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Editorial

A one-man show?

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Tuesday 5th May, 2026

The JVP-NPP government turned its recent May Day rallies into a propaganda counteroffensive against the Opposition, which has effectively targeted its good governance credentials. The ruling party leaders, including President Anura Kumara Dissanayake, went ballistic, condemning their rivals as utterly corrupt politicians. Claiming that 2026 would be remembered as the year when the corrupt and thieves were sent to jail, President Dissanayake said 15 high-profile cases would come up in the current month itself.

The Executive President can have himself briefed on cases to be filed and the progress therein, but it is unbecoming of him or her to leverage privileged access to such information for political expediency. Lashing out at President Dissanayake for having told his supporters, at a public rally, that they will be able to hail a judgement to be delivered in a corruption case later this month, the Joint Opposition yesterday said at a media briefing that by saying so, the President had undermined the integrity of the judiciary. Former Minister of Justice and Constitutional Affairs Prof. G. L. Peiris told the media yesterday that by claiming to have prior knowledge of the judgement to be delivered on 25 May, the President had assailed the very foundation of the Constitution. One cannot but agree with Prof. Peiris that in the civilised world, judicial decisions are not meant to entertain a third party, and the President’s statement at issue is tantamount to exerting political pressure on the judiciary. Prof. Peiris said the Opposition would make representations to the Chief Justice on the matter. The Bar Association of Sri Lanka must also take it up.

The political undertone of the aforementioned presidential declaration is disturbing, for it betrays a vested interest in the cases the President has referred to, and it is therefore only natural that he is seen to be ramping up pressure on the judiciary to be mindful of the government’s desire to have its political opponents incarcerated for corruption somehow or other. When he insists that the government politicians are not corrupt, and corruption cases would come up against their Opposition counterparts, the subtext of his statement is that he believes that the Opposition members concerned deserve punishment and expects them to be jailed. This can be considered a thinly veiled message intended to influence the judiciary.

The JVP/NPP came to power partly resorting to a false dichotomy. It divided politicians into two broad categories––clean individuals who supported it and others it portrayed as deserving imprisonment for corruption. One may argue that the government’s vested interest in prosecuting its political opponents, and its public declarations that they must be jailed, hang over the judiciary like the sword of Damocles.

The presidential declarations with the potential to erode public trust in the judiciary should be viewed against the backdrop of a controversial claim made by a Minister that the JVP-NPP government would devolve judicial powers to some committees to be set up at the village level. Is the JVP/NPP working according to a plan to undermine the judiciary and reduce it to a mere appendage of the government?

The JVP was critical of the Executive Presidency, while out of power, and even launched aggressive campaigns, seeking its abolition. The JVP/NPP promised to introduce a new Constitution, inter alia, “abolishing the executive presidency and appointing a president without executive powers by the Parliament” (A Thriving Nation: A Beautiful Life, NPP Election Manifesto, p. 109). Today, the JVP/NPP is silent on this solemn pledge which enabled it to garner favour with the public to win elections, and President Dissanayake is accused of undermining the cherished constitutional doctrine of the separation of powers. Worse, JVP General Secretary Tilvin Silva has declared that the incumbent government will be in power indefinitely. Senior public administrators have protested against a government move to plant JVP cadres in the District and Divisional Secretariats on the pretext of implementing the Clean Sri Lanka programme. One can only hope that the unfolding events are not ominous signs of an Orwellian nightmare.



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Editorial

Fear of elections

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Monday 25th May, 2026

Governments never postpone elections they are confident of winning. They devise ways and means of postponing elections and concoct various excuses for such shameful action only when they realise that their luck has run out and they cannot muster enough popular support to secure victory. The Yahapalana government postponed the Provincial Council (PC) elections in 2017 for fear of losing them, but badly lost the Local Government (LG) polls it had to conduct the following year. Its constituents have not yet recovered fully from that electoral debacle. The SLPP government also postponed the LG polls in 2022 and 2023. Now, the JPV-NPP government with a two-thirds majority in Parliament is doing everything possible to avoid the PC polls.

JVP General Secretary Tilvin Silva has said it will not be possible to hold the PC elections this year. He is reported to have claimed, at the opening of an NPP coordination office in Jaffna, over the weekend that budgetary allocations were made for conducting the PC elections, but due to Cyclone Ditwah, the government was compelled to allocate Rs. 500 billion for disaster relief, and therefore it will not be possible to hold the PC elections this year. Electoral reform has also stood in the way of the PC polls, he has said.

The JVP-NPP government has reneged on another election promise. The NPP’s election manifesto, Thriving Nation: A Beautiful Life, makes a solemn pledge to hold the PC polls within one year of the formation of an NPP government. “Provincial Council and local government elections, which are currently postponed indefinitely, will be held within a year to provide an opportunity for the people to join the government” (p. 127).

The government boasts that the state coffers are overflowing, unlike in the past. If so, allocating funds for the PC polls should be child’s play. The government’s claim that it cannot allocate funds for the PC polls due the ongoing disaster relief programme is similar to the SLPP-UNP government’s absurd excuse for postponing the LG polls in 2023. The Election Commission was ready to hold elections, and the Supreme Court ordered the UNP-SLPP government not to withhold funds allocated from Budget 2023 for the LG elections, but the then President Ranil Wickremesinghe claimed that financial difficulties had compelled his government to prioritise expenditure on essential supplies required to meet the basic needs of the population over conducting elections. The JVP/NPP leaders seem to have taken a leaf out of Wickremesinghe’s book.

The JVP finds itself in a situation replete with irony. It went on a spree of violence to sabotage the first PC polls in 1988, but without success, and vowed to scuttle the PC system. But today a JVP-led government has undertaken to hold the PC polls albeit with some delay. The JVP vehemently opposed the postponement of the LG polls in 2023. But it has done exactly what it opposed tooth and nail about three years ago.

All political parties represented in the current Parliament, save a few, are responsible for the indefinite postponement of the PC polls. They either backed or refrained from opposing an amendment to the Provincial Council Elections Act, presented by the Yahapalana government in 2017 to put off the PC elections. They included the SLFP, the UNP, the JVP, the SLMC, the TNA and the current SLPP leaders, who were in the Joint Opposition at that time. The bill was stuffed with new sections, at the committee stage, to pave the way for postponing the PC elections; most of those additions were widely considered inconsistent with the underlying principles of the original bill, which was passed.

Electoral reform has necessitated the delimitation of electorates in view of the new mixed proportional system, and the process of redrawing the boundaries of constituencies is expected to take about one year. Parliament could have resolved this issue a long time ago. The JVP-NPP government has also dragged its feet on it for obvious reasons. Parliament can decide to hold the PC elections under the Proportional Representation system, pending the completion of the delimitation process. The Opposition is reportedly planning to push for this option. Hence, the government has come out with another excuse—funding constraints caused by disaster relief needs. It has unwittingly revealed its fear of elections.

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Editorial

Of that move to rein in Trump

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Republicans on Thursday postponed a vote on a Democratic-sponsored war powers resolution to rein in President Donald Trump’s military campaign in what could be seen as a missed opportunity to pave the way for a negotiated settlement of the Iran conflict. They did so as it became clear that the GOP would not be able to muster a majority to defeat the resolution which, if passed, would have compelled Trump to stop the Iran war. Republicans hold slender majorities in both chambers of Congress. They are doing everything in their power to scuttle the war powers resolution. However, they cannot go on postponing the vote on it indefinitely.

Some of the US legislators who voted to scuttle a previous war powers resolution have changed their position and expressed willingness to put Trump in a straitjacket to save lives, funds and America’s international image. This is believed to be the main reason for Trump’s decision to postpone US withdrawal from the current ceasefire and resume strikes on Iran. Three Republicans voted for the previous war powers resolution which was almost passed.

Trump’s decision to postpone military operations has also been attributed to the depletion of a substantial portion of America’s advanced missile defence inventory during the conflict with Iran, according to a report published by The Washington Post. This revelation is reported to have caused serious concerns in Washington over its capacity to sustain military commitments vis-a-vis multiple theatres simultaneously, particularly in the Indo-Pacific, where allies such as Taiwan, Japan and South Korea remain heavily dependent on the American security umbrella. Military inventories take years to replenish. US arms sales to Taiwan have already been paused to ensure that the Pentagon has enough munitions for the Iran war, according to media reports. Ukraine is likely to face a similar fate.

Congress members are becoming increasingly disillusioned with Trump’s war, which has driven domestic fuel prices up. Even the patience of Republicans who wholeheartedly backed Trump’s military campaign have had a change of heart due to the prolongation of the war and the unexpected consequences of it, such as Iran using the Hormuz Strait as a strategic lever to shift the war to the economic front. Besides, Iran has demonstrated remarkable resilience and a mindset that it is unconcerned about the consequences of its counterattacks. It has warned Washington that the Gulf of Oman could become a ‘graveyard’ for US Navy ships deployed in the region if it continues its military aggression. Tehran has so far sprung several surprises for the US and Israel, and its aforesaid warning cannot be dismissed as mere rhetoric.

It will be in the interest of global peace for Congress itself to step in to curb Trump’s war powers and de-escalate the West Asia conflict, without letting it spiral out of control.

An early end to the Iran conflict will benefit the entire world tremendously. Besides the colossal loss of lives and the destruction of assets, including oil infrastructure, the war has taken a heavy toll on almost all countries, and the developing nations are the worst hit. Economies around the world are reeling from massive oil price increases.

The war powers resolution is based on a law passed during the Vietnam war to enable Congress to regain power over external conflicts, but Trump has publicly called it unconstitutional. He has undermined vital US systems and institutions. When he failed to secure a consecutive second term, he claimed the election had been stolen by his political opponents and allegedly provoked the Capitol attacks in 2021. Now, he is trying to arrogate to himself some congressional powers related to war.

If the GOP continues to support Trump’s military campaigns, it will do so at the risk of losing its hold on Congress, for Trump’s popularity ratings are trending downward, with midterm elections drawing near. Even when the President is popular, his party tends to lose seats in midterm elections. Trump’s approval rating has plummeted to 35%, according to Forbes. Several polls have also found that 64% of US voters think it was wrong for Trump to go to war with Iran. Both the US and the rest of the world will gain if the war powers resolution is passed and Trump made to act with restraint.

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Editorial

Some vehicle traders ‘more equal’?

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Saturday 23rd May, 2026

SJB MP Mujibur Rahman has alleged in Parliament that on the eve of the announcement of a 50% customs duty surcharge on vehicle imports, Letters of Credit (LCs) for 1,782 vehicles had been opened by three close associates of President Anura Kumara Dissanayake. Previously, the Opposition claimed that the number of LCs opened on that day exceeded 4,000.

Rahman said the number of LCs opened during the week prior to the announcement of the surcharge mounted to 4,000. The government and the Opposition have locked horns over the issue. It has also been claimed in some quarters that some other vehicle importers also benefited from inside information.

It may not be fair to level sweeping allegations against all vehicle importers. They watch foreign exchange rates, particularly the depreciation of the rupee, global issues and trends, and respond accordingly without the benefit of inside information. When the rupee began to tumble, some vehicle importers may have expected the government to resort to drastic measures, such as import restrictions, to manage the situation. It is natural that traders place bigger orders when the rupee shows signs of continuous weakening. Vehicle importers are no exception.

When it became clear that the rupee free fall would last for a while, vehicle importers may have opened more LCs. That is the name of the game in the business world. It is a gamble, though. If the West Asia conflict goes away by any chance, with the global oil markets stabilising and prices returning close to the pre-war levels, the rupee will rally and the vehicles, imported during the rupee depreciation, may not fetch the desired prices and the importers may not get the expected returns on their investment in such an eventuality. Even ordinary consumers react in a similar manner and stock up on goods that are expected to be in short supply. Most filling stations hide their stocks on the eve of monthly fuel price revisions, for the trend is for the fuel prices to increase in this country. They have no need for inside information to do so. They go by market trends and act with impunity to profiteer. Some of them also place bigger fuel orders towards the end of every month, expecting price increases.

However, the possibility of some vehicle importers having benefited from their political connections and received inside information about the customs duty surcharge in advance cannot be ruled out. Even Budget secrets are leaked to some businesses in this country. Financiers of successive governments have earned billions of rupees in profit by hoarding cigarettes in the run-up to Budgets that increased tobacco prices. Political leaders are known to work hand in glove with business leaders.

As for the allegation that the incumbent government leaked information about the duty surcharge to its cronies, what needs to be examined is whether there were unusually large vehicle orders placed in the run-up to the announcement of the surcharge, and whether the importers concerned are known to have links to the ruling coalition. If only a few vehicle importers who backed the JVP-NPP election campaigns placed huge vehicle orders just days before the surcharge was imposed, it could raise questions of favouritism. A graph showing the number of vehicles imported by leading traders, especially the ones with political links, during the past month may reveal unusual patterns, if any.

Now that the Opposition has levelled a very serious allegation against the government and some companies, the burden is on it to support its claim with facts and figures. The government ought to make all necessary information available if it has nothing to hide.

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