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Why the promotion of drone warfare is unconscionable

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A drone strike on an oil facility in the Middle East in the current war.

For the morally-conscious, the tendency among some sections in Sri Lanka to promote the production of drones for national defence purposes could be deeply worrying. Besides, this proposition flies in the face of common sense and disregards the relentlessly increasing harsh economic realities coming in the wake of the current wars that could push many a southern country into beggary. In fact even the West is facing an economic recession.

To begin with the latter issues, it is a proved reality that the majority of Southern countries are descending further into poverty at present. The FAO has the ‘bleeding statistics’ . For instance, food insecurity in Asia is of such disquieting proportions that the region accounts for ‘ approximately half of the world’s 370.7 million undernourished people’.

It is against such a bleak economic backdrop that countries of the South are being called on to pump money into the production or importing of drones. Pointed reference needs to be made here to the South because drones are peddled as cutting-edge defence systems that are comparatively economical to acquire and relatively easy to operate. It is even voiced that with time drones could enable even smaller countries of the South to acquire ‘strategic parity’ with the major powers of the North and middle level powers.

Meanwhile, no thought is spared for the poor of the South who would sink steadily into poverty and powerlessness. Because more defence spending by southern countries only entrenches the ruling classes of those countries, and in some cases their military high commands, further in the systems of governance and repression.

This has essentially been the experience of the majority of post-colonial states. As aptly phrased by economic and political analyst Susan George in the seventies, it has always been a case of ‘The Other Half Dying’.

Accordingly, it cannot be perceived as to how more defence spending by the South on drones could help alleviate the latter’s principal problem of deepening poverty. As for the perceived escalating insecurities of the South, these problems are of such complexity that drones could never be seen as offering a quick fix for them. They need patient, multi-pronged managing, mainly at the negotiating table with the powers that matter. These are long- gestation projects that need to be compulsorily undertaken in view of the fact that the alternative could be indefinite conflict and war.

Since Sri Lanka too is mentioned as one of those countries that needs to look at the drone proposition with some seriousness, it is relevant to underscore that Sri Lanka is second in a list of countries that are described as facing acute material hardships at present in the wake of the economic instability bred by the Hormuz crisis. The source of such information is no less than the respected Kiel Institute for the World Economy. The first 10 such gravely affected countries are: Zambia, Sri Lanka, Taiwan, Pakistan, Equatorial Guinea, Kenya, Bangladesh, Vietnam, the Philippines and Thailand.

It is thought-provoking that among the above countries are not only those that have been traditionally seen as experiencing severe underdevelopment but also up-and-coming middle income countries that have been hitherto described as being on a fast track to development. The interesting mix proves that no country at present could consider itself immune to current economic shocks originating mainly in the Middle East that could plunge it dramatically into acute poverty virtually overnight.

We are left to conclude that ‘Bread’ or the economic well being of people could in no way be sacrificed for ‘Drones’ in democratic countries whose governments are obliged to be accountable to the people. Considering the phenomenal hardships that could be waiting to happen worldwide, the world could very well do without more ‘Guns’ or ‘Drones’.

However, if southern governments in particular opt for ‘Drones’ or an accumulation of ‘Guns’, the chances are that there could be overwhelming tides of social discontent in their countries, bred by economic want, that could then ignite indefinite war and repression. That is, a ‘No-Win’ situation for all concerned.

Ukraine has been spiritedly and admirably taking the fight back to the invading Russian forces over the past few years but its skillful use of sophisticated drones of its own making has in no way decreased the human costs the war has been incurring for itself. Ukraine has no choice but to continue with all the weaponry at its command to beat back the Russian invader but sooner rather than later it would need to take into account the immense suffering the war has been inflicting on its people and focus on the fact that the Russians are not backing down but using equally lethal weaponry against it.

The above are some of the dilemmas of the present wars that call for urgent resolution. Warring countries are obliged to address on a priority basis the misery and destruction their actions incur for their publics and consider deploying diplomacy, preferably under the aegis of the UN, to work out peaceful solutions to their enmities and differences. Considering the futility of their war Russia and Ukraine are obliged to think on these lines.

No less a power than the US should be considering deeply right now the advisability of continuing with its military interventions in the South in particular to achieve its self interests. The rising loss of American lives and the economic costs of war in the Middle East will be weighing heavily with the Trump administration and it shouldn’t come as a surprise if negotiations are given a serious try, going ahead. Ground realities in the region moreover indicate that the US ‘has bitten off more than it could chew’ and that Iran is remaining hostile and unyielding despite being bloodied.

For both sides to the war what should be inescapable is the harsh reality of continuing human suffering on a chilling scale. Sophisticated and increasingly destructive weaponry such as drones and missiles are being used but they have not brought either side any closer to victory. Instead human misery is being perpetrated mindlessly with a steady deadening of consciences and a flagrant abandoning of reason.

Accordingly, what perceived legitimate aims could drone warfare, for instance, help achieve? It is quite some time since sections of the world community came to realize the futility of violence and war. There is no choice but for humans to recognize and revere the principle of the sacredness of life. A return to fundamentals is imperative.



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‘There are no private universities in Sri Lanka’ – some considerations for higher education reform

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Academics involved in education policy like to say that there is no such thing as a private university in Sri Lanka. The only ‘universities’ in the country are state universities; anything else offering degrees is a private higher education institution (HEI). This position is technically accurate. Yet, in the discourse and imagination of the public, private universities are very real – people teach in them, students register in them, families pay fees, and such degree holders enter job markets in Sri Lanka and outside.

For decades, activists concerned for public higher education have ignored or resisted looking at private HEIs, as if such scrutiny would taint them. Others have worked in both types of institutions, carrying practices from each to the other. The apex body governing state universities, the UGC, has, meanwhile, ignored the concept of conflict of interest and appointed individuals in private higher education in committees and leadership positions. It is unsurprising then that some of the ideologies informing private higher education appear in reform agendas in the state sector.

This is a good time then to consider the varying types of private HEIs around us, and to take a look at some of the issues within them in the hope that higher education reform agendas will include private, as well as state higher education.

What is a ‘private university’?

First, some clarifications. In the public imaginary, a ‘private university’ is typically an institution that provides a foreign or local degree for which the student makes a payment. But this broad classification encompasses a host of diverse institutions and types of degrees which I detail below.

The Non-State Higher Education Division (NSHE) of the Ministry of Education has recognised 295 degrees by 32 institutions. Most of these are private companies and include a handful of established, well-known private HEIs that are ‘university like’. The degrees are local degrees conferred by the institutions accredited by the NSHE Division. While private HEIs conferring local degrees must be accredited by the NSHE Division, there appears to be no legal consequence for not doing so. In addition, there are several permutations of the private degree that miss the net of this Division and the Standing Committee on Accreditation and Quality Assurance (SCAQA) that assists this Division.

For one, degrees conferred by foreign universities offered, via these same private HEIs, are not vetted by the NSHE Division. Secondly, there is a growing plethora of private HEIs which have either no physical presence locally or only a dubious presence. The University Grants Commission has notified the public, through their website, that foreign universities listed in the Commonwealth Universities Yearbook and the World Higher Education Database are recognised, but refrained from giving any other details – which degrees? Offered by what modes? These details are not known. Some of the foreign universities in the lists may be legitimate entities in their own land but the degrees conferred locally, in their name, may not adhere to curriculum or teaching specifications of the NSHE Division or the UGC.

Another troubling phenomenon is the ‘top up degree’, which appears to work on the same principle as that of a pre-paid mobile connection: if I have a Diploma or an HND of a sort, I am eligible to complete a course of study which provides me with a degree, usually from a foreign university. The idea that someone who does not initially qualify for a degree programme should be able to work their way towards one is a progressive notion. This is the concept that open and distance learning (ODL) was based on initially, but which is now sadly exploited. ODL models are expected to provide opportunity for learning for those who may be excluded from traditional learning institutions. In Sri Lanka, however, we have seen ODL become a marketplace offering easy to obtain, for-fee qualifications by institutions with little commitment to superior teaching and learning.

Finally, a perusal of the many types of private HEIs and their varied degrees bring to mind another question – how should the private degrees, provided by state institutions (that are not educational institutions), be regulated? Who should do so?

All of these create a host of problems for the public – for hopeful students and parents and trusting employers. For the higher education sector, recruitment of academic staff, too, has become difficult due to this plethora of ambiguous higher education qualifications, as I discussed in a previous Kuppi article (‘Recruiting academics to state universities’).

Some issues in private HEIs – a bellwether for change in state universities

In this second part of this article, I will discuss some aspects of work in private HEIs – albeit the more established institutions – given that such issues may appear in reform agendas in future.

Across state universities, all permanent staff of a specific category are paid according to the same criteria. The picture is not so clear when it comes to private HEIs since they are different entities legally, typically companies. Private HEIs have salary scales and financial incentives that are different to each other. The more established private HEIs reportedly have attractive renumeration packages, possibly a reason for academics of state universities migrating eagerly to such institutions during sabbatical years and on retirement. This may not of course be the case with other less established, or improperly registered HEIs of which we know little. Academic staff of these more accepted private HEIs seem to value the high financial remuneration they receive (in comparison to state universities) as something that makes their work rewarding.

Attractive remuneration is important to sustain the good life and is at times seen as the institution’s way of encouraging good work. Yet, this has implications for the future of the institution: to continue to deliver on promised financial packages, institutions must continue to have large profit margins. One strategy has been to enroll multiple cohorts of students per year, even up to three or four intakes per year. This can result in exploitative work conditions, since staff must cater to all these cohorts in that same year. If there is inadequate staff, employees are further burdened. On the other hand, if there is a sudden drop in enrolments (degrees can go out of fashion) unexpected layoffs occur. Similar to other sectors that employ short-term contract staff – including state universities – in private HEIs, too, individual teachers, who are on short term contracts that need regular renewal, can feel pressured to work under difficult or exploitative conditions.

At the same time, even in the more established private HEIs, work norms differ from those of state universities in that they include promotional work that keeps the institution’s name in the eye of the public. The Marketing (or similarly named) unit comes up in conversations as one of the most important departments. It appears to weigh in on decision-making related to the number of staff, the amount of re-sits per exams, and other pedagogically important matters. This is a worrying example of how financial rationales interfere with pedagogically or academically sound processes, resulting in problematic results in the classroom. On the plus side, junior colleagues, who had experience in both state and private HEIs, also felt that they faced less harassment in private HEIs – primarily due to the private HEIs ability to take swift action in reported cases of harassment. This is a real indictment on state institutions and their reluctance to address chronic issues of harassment in our universities.

Yet, while we hear much about problems in state universities, we hardly hear of problems that staff in private HEIs face. One rationale for a lack of public expressions by staff is that expressions of discontent might lead to trouble given the importance of reputation for private HEIs. The worry about reputational damage is a growing concern in state universities, too, as evidenced by social media policies and internal conversations on reputational damage, consequent to negative publicity. Institutional worries of reputational damage are harmful in the long run since these impact not only freedom of expression by student and staff, but also research that is possible in and about the education sector.

Some thoughts at the end…


A close look at the private higher education sector is important given its strong presence in the country. Impending reform needs to regulate this diverse array of higher education offerings in the private sector, as well as the state institutions that offer privately-funded options of higher education (a topic for a separate Kuppi on its own). It is time we carefully considered how to build a whole system of higher education out of this broken mess.

Kaushalya Perera is a senior lecturer at the University of Colombo.

Kuppi is a politics and pedagogy happening on the margins of the lecture hall that parodies, subverts, and simultaneously reaffirms social hierarchies.

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Ready for solo spotlight

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Nish Peiris: Excited about future plans

Singer Nish Peiris is set to take the next big step in her music journey.

The talented vocalist, who has been seen and heard in the scene here for a short while, and was also featured with the now-defunct band, Inner Vision, has announced that she will be fully committing to her solo career, after completing her degree this year.

“I’m finishing my degree this year, and after that I’ll be fully committing to my solo music career,” Nish told The Island.

“I’ve already got a few tours lined up for next year, so I’m really excited for what’s ahead.”

Fans, no doubt, will remember Nish for her smooth voice and stage presence, and the good news is that she is now ready to chart her own path and bring new music to audiences at home and abroad.

With tours already planned for 2027, the year 2026 promises to be an exciting year for the young artiste as she steps into the spotlight on her own.

We wish Nish every success in this new chapter!

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Exclusive musical evening for Sri Lankans in Toronto

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Toronto Ceymphony Live Band, with Sri Lankans doing the needful

While Sri Lankan music lovers, in Dubai, are eagerly looking forward to being a part of the action on Saturday, 25th July, with Rajiv Sebastian in the limelight, Sri Lankans, in Toronto, Canada, are equally excited and are anxiously awaiting the arrival of Sri Lanka’s famous singer/entertainer Sohan Weerasinghe.

Having done the needful with The X-Periments, the legendary performer has now embarked on an exciting new chapter – a solo career – and Toronto, Canada, will see him do the needful, on Friday, 31st July, 2026, from 8.00 pm to 12.00 am, at the Angus Glen Golf Club.

Sohan Weerasinghe: In Canada, and ready to do the needful on 31st July

Reports indicate that it’s a ‘sold out’ event – naturally with Sohan in the spotlight.

Gamini Hemalal: Creating all the excitement for Sri Lankans in Toronto

Having built his reputation through years of unforgettable performances, and hits that became part of our musical fabric, Sohan is ready to bring his own vision, sound, and stories directly to the audience, in Toronto, Canada, backed by the phenomenal Toronto Ceymphony Live Band.

Says Gamini Hemalal, who has been instrumental in reviving the Sri Lankan entertainment scene, in that part of the world:

“The countdown begins for the most exclusive musical event of the summer! Join us for a premium night of incredible music, elite hospitality, and a lavish buffet as the legendary Sohan Weerasinghe takes the stage live in Toronto!

“This is a high-end event, designed for those who appreciate exceptional entertainment and great food.”

Gamini, who is also a member of the Toronto Ceymphony Live Band, mentioned that it’s going to be an intimate musical evening with the celebrated Sohan Weerasinghe.

From packed auditoriums to intimate shows, Sohan continues to prove why he remains one of Sri Lanka’s most beloved entertainers.

For decades, Sohan Weerasinghe has been a household name in Sri Lankan entertainment.

Known for his captivating smooth voice and charismatic stage presence, Canada will experience it all on Friday, 31st July.

Next on the list of events, Gamini Hemal is working on, is Halloween night and he says “what we plan to do will be very interesting and unique … with a surprise guest star, as well!”

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