Features
Deepening Democracy – Constitutions and Constitutionalism
It is always a joy to arrive in Sri Lanka and I thank President Rajeev Amarasuriya for his kind invitation. There is something in the air of this beautiful island that drains the stress of big city living. I feel lighter and happier whenever I arrive, and last night was no different.
I thank you for the kind words of introduction.
In November 2018, I found myself in the book-lined study of the Indian jurist and friend of Sri Lanka, the redoubtable Fali S. Nariman.
Why was I there? A group of Sri Lankan lawyers working under the banner ‘Lawyers for Democracy’ and led by Upul Jayasuriya, PC had reached out to me to help secure an opinion from Mr. Nariman.
President, Maithripala Sirisena had dismissed Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe. The President proceeded to dissolve Parliament and call for elections. The question was: were these actions constitutional?
Nariman opined that the Presidential proclamation dissolving Parliament was ultra vires the 1978 Sri Lankan Constitution. Reading several provisions of the Constitution harmoniously, Nariman concluded that the proviso under Article 70(1) must be read as a fetter on the power of the President to dissolve Parliament until 4 ½ years after the first meeting / sitting of Parliament. Of course, as you know, the fetter would not apply where Parliament itself had requested early dissolution by a resolution passed by not less than 2/3rds of the whole number of members voting in favour of the resolution.
I open with this episode because, here and now, we are again in the midst of a constitutional moment. Yet again, there is a legitimate concern of lawyers and the informed citizenry in Sri Lanka, on whether the Constitution and constitutionalism are being bypassed. It is again time for the legal community in the Asia Pacific and our neighbourhood to step forward and share suggestions based on our own lived experiences and learnings.
Twenty-four years after the Indian Constitution was born in 1950, the leading Indian jurist, Nani Palkhivala, published a slim volume titled “Our Constitution Defaced and Defiled“. The book drew on the 6th John F. Kennedy Memorial Lecture delivered by the author in what was then Bombay. As the title of the book suggests, there is an undercurrent of lament that runs just below the surface of Palkhivala’s lucid prose.
Why the tinge of sadness?
Published in 1974 (four years before your Constitution), Indians had worked their Constitution for 24 years. In less than a quarter century, the Indian Constitution had been amended 25 times. Palkhivala felt that successive amendments had diluted many of the high values, central to the original compact between the citizens of free India and the State they formed. He was particularly distressed at the erosion of property rights and efforts by the State to constrict and confine the role of our Constitutional courts.
Nani Palkhivala is justifiably referred to as the man who saved the Indian Constitution.
Many of you know about Stephen Pleasonton, the US State Department clerk, who in August 1814 hurriedly stuffed the original Declaration of Independence and the US Constitution in coarse linen bags and carried them away from Washington DC hours before British Troops burned the city.
Palkhivala’s role, did not involve linen bags and the timely escape from gutted government buildings. Nevertheless, it was no less heroic.
In a case titled Keshavanand Bharati that spanned several weeks of hearing, Palkhivala persuaded the Indian Supreme Court to adopt the theory of basic structure. This singular contribution to global jurisprudence by the Indian Supreme Court ensures that core traits of the Constitution cannot be abrogated even through constitutional amendments.
While the basic structure doctrine sits well in jurisdictions that allow judicial review of statutes, it has a resonance in other systems as well. The doctrine fosters respect for core constitutional values and a culture of constitutionalism.
The pre-eminent value of constitutionalism is the people’s faith and belief in the supremacy of the Constitution. This is the cardinal value. As we work towards deepening democracy, we have to abide by basic tenets, continuously, without which we will miss our freedoms and the protected spaces that enable us to flourish as open societies.
Historically, the 1978 Sri Lankan Constitution as amended by the 19th Constitutional amendment in 2015 had Article 33(1)(a). This article as it then stood imposed a duty on the President to ensure that the Constitution ‘is respected and upheld by all organs of Government’. These were important words because they unequivocally required the highest constitutional functionary to promote constitutionalism.
In refashioning Article 33(1)(a), the 20th Constitutional Amendment appears to have dropped these weighty words. Indeed, for an overseas observer relying on an assortment of websites to access the definitive constitutional provisions as on date, I noticed a game of constitutional ping-pong, with provisions dropped and restored.
Since the text of the Constitution is extremely important, the fundamental duties, specifically Article 28(a) requires for every person of Sri Lanka to uphold and defend constitution and the law. The choice of words, ‘every person in Sri Lanka’ was interesting for its contrast to a corresponding Article 51A of the Indian Constitution. The Indian Constitution imposes the duty on ‘every citizen’ to ‘respect the Constitution’.
As a visitor to Sri Lanka and a citizen of India, I am currently under a moral and civic obligation to defend two constitutions, a responsibility I happily assume. I do so since constitutionalism is our best bet to navigate the turbulence of a complex world and transit to a fulfilling future.
Constitutionalism has both positive and negative attributes. It has a close cousin in constitutional morality. Indeed, both these expressions are elastic, and at their core are but pathways to securing dignity for individuals and betterment for the community in a just and fair manner.
The political scientist and constitutional commentator Pratap Bhanu Mehta identifies a cluster of characteristics linked to constitutionalism and constitutional morality. He writes:
“I [have] suggested that constitutional morality refers, instead, to the formal virtues of a constitutional sensibility: (1) Self-restraint, (2) respect for plurality, (3) deference to processes, (4) scepticism towards authoritative claims of popular sovereignty, and (5) a commitment to an open culture of criticism that lies at the heart of constitutionalism.”
Dr. B.R. Ambedkar who chaired the drafting committee of the Indian Constitution and was its principal architect, referred to the historian George Grote (pronounced Groht) when addressing the Constituent Assembly. Grote who had studied Athenian democracy emphasised ‘the diffusion of Constitutional morality’ not merely amongst the majority but throughout the whole community. This was an indispensable condition of government at once free and peaceable.
The Indian Supreme Court speaking through Chief Justice Deepak Misra in the celebrated Navtej Singh Johar case (which decriminalised same sex relationships) has an eloquent perspective on constitutionalism.
If I may be permitted a lengthy quote.
“122. The principle of transformative constitutionalism also places upon the judicial arm of the State a duty to ensure and uphold the supremacy of the Constitution, while at the same time ensuring that a sense of transformation is ushered constantly and endlessly in the society by interpreting and enforcing the Constitution as well as other provisions of law in consonance with the avowed object. The idea is to steer the country and its institutions in a democratic egalitarian direction where there is increased protection of fundamental rights and other freedoms. However, it is only when we adhere to constitutionalism as the supreme creed and faith and develop a constitutional culture to protect the fundamental rights of an individual that we can preserve and strengthen the values of our compassionate Constitution.
128. It is the concept of constitutional morality which strives and urges the organs of the State to maintain such a heterogeneous fibre in the society, not just in the limited sense, but also in multifarious ways. It is the responsibility of all the three organs of the State to curb any propensity or proclivity of popular sentiment or majoritarianism. Any attempt to push and shove a homogeneous, uniform, consistent and a standardised philosophy throughout the society would violate the principle of constitutional morality. Devotion and fidelity to constitutional morality must not be equated with the popular sentiment prevalent at a particular point of time.”
The Nobel Laureate Amartya Sen in his study The Idea of Justice (2009) explains what Constitutionalism is not. As many of you might know, Matsya in Sanskrit is a fish and Nyaya is justice. Sen writes:
“Early Indian legal theorists talked disparagingly of what they called Matsyanyaya, ‘justice in the world of fish’, where a big fish can freely devour a small fish. We are warned that avoiding Matsyanyaya must be an essential part of justice, and it is crucial to make sure that the ‘justice of fish’ is not allowed to invade the world of human beings.” – (page 44, The Idea of Justice)
This brings me to the role of Bar Associations. They have a vital societal obligation in educating the community and advancing constitutionalism.
In South Korea, a constitutional crisis erupted in December 2024 when President Yoon Suk Yeol declared martial law and attempted to dissolve the National Assembly, a move that struck at the heart of the country’s democratic framework. In the face of this extraordinary challenge, the Korean Bar Association (KBA) acted swiftly and unequivocally, issuing a public statement condemning the President’s actions as both unconstitutional and a grave assault on the rule of law. The declaration of martial law triggered a massive wave of civil protest. International organisations such as LAWASIA also joined in expressing deep concern, underscoring the broader regional and international consensus on the need to uphold constitutional processes and protect human rights. Facing immense domestic and international pressure, President Yoon rescinded the order within hours. Ultimately, South Korea’s Constitutional Court confirmed the dismissal of President Yoon Suk Yeol, upholding his impeachment and marking a decisive affirmation of constitutional supremacy over authoritarian overreach.
President Yoon Suk Yeol is currently serving a 7-year prison sentence, which was upheld by the Supreme Court of South Korea a few days ago.
Allow me a word of praise for the Bar Association of Sri Lanka. The leadership demonstrated by President Rajeev Amarasuriya builds on the work of so many distinguished past presidents including my dear friend Upul Jayasuriya. BASL has risen above politics, to project a stand founded on principles and values. My great regard for President Amarasuriya has soared as he navigates through the constitutional equivalent of the Straits of Hormuz.
The position taken by BASL as recorded in its communication of 25th May 2026 to His Excellency, President Anura Kumara Dissanayake is unexceptionable. Marshalling facts regarding the increase in the cadre of judges in the Court of Appeal and that of the Supreme Court, BASL noted that there was no workload justification for extending the retirement age of the sitting judges of these courts.
Constitutions are not to be amended merely because the government of the day commands the requisite numbers. The perception that the real reason for extending the retirement age is distant from working norms and efficiency, is apt to erode public trust and confidence.
Public trust is earned and built over decades through the work of individual judges and the collective output of the judiciary. An independent Bar that maintains an open channel of communication with the public is a vital safeguard against assaults on an independent judiciary. An independent Bar has a keen sense of potential dangers that loom. The Sri Lankan public deserves outstanding judges known for their independence and impartiality. Today, BASL is justifiably concerned about tinkering with the retirement age, absent any immediate justification.
I join my distinguished international colleagues, Mr. Steven Thiru, President of the Commonwealth Lawyers’ Association and Mr. T L Yap, President of LAWASIA in both commending the Bar Association of Sri Lanka for its courageous and principled stand and call on the authorities to pay heed to the BASL.
In the Indian experience, invoking the basic structure doctrine, the Supreme Court has consistently struck down amendments to the Constitution that impacted the independence of the judiciary. In the absence of constitutionally mandated judicial review, Sri Lankan society is best served by an open and transparent consultative process before any ad hoc piecemeal amendments are pushed through.
Recall the title of Nani Palkhivala’s book I mentioned: “Our Constitution Defaced and Defiled“. Surely, the people of Sri Lanka deserve better than a piecemeal and ad hoc amendment that defiles the constitutional scheme and possibly impairs the independence of the judiciary.
President Amarasuriya correctly mentioned that the Bar Association of Sri Lanka is guided by principle and conscience, not the political winds of the day. May I suggest a third factor which I will call the “Smell Test”. The Bar Association, comprising so many experienced and venerable practitioners has a keen and well-developed instinct refined over decades. When something “smells wrong” as it does at this constitutional moment, citizens have a reliable guide in BASL. The Bar Association knows something is amiss – something that compromises the independence of the judiciary and the rule of law. The move to amend the Constitution by extending the retirement age of superior court judges fails the Smell Test.
With the help of the Bar Association of Sri Lanka and with the help of its independent judiciary, a culture of constitutionalism is taking hold. Its roots are sinking deep.
The poet, Yasmine Gooneratne has a memorable set of lines:
There was a country where fine poems lay
close to the surface.
Under every hedge
each passing shower would bare a glittering edge.

I am confident that here in Sri Lanka every passing shower of constitutional challenge will reveal the glittering edge of constitutional values and fidelity to the rule of law. (Concluded)
Address to the Bar Association of Sri Lanka on 11 July 2026
by SHYAM DIVAN
Senior Advocate, Supreme Court of India
Features
Eastern University and the making of a culture of peace
by Jehan Perera
There is an important change in the way peace is being understood in Sri Lanka. The notion that peacebuilding is not simply the responsibility of governments, politicians and peace organisations, but is also a responsibility of educational institutions, appears to be permeating the consciousness of at least a section of the academic community. This was visible on International Peace Day at an event held at Eastern University by the Faculty of Health-Care Sciences. The event was unusual not least because the medical and nursing faculty of the university had decided that peacebuilding was relevant to its academic and professional responsibilities.
Peacebuilding has too often been treated as something undertaken after conflict, when the fighting has stopped and the immediate task is to rebuild relationships between communities. But peace cannot be sustained by governments and peace organisations alone. If it is to become long lasting, the values and practices of peace have to become part of the institutions through which a society educates its younger generations. Universities and other educational institutions are therefore important to peacebuilding. They are among the places where the foundations of a culture of peace can either be built or neglected.
The experience of the Faculty of Health-Care Sciences at Eastern University provides a practical example of what this can mean. Led by its Dean, Prof Thillainathan Sathaananthan, the faculty organised an event which went beyond the ordinary academic scope of a medical faculty. University academics are experts in writing project proposals and applying for research grants. On this occasion, the members of the Faculty of Health-Care Sciences used those skills to apply for a UNESCO grant that they won to conduct an International Peace Day event. The significance lies less in the Rs 200,000 grant than in the decision to use the university’s institutional capacity and resources to invest in peacebuilding. The event at Eastern University needs to be understood as more than a successful university programme. It represents a possible paradigm shift in peace thinking.
Institutional Commitment
The Peace Day event obtained the support of the university administration, including Vice Chancellor Prof P Peratheepan, and reached out to secondary schools in the vicinity to mobilise their attendance. The event itself was meticulously organised. There were cultural items including traditional and modern dance and song in the three languages, performed by combinations of solo, duet and multiple singers, dancers and actors drawn in part from nearby secondary schools. There was a panel discussion by senior academics on the general theme of peacebuilding and how to prepare for it. A discussion among the students followed, where each student spoke on behalf of a religion that was not theirs. This is significant because peacebuilding cannot remain an idea discussed by specialists at conferences. It has to become part of the way institutions educate and prepare people for life in a plural society.
The Faculty of Health-Care Sciences at Eastern University has provided a model through its Peace Medicine course modules that were introduced to the curricular as a compulsory core course over 10 years ago. Two senior academics, Dr Kuveriel Eliyas Karunakaran and Dr Thillainathan Sathaananthan, have written a book on “Peace Medicine- A Health Care Concern” that was published five years ago. Its Peace Medicine Module integrates principles of medical ethics, compassion, equity, social justice and community engagement into health education and practice. In his introduction, former Vice Chancellor of Eastern University, Prof T Jayasingam noted “This book is an introduction to a theme which had already been operating in the Faculty of Health Care Sciences as a course.”
Doctors, nurses and health workers know better than anyone the harm that war and violence does. They are the people who treat the wounds and trauma that violence leaves behind. In a hospital, a patient is not asked what their religion or ethnicity is before they are treated. Health care is one of the places where peace is practised every day. The Faculty has therefore found a way of connecting its professional responsibilities with the wider social responsibility of peacebuilding. The question is whether this experience can be replicated throughout the country, at universities and at other educational institutions, so that peacebuilding becomes part of the consciousness of education itself. If that happens on a sufficient scale, it can begin to generate a culture of peace that becomes increasingly difficult to reverse.
Local Action
The Eastern University event corresponded closely to the United Nations theme for this year’s International Day of Peace, “Invest in Peace – For Everyone, Everywhere, Every Day”, which honours the “everyday architects of peace”, people driving local action, laying the groundwork for stability and building lasting peace from the ground up. The emphasis on investment is important. An investment means that something is put in: time, courage and resources. There is no more violent conflict in Sri Lanka today. But the absence of war does not automatically produce a culture of peace. The factors that fed the country’s conflict have not disappeared from the world. Racism, corruption and the violation of laws and human rights are the raw materials of conflict. So too are unresolved grievances, discrimination and the failure to recognise the suffering of others.
A country that does not deal with its past does not escape it. The past can return in the next generation. This is why the experience of Eastern University needs to be replicated countrywide, both at universities and at other educational institutions. The objective should not be to turn every academic discipline into peace studies. Rather, peacebuilding needs to become part of the consciousness of education itself. Eastern University shows that a medical faculty can develop Peace Medicine. A law faculty can examine the relationship between justice, rights and peace. Faculties of education can prepare teachers to work in diverse communities, while the humanities and social sciences can examine the different narratives through which communities understand their histories. Every institution can find its own way of making peacebuilding relevant to what it teaches.
Sri Lanka has had many declarations, pledges and programmes in the past. What matters is whether these produce changes in behaviour and institutional practice. Peacebuilding requires confronting difficult issues rather than avoiding them. It requires respect for different identities, but also engagement across those identities. It requires dealing with grievances in the present while also addressing unresolved issues from the past. It requires truth, accountability, reparations and guarantees of non-recurrence. It requires people to learn that the rights of another community do not diminish their own rights. The International Peace Day event at Eastern University was evidence of a change in the way at least some academics in a part of the country deeply affected by war are thinking about their responsibilities. Peace needs to be invested in and the most important investment will be in the minds of those who will inherit the future.
Features
Quality assured education commodities
by Ahilan Kadirgamar
I have always noticed the little paper tags that are inside the packaging of some products that say quality assured or quality control. I often wonder who might have checked the product and stamped that tag, but I also forget the tag soon enough. Decades later, when I entered academia, I was taken aback by the emphasis placed on quality assurance in our universities. It is not something that could be forgotten and done away with; the entire university system is obsessed with quality assurance.
Beginning with the staff induction programme, quality assurance is drilled into the newly recruited lecturers. It is the norm, not seen as doing any harm and only trying to improve quality. It is accepted as given, and not questioned. Quality Assurance Cells and Committees are omnipresent and hover above the Departments and, at times, even the Faculty Boards. Quality Assurance reviews are feared by the Deans and Vice Chancellors. University life itself seems secondary to the rule of quality assurance. What do we make of this system of quality assurance and what are its implications for our university system?
Corporate speak
Universities globally have been going through major changes with neoliberal education policies. In many countries, universities increasingly became corporatised to be run like businesses in the 1980s. As state support for universities declined, cost cutting became the norm. They started hiring adjunct or part-time staff. Many public non-fee levying universities around the world began to charge fees. Decade by decade, tuition fees became more and more exorbitant, forcing students to take student loans. The total student debt in the United States now stands at close to US$ 2 trillion; which is about 20 times the GDP of Sri Lanka. As the higher education landscape transformed in the West, university administrations began to recruit Presidents, Vice Chancellors and administrative officials with corporate backgrounds and experience.
Such corporatisation of universities in the West has since been imported into countries like Sri Lanka, introducing a new corporate vocabulary, including quality assurance, graduate competencies, programme outcomes, intended learning outcomes, etc. University teaching has become secondary to documenting so-called outcomes. The teacher-student relationship, the environment of the lecture hall and even administering the university have been over-determined by the processes of ensuring quality. How did such major changes come about in such a short time? Indeed, academics of just two generation ago, would never have heard of these terms and processes in the Sri Lankan university system.
World Bank Trojan horse
Since the early 2000s there have been a number of World Bank projects that have drastically changed the character of Sri Lankan universities. Quality assurance as a central agenda within universities, and many other changes to the working of our universities, came through these World Bank initiatives. The Improving Relevance and Quality of Undergraduate Education (IRQUE) project and Higher Education for the 21st Century (HETC) project were two such earlier projects that set up the Quality Assurance and Accreditation Unit (QAAU) under the University Grants Commission (UGC) and established systematic quality assurance reviews for state universities. The public often thinks these are grants from the World Bank to modernise our universities. However, they are not grants but loans.
The most recent such project, Accelerating Higher Education Expansion and Development (AHEAD) is a US$ 100 million loan from the World Bank implemented from 2018 to 2023, which consolidated the quality assurance structures from the earlier projects. Furthermore, these projects are implemented with tremendous arrogance, prioritising their implementation over all other concerns in the universities, when the project over six years for example accounts for just one fourth of our budget allocation for universities this year.
The AHEAD project drastically changed course curricula, sought to increase student enrolment in science, technology, engineering, mathematics (STEM) disciplines, commercialise the university research agenda and create university-business linkages. All of this was pushed to supposedly help us face development challenges. We have heard the ideological attack on our universities and even students claiming they are “unemployable graduates”. These changes to our higher education system were supposedly going to create jobs and increase employment.
The irony of the AHEAD project is that just as it was ending in 2023, apparently after having reached its targets, the Sri Lankan economy was collapsing. The World Bank often gets the direction of causality wrong. It is the economy that creates jobs for graduates, and not the training or kind of graduates that create jobs. It is decades of World Bank policies, and those of its ideological twin the IMF, that have led to such high youth unemployment, not only in Sri Lanka but also in many other countries in the global South.
Sri Lanka entered an IMF agreement in March 2023 and started a new Country Partnership Framework with the World Bank in June 2023. These programmes have little to say about, and actively discourage, government initiatives that aim to create an industrial policy or an employment creation policy. Instead, they push for austerity measures, which not only restrict the allocation for education among other sectors, but also end up contracting the economy to the detriment of increasing employment. Their goal is the commercialisation of higher education, to make universities into businesses and run them like factories.
In this context, the ideology of quality assurance is powerful. The International Organisation for Standardisation (ISO), whose different standards are necessary for marketing, is the institution that came up with the concept of “quality assurance”. It promoted quality assurance as a process of identifying defected products. Therefore, when the World Bank promotes this conceptual framing, our students are, in fact, seen as products on the assembly line, with quality assurance processes aiming to prevent the release of defected products from the university system. For the US$ 100 million we borrowed for the AHEAD project and the many more million dollars in similar World Bank projects, there is no evidence of increased employment of graduates.
Commodity fetishism
Over a century and a half ago, Karl Marx critiqued the economic analysis prevalent at that time that associated some inherent or monetary value for commodities without considering the social relations that underlie the production of those commodities. Marx called this commodity fetishism. Furthermore, he theorised that such commodity fetishism was also a reason for the alienation of human beings from the world. If our labour and what we produce is seen devoid of the social relations that underlie them, we lose our connection with the people and the world. In this process we become alienated from what we produce and the world.
We are now in a world where our students themselves are fetishised as commodities for the market. Universities are no longer communities concerned about knowledge and human growth, but mere factories producing commodities, which have to be produced without defects to be marketed. In this way, quality assurance has become the cause for the alienation of students, academics and our universities themselves, from the larger relationship with our economy and society.
Our university system does need reform. It is grossly underfunded and not providing the financial support and facilities for our students. Universities have become hierarchical spaces without the academic freedom and democratic ethos necessary for producing knowledge. Academics and students need to engage more with their communities to make their learning and research meaningful, not to mention their contribution to and integration with society. However, when it comes to even questions of governance and regulation of the universities, such concerns are merely reduced to improving quality. In our contemporary times, this singular focus on quality assurance, as opposed to addressing the larger structural issues, is crippling our universities. There may be no way out, but to put back quality assurance where it started, those little tags on goods, to perhaps be noticed but quickly forgotten.
Ahilan Kadirgamar is a political economist and Senior Lecturer, University of Jaffna.
(Kuppi is a politics and pedagogy happening on the margins of the lecture hall that parodies, subverts, and simultaneously reaffirms social hierarchies)
Features
Thailand’s biggest new global star …
The entertainment scene, globally, is agog with excitement, and, why not!
Yes, a new global star has emerged … from Thailand, and she hit the headlines by winning America’s Got Talent.
Rattikarn Amloy, known to millions by her stage name Nene Royal, was crowned the winner of America’s Got Talent (AGT) Season 21 at the live finale at Pasadena Civic Auditorium, California, taking home the USD 1 million grand prize.
The 16-year-old rocker, from the holiday island of Phuket (I’ve been to Phuket, courtesy Tourism Authority of Thailand), has struck a power chord around the world, and is the first Thai national ever to win the hit NBC show.
She beat nine other finalists, including runner-up magician Geno Ploeger, after a blistering final performance.
Nene’s story is pure rock and roll fairy-tale. She says she picked up a guitar at age seven, fell in love at the first chord, and taught herself mostly by watching videos online. That dedication earned her a music scholarship to Kajonkiet International School Phuket.
Her audition at America’s Got Talent — a swaggering, shredding rendition of The Cranberries’ classic ‘Zombie’ — exploded online, amassing over 200 million views across AGT’s platforms, more than any act this season.
She kept wowing: ‘Hysteria’ by Muse, then ‘Black Hole Sun’ by Soundgarden which earned her Spice Girl Mel B’s Golden Buzzer, sending her straight to the live shows.
For the final, she unleashed ‘Seven Nation Army’ by The White Stripes. Judge Howie Mandel shouted: “You should win. Give her the million, America.” Mel B praised her “mysterious, mystical stage presence”.
And for the grand finale, she lived every teen rocker’s dream — performing on stage, alongside US rock giants Linkin Park.
When host Terry Crews announced her as winner, the teenager collapsed to the stage floor in tears. “I’m very happy and you know I’m emotional right now,” she said.
And Thailand erupted. Her school held watch parties, posting: “You did it, congratulations, champion. We are so proud of you.”
Even Prime Minister Anutin Charnvirakul sent a personal congratulation. He had earlier hosted Nene at Government House in July, where she played guitar while he sang a Thai rock song. His office said her talent “brought pride to Thai people.”
Corporate Thailand also rallied behind her — Charoen Pokphand Foods, owned by billionaire Dhanin Chearavanont, even rented a giant billboard in Times Square, New York, to cheer her on.
With her blistering guitar solos, rock-ballad shrieks and fearless spirit, little Nene Royal has just become Thailand’s biggest new global star.
What’s more, this amazing teenager will be bringing her powerful vocals, guitar skills and signature rock-metal style to the stage, as opening act, before one of the world’s biggest rock bands, America’s Avenged Sevenfold, in Singapore, on 13 October.
Unfortunately, we are still to see a local artiste, grab the spotlight, on a global scale … like Thailand’s Nene.
Yes, they do shine, but mostly on social media, and that, too, with the aid of AI (Artificial Intellegence).
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