed up in the memorable words:

“Stupidity, like History, has a way of repeating itself.”

[Unscrambling eggs – Colombo Telegraph]

These were not simply provocative statements. They reflected a scientist who believed deeply that public decisions, particularly those affecting agriculture and the livelihoods of farmers, should be based on evidence and sound scientific advice.

Perhaps, what I will remember most about Dr Pethiyagoda is that his curiosity survived almost to the very end of his life.

Very recently, he was still asking questions and pursuing ideas. He was interested in the possible genetic differences between the waraka and wela varieties of jak, because he wondered whether the wela variety might have commercial potential for cellulose extraction. He was disappointed that he could not find relevant scientific literature in Sri Lanka. More than the particular subject, what struck me was that at 94 he was still thinking about a scientific question, looking for evidence and wondering whether an apparently ordinary resource could have an important national application. He lamented the lack of interest among scientists and academics in such questions of national importance. That concern, too, was very much part of who he was.

Dr Pethiyagoda also served as President of the National Academy of Sciences, Sri Lanka. Unfortunately, he was unable to complete his term because he was appointed Ambassador to Italy, with representation at the Food and Agriculture Organization in Rome. Even in that role, he remained very much the scientist. I understand that he made a significant contribution to FAO discussions. As Ambassador, he also had the unenviable task of entertaining Sri Lankan Ministers of Agriculture who attended FAO sessions. I know from my own conversations with him that those informal dinners were not merely social occasions. He would discuss agricultural issues with the Ministers, and I have little doubt that his views—and the force with which he expressed them—sometimes influenced their thinking.

Looking back, what I admired most about Dr Pethiyagoda was not any particular position he held or any particular achievement. It was the way he thought.

He questioned.
He analysed.
He connected ideas.
He challenged conventional wisdom.
And he was willing to say what he believed to be true.

He also demonstrated that science should not remain confined to laboratories, research papers or academic institutions. For him, science was a way of looking at the world and, ultimately, a means of improving the lives of people.

It is perhaps ironic that, only a few months ago, he wrote about “The Cost of Dying”, as distinct from the “Cost of Living”. In that article, he reflected on the manner in which our mortal remains should be disposed of, observing: “I am in two minds regarding the manner in which the mortal remains are disposed of, ‘according to the will of the deceased’. But with the cessation of the breath, ownership or tenancy ceases.” Even in contemplating death, he brought his characteristic questioning mind to the subject. What particularly caught my attention, however, was his explanation of the Buddhist practice of holding dânes (almsgivings) for monks of the local temple in the seventh day and third month following a death. I had never really thought about the significance of this practice before. That, too, was typical of Dr Pethiyagoda: he could take something that we had accepted as ordinary and familiar and make us stop, think and see it differently.

His passing has created a colossal vacuum in Sri Lanka’s scientific community. People of his intellectual breadth, curiosity, courage and independence are rare. We may not always have agreed with everything he said, but we could never doubt that he had thought deeply about it and that he had the courage of his convictions.

For those of us who had the privilege of knowing him, there is sadness in his passing. But there is also gratitude—for having known such an extraordinary mind, for having learnt from him, and for having witnessed at close quarters his unwavering commitment to science and to the development of our country.

I shall remember Dr Pethiyagoda with great affection and immense respect.

Ranjith Mahindapala
Past President, National Academy of Sciences of Sri Lanka.

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Opinion

A neighbour’s view of India’s strategic strengths

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What India chooses to do with the strategic freedom it has built over eight decades may be the defining question of its next phase

by Milinda Moragoda

In the emerging global economy, countries will increasingly seek multiple sources of energy, technology, capital, minerals and markets. India can contribute by helping create an open network rather than another exclusive bloc.

As India marks eight decades of Independence, its strategic position has changed almost beyond recognition. Yet the central question of strategic autonomy remains. What India chooses to do with the strategic freedom it has built over eight decades may be the defining question of its next phase.

India has spent the past decade expanding its strategic choices — deepening ties with the US, Europe and Japan while maintaining important ties with Russia and strengthening engagement with the Gulf, Africa and Southeast Asia. Australia and New Zealand are also becoming increasingly important partners in the wider Indo-Pacific. At the same time, India has sought a larger voice for the developing world in international institutions. Strategic autonomy has traditionally been understood in diplomatic terms: the ability to maintain freedom of action without being drawn into competing power blocs. In an increasingly interconnected world, however, that freedom will depend just as much on economic choices.

The objective should be strategic interdependence — building sufficiently diverse relationships that dependence on any one country or economic system does not become a vulnerability. India is unusually well placed to pursue this. Its geography connects the Gulf and wider West Asia, the manufacturing economies of Asia, Africa across the Indian Ocean and the Eurasian space extending through Russia. The opportunity, therefore, is to become a connector between economies increasingly fragmented by geopolitical competition.

India’s relationship with Japan is extending into advanced manufacturing, technology, energy, semiconductors and critical minerals. Its engagement with the US is deepening across technology, investment, advanced manufacturing, energy and strategic cooperation, while its engagement with Europe is becoming increasingly economic and technological. Its relationships with the Gulf are expanding beyond energy into investment and connectivity. Australia and New Zealand add an important southern dimension to its wider Indo-Pacific engagement, while Southeast Asia provides pathways into wider Asian production networks.

Russia remains an important part of this equation. India’s continuing engagement with Moscow, alongside its deepening relationships with Washington, Tokyo, Europe and the Gulf, demonstrates that strategic autonomy gives India the flexibility to maintain important relationships across geopolitical divides.

China inevitably occupies a special place in this landscape. India’s answer cannot be either excessive dependence or complete separation. It will require strengthening domestic capabilities, diversifying supply chains and building partnerships elsewhere, while retaining space for engagement where interests permit.

India possesses another asset that few countries can match: a large, globally active and influential diaspora. Yet the diaspora can also present challenges, as political currents within these communities do not always align with India’s interests and can occasionally create sensitivities in its relations with host countries. The greater opportunity lies in nurturing the economic, intellectual and cultural connections the diaspora can create, while respecting its diversity and independence. In the emerging global economy, countries will increasingly seek multiple sources of energy, technology, capital, minerals and markets. India can contribute by helping create an open network rather than another exclusive bloc.

Ports, shipping routes, energy corridors, digital infrastructure, supply chains and trade agreements increasingly shape strategic influence. India’s challenge is to bring these strands together without turning them into a closed sphere of influence.

India’s economic rise will be more sustainable if other countries see themselves as participants in its growth rather than simply as markets for it. The value for India lies in making these relationships complementary rather than choosing among them. India’s leadership of the Global South can now move beyond representation in international forums towards creating an international economic environment in which developing countries have greater choices. India’s own experience is relevant here. It has moved from a relatively closed economic model towards deeper global integration while retaining a strong emphasis on domestic capability. The lesson is that openness and strategic autonomy need not be contradictory.

As the G20 meets again in Miami in December, India can continue to argue that the Global South should not merely seek greater representation within existing institutions, but a greater stake in shaping the economic networks and institutions of the future. An economically integrated Indian Ocean could allow countries such as Sri Lanka, Bangladesh and the Maldives to participate more deeply in regional supply chains, logistics, energy, tourism, technology and services. Influence based on shared prosperity is more durable influence based on dependence. India’s strategic opportunity, therefore, lies in becoming one of the principal connectors of a changing world.

(Milinda Moragoda is founder of the Pathfinder Foundation, strategic affairs think tank, and can be contacted via email @milinda.org.)

Courtesy Hindustan Times

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