Features
Why Sri Lanka Must Reform Its Environmental Governance System
By Siraj Perera, Dr Amrita de Soyza and Avanthi Jayatileke ✍️
Sri Lanka is entering a critical phase in its development journey. As the country seeks economic recovery through foreign investment, industrial expansion, renewable energy development and tourism growth, one important question remains largely unanswered: are Sri Lanka’s environmental institutions capable of managing this transformation?
Environmental protection is often portrayed as a constraint on economic development. In reality, modern environmental governance is one of the foundations of sustainable economic growth. Investors seek regulatory certainty. Communities seek protection from pollution and environmental harm. Governments seek development that improves living standards without degrading the natural resources upon which future prosperity depends.
Sri Lanka’s environmental laws are reasonably comprehensive on paper. The problem is not a lack of legislation. Rather, it is a system characterized by fragmented institutions, overlapping mandates, regulatory complexity, weak enforcement and insufficient accountability. If Sri Lanka is serious about becoming a modern, competitive and sustainable economy, reforming its environmental governance system must become a national priority.
Environmental reform is not simply an environmental issue. It is an economic, social and governance issue. Strong environmental institutions reduce regulatory uncertainty, attract responsible investment, improve public health, protect water resources, safeguard tourism assets and reduce the long-term costs associated with environmental degradation. Conversely, weak regulation often results in polluted waterways, unmanaged waste, declining biodiversity, land degradation and costly disputes between investors, regulators and affected communities.
Environmental Protection and Economic Growth Are Not Opposing Goals
This challenge is becoming increasingly important as Sri Lanka simultaneously pursues industrialization and a transition towards renewable energy. Solar, wind and other renewable energy sources are essential for reducing dependence on imported fossil fuels, improving energy security and addressing climate change. Yet renewable energy projects, like all major developments, can create significant environmental and social impacts if poorly planned or inadequately regulated.
Around the world, poorly designed infrastructure and energy projects have resulted in habitat destruction, biodiversity loss, community displacement and conflicts over land and water resources. Sri Lanka must avoid repeating these mistakes. Economic development and environmental protection should not be viewed as competing priorities. Sustainable development requires balancing economic growth with ecological preservation and social well being.
The country would benefit from adopting internationally recognized principles such as “No Net Loss” and “Net Gain” of biodiversity, which are increasingly embedded in environmental regulations and international financing standards worldwide. Under these approaches, unavoidable environmental damage caused by development must be offset through habitat restoration, conservation initiatives or biodiversity enhancement elsewhere. Similarly, greater use of cumulative impact assessments, strategic environmental assessments, climate resilience planning and meaningful community consultation would help ensure that development decisions are based on science and long-term national interests rather than short-term political or commercial considerations.
However, improving environmental outcomes requires more than adopting international best practice. It requires reforming the institutions responsible for implementing and enforcing environmental laws.
Four Reforms Needed for a Modern Environmental State
Sri Lanka’s environmental governance framework suffers from four fundamental weaknesses that must be addressed if the country is to grow its economy while at the same time protecting its citizens and the natural environment upon which they depend.
A Stronger Environmental Regulator
First, the country lacks a strong, centralized environmental regulator with sufficient authority to ensure consistent compliance monitoring and enforcement. Environmental laws are only as effective as the institutions responsible for implementing them. At present, more than 20 government agencies have the authority to approve Environmental Impact Assessments (EIAs), while numerous other organizations exercise oversight over environmental permits and licences. Although the Central Environmental Authority (CEA) is intended to provide overarching supervision, the system operates largely through fragmented institutional arrangements with limited coordination and information sharing.
This structure creates duplication, inefficiency and inconsistency. It disperses scarce environmental expertise across multiple organizations and creates opportunities for regulatory gaps, conflicting decisions and weak accountability. In some cases, concerns raised by one agency can be overlooked by another, while project proponents may exploit inconsistencies between institutions. The result is a regulatory system that often struggles to deliver either strong environmental protection or efficient decision-making.
Sri Lanka should consider consolidating environmental permitting and approval functions under a strengthened and independent Central Environmental Authority, while retaining formal mechanisms for specialized input from other agencies where necessary. A single lead regulator would improve consistency, accountability and transparency while simplifying environmental approvals for investors and developers.
It is worth noting that, under the 13th Amendment to the Constitution, the environment is a concurrent and reserved list subject. This means it will be important to clearly define which functions can be devolved to Provincial Councils and which must remain with the CEA. The CEA should retain the central role of setting national standards and overseeing compliance, while Provincial Councils handle implementation at the local level. This is consistent with how environmental regulation operates in federal and quasi-federal systems — most notably the US Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) and India’s Ministry of Environment, Forest and Climate Change (MoEFCC), both of which set national frameworks while delegating day-to-day regulatory functions to state or provincial bodies.
Simpler and More Transparent Regulation
Second, environmental regulations are often difficult to understand and navigate. Regulatory complexity imposes costs on both investors and regulators while creating confusion for the public. The environmental permitting system should be designed around the needs of its users, not around institutional convenience. Information regarding permitting requirements, approval pathways and compliance obligations should be presented through a clear and accessible framework that allows project proponents to understand their obligations quickly and efficiently.
Digital Environmental Governance
Third, Sri Lanka has been slow to adopt modern digital technologies in environmental regulation. Around the world, environmental agencies increasingly use digital permitting systems, cloud-based monitoring platforms, remote sensing technologies, automated reporting tools and artificial intelligence-assisted compliance systems. These technologies improve efficiency, enhance transparency and allow regulators to focus limited resources on higher-risk activities.
Digital environmental governance should become a central pillar of environmental reform in Sri Lanka. Permit applications, environmental monitoring data, compliance reports and regulatory decisions should be accessible through integrated digital platforms. Such systems can significantly reduce administrative burdens, improve regulatory consistency and create transparent records that are more resistant to manipulation.
Monitoring, Compliance and Enforcement
Fourth, enforcement remains one of the weakest aspects of environmental governance. Environmental Impact Assessments often receive significant attention during project approval stages, but compliance monitoring is frequently inadequate. Conditions imposed during approvals are not always independently verified, and environmental violations often attract penalties that are too small to act as effective deterrents.
Environmental Impact Assessments should be treated as living documents that guide environmental performance throughout the life of a project. They should form the basis for ongoing monitoring, auditing and enforcement. Sri Lanka urgently requires a professional, independent and adequately resourced environmental compliance regime supported by regular audits, transparent reporting and meaningful enforcement powers. Environmental violations should attract penalties that genuinely deter non-compliance rather than becoming merely another cost of doing business.
Public participation must also play a greater role in environmental decision-making. Communities affected by major developments should have timely access to information and meaningful opportunities to raise concerns. Transparency improves decision-making, builds trust and reduces conflict. It is also one of the most effective safeguards against corruption.
Environmental Reform Is Economic Reform
Environmental reform should be viewed as an economic competitiveness reform. Investors are often less concerned about the existence of environmental regulations than about uncertainty, inconsistency and delay. A transparent, predictable and efficient regulatory system allows responsible investors to understand their obligations, obtain approvals within reasonable time frames and operate with confidence. Conversely, fragmented and opaque approval systems increase transaction costs, discourage investment and create opportunities for corruption.
The benefits of environmental reform extend beyond investment. Tourism remains one of Sri Lanka’s most important economic sectors, and the country’s competitive advantage lies in its extraordinary natural and cultural heritage. Few countries possess such a diverse combination of beaches, forests, wildlife, mountains, wetlands and ancient cultural sites within such a compact geographical area. Clean rivers, protected coastlines, healthy ecosystems and well-managed urban environments are not luxuries; they are economic assets that support jobs, livelihoods and national prosperity.
Institutional reform, however, should not be the final destination. Stronger regulations and better agencies matter — but the deepest guarantee of environmental protection is one enshrined in law at the highest level.
Towards Constitutional Environmental Rights
Sri Lanka should ultimately aspire to embed environmental rights within its Constitution. At present, the Constitution does not contain an explicit and enforceable right to a clean and healthy environment. Environmental protection is addressed primarily through legislation, regulations and judicial interpretation. While these mechanisms remain important, they leave environmental protection vulnerable to changing political priorities and institutional weaknesses.
Sri Lanka’s Constitution already enshrines a range of fundamental rights — including language, freedom of religion, access to justice and the right to education — recognizing that certain protections must be guaranteed to all citizens equally, regardless of economic or social circumstance. The right to live in a clean and healthy environment belongs in the same category. It is a basic condition of a dignified life, and as such, it deserves to be enshrined in the highest law of the land.
A constitutional environmental right would establish a clear national principle that every citizen is entitled to live in a safe, clean and ecologically sustainable environment. Such a provision could be incorporated within the Fundamental Rights Chapter and made enforceable through the courts. This would provide citizens with meaningful legal remedies when environmental harm threatens their health, well being or livelihoods.
Importantly, constitutional environmental rights are not anti-development. Rather, they require governments and regulators to properly balance economic development, environmental protection and the rights of affected communities. They provide a stronger legal foundation for protecting air quality, water resources, biodiversity and public health while promoting accountability in decision-making.
Lessons from South Africa
South Africa provides a useful example. The South African Constitution guarantees every person the right to an environment that is not harmful to their health or well being, and requires the state to take reasonable measures to protect the environment for present and future generations. These rights are enforceable through the courts and have helped strengthen environmental governance and accountability. The South African Constitution also recognizes related socio-economic rights including access to housing, healthcare and water, demonstrating how environmental quality is closely connected to human well being and sustainable development.
Sri Lanka need not replicate the South African model in its entirety. However, it is a model that demonstrates that environmental protection can be elevated from a policy objective to a constitutional commitment backed by enforceable rights and institutional accountability.
A Reform Agenda for Future Generations
The question facing Sri Lanka is not whether environmental protection and economic development can coexist. The evidence from around the world demonstrates that they must. The real challenge is whether Sri Lanka is prepared to modernize its environmental institutions, strengthen regulatory accountability and establish environmental stewardship as a core national value.
Reforming environmental governance, strengthening enforcement, embracing digital technologies and ultimately recognizing environmental rights within the Constitution would position Sri Lanka to achieve sustainable economic growth while safeguarding the natural assets upon which future generations depend.
The present offer by the UK to strengthen Ukraine’s defense capabilities in the missile technology field in particular comes as ‘a stitch in time’ and the initiative is also likely to be appreciated considerably by democratic opinion world wide for the possible morale-boosting effect it would have on Ukraine. Besides continuous arms support, the conviction that the world’s frontline democracies are behind it would prove a huge plus in Ukraine’s eyes in its grinding fightback against the Russian invasion.
While continued US support for Ukraine could not be considered ‘a given’ any more, British Prime Minister Andy Burnham’s words during a recent visit to Kyiv that the UK would stand by Ukraine ‘for as long as it takes’ is the kind of assurance that Ukraine needs at present. For, the conflict in Ukraine is essentially a war of liberation conducted by the latter against an invader and deeply at issue here is the upholding of International Law and its foundational concepts, such as national sovereignty and a nation’s right to political self-determination. The world of democracy is of the firm view that the latter ideals cannot be compromised, come what may.
The UK has its work cut out in this connection. It would find it difficult to convince the Trump administration that it should staunchly stand by Ukraine but it could campaign vigorously with the rest of the West and the EU fold in particular to unflaggingly support the embattled and over-run country.
Ukraine has shown an impressive adeptness in using drone technology in particular against her enemy and has even manufactured her own hardware in this respect but using the relevant blueprints handed over by the UK for the manufacture of more sophisticated cruise missiles, for instance, may prove financially difficult, going forward. It is left to be seen whether the UK and the rest of the West who are with Ukraine will continue to be with her, considering their own rising financial constraints.
The latter impediments could only multiply in the future. Oil, gas and energy prices are on the rise and the latter costs are glaringly reflected in kitchens and meal tables the world over. As we go along consumer discontent would steadily intensify and governments, East and West, would need to figure out with considerable rigour and foresight how such disaffection could be ably managed. Failing which, in most democratic societies, the chances are that publics would be out on the streets demanding that their grievances be redressed forthwith.
These rising concerns are reflected in a recent move by some EU governments to consider imposing what is described as ‘a windfall tax’ on the profits specified major oil companies operating within their shores have made in the wake of the US-Israel war on Iran. The rationale apparently is to use such tax earnings to cushion the rising cost of living of their publics and bolster the respective countries’ social expenditure.
In a recent letter to the president of the EU Council the EU governments referred to said, among other things, while drawing attention to the ‘discontent that is growing over the rising cost of living’: ‘A common approach’ is needed that ‘ensures those who profit from the crisis contribute their share to reducing the burden on the general population.’ Meanwhile, Oxfam with reference to the above development is on record as calling for a ‘permanent windfall tax of at least 50% on profits exceeding a 10% return on investment.’
Such are the rising economic pressures on the majority of Western governments. The question to be posed is how consistent they would be in their assistance to Ukraine if they decide consensually to stand by her. The soaring cost of living in the West compels the conclusion that there could be no guarantee that Western assistance to Ukraine, particularly in the defense and security fields, would be of a longstanding kind.
Of particular concern would be the fact that the weapons systems on offer from the UK to Ukraine could be increasingly costly to manufacture going forward. Besides they would need to be manufactured and put into action without delay.
However, these considerations should in no way deflect Ukraine’s supporters from the principled policy stance of defending her to the extent possible. Because at issue is the defense of International Law and the democratic system of government from their enemies; fascism and authoritarian rule.
While during World Wars 1 and 2 the US was with the major democracies of the West, this time around with regard to Ukraine, the US has chosen to be at cross-purposes with them. For instance, in relation to tariff matters and defense expenditure, in the NATO context, the US is pursuing a hard line which puts it at polar opposites with the West. Thus it is no longer possible to talk unreservedly of a ‘Western democratic alliance’. Put plainly, the cause of democratic development has been weakened.
A measure of relief for the supporters of Ukraine in the West could come by way of the upcoming mid-term polls in the US. If the Democratic Party fares well in them the pressure would be on the Trump administration to defer to opposition opinion at home, accommodate the best interests of Ukraine in its West European policy and perhaps even work towards a diplomatic solution to the Ukraine crisis in cooperation with Russia. Accordingly, the Democratic Party would need to put the Trump administration on the defensive, so to speak.
Until such time Ukraine’s Western supporters have no choice but to remain committed to it, ensure its steadfast defense against the invasion and work judiciously towards keeping the economic pressures at home in check.
Interestingly, at the present juncture in international politics the US could be said to be more weak than strong. For example, it has to some extent been militarily humbled by Iran; so much so it is resorting to economic means to keep Iran in check.
In keeping with this strategy, the US has launched ‘a new big wave of anti-Iran economic sanctions’ at the time of writing, aimed at cutting Iran away from all its major income sources. Some of these relate to digital assets, technology, gold, aviation and shipping. The hoped for result is the complete severance of Iran from the US dollar system.
However, while the UK and EU have no choice but to adhere to their policy of backing Ukraine, going forward they would need to dialogue more closely with the US and ensure that it cooperates with them on outstanding questions, such as Ukraine and the strengthening of democracy. The well being of the world is served when the latter aim is pursued.
OPA 39th Annual Conference calls for Sri Lanka to move Beyond Recovery towards Sustainable Transformation
The Orgnisation of Professional Associations (OPA) successfully concluded its 39th Annual Conference, held recently at the Cinnamon Grand Colombo, under the theme “Envisioning Sri Lanka: Beyond Recovery”.
Held under the patronage of Jayantha Gallehewa, President of the OPA, with the leadership and guidance of Tisara De Silva, President-Elect and Chairman of the 39th Annual Conference, the Conference brought together leading professionals, academics, business leaders and representatives of the public and private sectors to deliberate on Sri Lanka’s next phase of national development.
The Inaugural Session, on August 2026, was graced by Prime Minister Dr. Harini Amarasuriya, as the Chief Guest; Andrew Patrick, British High Commissioner to Sri Lanka, as the Guest of Honour; and Murtaza Jafferjee, Chairman of the Advocata Institute, Sri Lanka, as the Keynote Speaker.
In her address, Prime Minister Dr. Harini Amarasuriya emphasised that overcoming the economic crisis alone should not be Sri Lanka’s ultimate objective, stressing that recovery must serve as the foundation for a broader economic and institutional transformation necessary for sustainable national progress. Reflecting on the difficult period experienced by the country, the Prime Minister noted that Sri Lanka had faced significant economic, social and institutional challenges, which had weakened public confidence and created uncertainty about the country’s future.
She stressed that “recovery only provides the foundation” and that Sri Lanka can move forward sustainably only by using that foundation to bring about meaningful transformation.
The Prime Minister observed that the theme of the OPA’s 39th Annual Conference, “Envisioning Sri Lanka: Beyond Recovery,” aptly encapsulated these national aspirations. She emphasised that Sri Lanka’s objective should not merely be to return to the conditions that existed before the crisis, but to forge a stronger national foundation characterised by robust institutions, a resilient economy, high-quality public services and an enabling environment in which every citizen has the opportunity to thrive.
She further underscored that Sri Lanka’s future development cannot be secured through economic growth and physical development alone. She emphasised that the effective mobilisation of the country’s knowledge, skills and professional expertise, is equally essential to achieving sustainable and inclusive national progress
The Technical Sessions held on 12 August 2026 brought together 19 distinguished experts and professionals representing academia, industry, banking and finance, public health, technology, management and business leadership. Their diverse expertise provided a multidisciplinary platform to examine the critical challenges, emerging opportunities and strategic choices that will shape Sri Lanka’s next phase of development, with particular emphasis on economic transformation, institutional strengthening, digitalisation, private-sector growth, human capital and sustainable development.
The deliberations were structured around four principal sub-themes: “Resilient Recovery and Sustainable Economic Development”; “Future Readiness: Innovation & Transformation”; “Policy for Impact: Advancing Equity, Sustainable Living, and National Well-Being”; and “Leadership, Governance and National Responsibility.”
Across these thematic areas, the sessions explored the structural reforms, institutional requirements and policy choices necessary to move Sri Lanka beyond economic stabilisation towards a more productive, competitive, resilient and inclusive economy. The discussions brought together diverse professional perspectives, enabling participants to examine national priorities through economic, technological, industrial, financial, social and governance lenses.
Particular emphasis was placed on the need to move beyond the diagnosis of problems towards pragmatic, evidence-based and implementable solutions. The deliberations recognised that sustainable national progress requires not only sound policies, but also effective institutions, professional competence, innovation, responsible leadership and the capacity to translate policy into tangible outcomes.
The sessions further underscored the importance of collaboration across sectors, recognising that Sri Lanka’s complex development challenges cannot be addressed in isolation. Stronger engagement among Government, private sector, professional associations, academia and civil society was identified as essential to fostering a coherent national response and ensuring that professional knowledge and expertise are effectively translated into policy and action.
Collectively, the Technical Sessions provided a substantive platform for knowledge exchange, critical reflection and forward-looking dialogue, reinforcing the OPA’s commitment to bringing the country’s professional expertise to bear on the task of building a resilient, innovative, equitable and prosperous Sri Lanka.
The OPA expressed its sincere appreciation to Prime Minister Dr. Harini Amarasuriya, the Chief Guest; Andrew Patrick, British High Commissioner to Sri Lanka and Guest of Honour; and Murtaza Jafferjee, Chairman of the Advocata Institute, Sri Lanka and Keynote Speaker, for their distinguished contributions to the Conference.
Much of what the 39th Annual Conference achieved would not have been possible without the leadership, commitment and generous contributions of Jayantha Gallehewa, President of the OPA; Tisara De Silva, President-Elect and Chairman of the 39th Annual Conference; Eng. Ravi Rupasinghe, General Secretary; Dharshana Wijemanne, Treasurer; Bhanu Wijayaratne, Convener & the Chairman of the Session Planning Committee of the 39th Annual Conference Committee, Past Presidents and Office Bearers; Presidents and representatives of Member Associations; members of the Executive Councils and General Forum; and the distinguished Session Chairmen, Resource Persons and professionals who shared their time, expertise and insights in pursuit of the Conference’s shared vision. The OPA remains immensely grateful to all those whose collective contributions enriched the 39th Annual Conference and strengthened its role as a meaningful platform for professional exchange, informed dialogue and national reflection.
For Sri Lankans living 14,000 kilometres from home, the sound of home has never felt closer — and that’s thanks to one man and his band.
Since stepping into the spotlight, Gamini Hemalal and the Ceymphony Band have turned into the heartbeat of the Sri Lankan community in Toronto.
Their mission is simple: bring the music, bring the memories, bring the people together. And it’s working.
What turned out to be the talk-of-the-town was their intimate musical evening with Sri Lanka’s legendary crooner Sohan Weerasinghe.
Sohan Weerasinghe: Had
everyone on their feet at the
Angus Glen Golf Club, in
Toronto, Canada
It was a ‘full house’ long before the big date. Tickets vanished within days — demand was that overwhelming.
According to those who were there, it was a truly amazing evening. The hall was packed, the energy electric. Sohan didn’t just sing — he owned the stage.
With his velvet vocals, his charm, and that signature style, he had everyone on their feet. The ladies, especially, couldn’t get enough. No wonder they call him “The Ladies’ Man!”
One attendee summed it up perfectly:
“We had so much fun. It is truly a blessing to have our kids around us, enjoying these beautiful moments together. Thank you, Gamini Hemalal, for such a wonderful evening, with an amazing crowd and an incredible atmosphere. Your hard work and dedication truly made it a special night.
“We also need to say a big thank you to the Ceymphony Band for delivering such an outstanding performance. You all were absolutely amazing! Our entire family had a fantastic time, and we truly enjoyed every moment.
Ceymphony Band: Extremely popular in the scene in Toronto
“Wishing you all continued success. Keep up the amazing work, we can’t wait for the next.”
And the next is already on the cards: ‘Halloween Pissu Baila Party 2026,’ on Friday, 30th October, at the famous Angus Glen Golf Club.
Gamini promises a crazy night of baila, music, dancing and Halloween vibes with the Ceymphony Band. Action runs from 8:00 PM to 12:00 midnight, with plenty of prizes to be won.
Gamini Hemalal: Amazing work for the Sri Lankan community,
in Toronto, Canada
Gamini is also putting together a special event, connected with the 2027 Avurudu celebrations — ‘Avurudu Musical Show 2027,’ a uniquely styled musical Avurudu celebration … Ceymphony Band style.
It’s scheduled to be held on Saturday, 10th April, 2027, also at the Angus Glen Golf Club.
Through music, Gamini Hemalal and Ceymphony are doing what diaspora bands do best — they’re shrinking the distance between two worlds.
One baila beat at a time, one full house at a time, they’re making sure that even in Canada, Sri Lankans feel like home.
Yes, there is plenty of action, indeed, for the Sri Lankan community in Toronto, Canada.
Showers above 50 mm are likely in the Western, Sabaragamuwa and North-western provinces and in Kandy, Nuwara-Eliya, Galle and Matara districts
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