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LESSONS FROM MY CAREER: SYNTHESISING MANAGEMENT THEORY WITH PRACTICE – PART 33

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My stint at Dankotuwa Porcelain – Episode 1

A directorship that nobody wanted

As I mentioned in a previous episode, my involvement with Dankotuwa Porcelain came about almost by accident. Looking back, it sometimes feels as if events were guided by some unseen hand. When I was appointed Chairman of the Employees’ Trust Fund (ETF) Board in May 1989, one of my early responsibilities was to reconstitute the nominee directors of the companies in which the ETF had invested.

The Secretary to the Ministry had already opted to take the directorship of Sampath Bank, a very attractive appointment. At a Board meeting, we discussed the remaining companies for which ETF nominees needed to be changed. I invited the other directors to take their pick first. Naturally, all the profitable and prestigious companies were quickly chosen.

That left one company without any takers — Dankotuwa Porcelain. At that time, Dankotuwa Porcelain had been running at a loss and had even been closed for a period. Nobody wanted to be associated with a struggling enterprise. Since I had developed an interest in ceramics during my earlier tenure as General Manager of the Ceylon Ceramics Corporation, before joining the ETF Board, I volunteered to take on the directorship myself.

The Chairman of Dankotuwa Porcelain at that time was Dr A. C. Randeni, a Central Banker who was both energetic and visionary. He had already begun the difficult task of turning the company around. The Board was well-balanced, consisting of industry leaders, government officials, and academics. The Chief Executive Officer, Mr Jagath Pieris, was both an engineer and an accountant — a rare combination — and he complemented the Chairman’s vision very well.

Within a short time, the company began to show signs of recovery. Profits improved, and the welfare facilities for workers were among the best in the industry.

A few months later, Dr Randeni invited me to lunch at a five-star hotel. During the meal, he disclosed that he had received an invitation from the World Bank to serve as a consultant to the Central Bank of a Pacific island country. Since his substantive position was in the Central Bank of Sri Lanka, he would have to leave Dankotuwa Porcelain.

He then asked me a question that surprised me. Would I be willing to take over the Chairmanship? He explained that during Board meetings, he had observed that both of us saw eye to eye on many important matters. If he left without a suitable successor, there was a risk that the Government might appoint a political nominee who could undo all the progress made so far.

I agreed in principle, but there was a complication. According to a Cabinet decision made earlier, when the Ceylon Ceramics Corporation sold its shares to the ETF Board — after CCC was unable to service the loan taken to establish Dankotuwa Porcelain — the appointment of the Chairman had to be approved jointly by the Minister of Finance and the Minister of Labour.

Fortunately for me, at that time Hon. D. B. Wijetunga held both portfolios, as he was the Finance Minister and also acting Minister of Labour. Since the ETF came under the Ministry of Labour, he signed for both ministries, and I was formally appointed non-executive Chairman.

Thus began one of the most interesting chapters of my career.

Privatisation of the company

When Dr Randeni handed over the reins to me, he warned that my tenure might be short-lived. The Government had already decided that Dankotuwa Porcelain would be sold under the privatisation programme that was then being implemented.

During this period, our Japanese technical and marketing partners invited me to visit the New York Tabletop Show, telling me, quite frankly, that I had no idea what the world’s top tableware brands looked like.

My visit to New York was a real eye-opener. I was astonished by the variety of shapes, the elegance of the designs, the quality of the finish, and the sophistication of the displays. I realised immediately how far the global market had progressed.

As soon as I returned to Sri Lanka, I organised a Tabletop Show in Colombo, with the assistance of an expert in table arrangement. I also made the strategic decision to invite Mrs Hema Premadasa (the First Lady) as the Chief Guest, and we used the media to generate significant publicity for the event.

About a week before the show, I was summoned by the Secretary to the Ministry of Labour. He had bad news. I was instructed to cancel the show.

The reason given was that the Government was in the process of privatising Dankotuwa Porcelain, and that my efforts to showcase the company’s capabilities would contradict the official position that it was in bad shape. In other words, the show would make the company look too good.

I refused to cancel it. Invitations had already been sent, arrangements were complete, and cancelling would have been embarrassing — especially to the Chief Guest. The show went ahead as planned.

For the first time, many Sri Lankans saw high-quality porcelain displayed in world-class table settings. Interestingly, all the designs we exhibited had been supplied by foreign customers. None were original Sri Lankan designs, which was a lesson in itself.

From that point onward, the Government began to treat me as someone who was obstructing the privatisation programme. I was quietly sidelined. A senior official even told me that I had been removed from the committee evaluating the company’s offers.

Soon afterwards, an advertisement appeared in the newspapers stating that Dankotuwa Porcelain was for sale and inviting interested parties to visit the factory. I had not even been consulted.

I immediately wrote to the Ministry of Finance, pointing out that we were an OEM manufacturer designing products for foreign customers and that allowing unknown parties to walk through the factory could violate strict confidentiality agreements.

The response I received was a warning. I was told that I was very close to being removed not only from Dankotuwa Porcelain, but even from my position as Chairman of the ETF Board, and that I might soon be summoned by the President. I replied that I was prepared for any eventuality.

Fortunately, the Secretary of my line Ministry was more understanding. He arranged an appointment with the President and took me along. I explained the situation and stressed that the privatisation process must be transparent and in the company’s best interests.

The President listened carefully and asked me to draft a fresh advertisement. The new advertisement appeared in the newspapers, with a note stating that the previous one had been withdrawn. In a small way, this was a victory.

I also suggested that, if the Government really wanted a world-class investor, the sale should be advertised internationally rather than only in local newspapers. This suggestion too was accepted.

Sometime later, I was summoned to the Industries Ministry at 7.00 in the morning to help finalise the Cabinet paper to select the successful bidder. A consortium of three Japanese companies was chosen.

The Transfer – Managing the Change

Having studied change management during my MBA, I was determined that the transition should be smooth and orderly.

Months before the transfer, I addressed the entire workforce and explained the Government’s decision. I told them why we needed foreign technical expertise, why international marketing links were essential, and why we should make a good impression on prospective buyers when they visited the factory.

I consciously applied David Nadler’s change management framework.

First, I created dissatisfaction with the present state of affairs.
Then I built a vision of the future under new investors.
Finally, I involved the employees in the change.

We even conducted workshops to explain what shareholding meant and how shares are traded on the stock market. Under the privatisation scheme, employees were to receive free shares equivalent to ten per cent of the share capital, based on their years of service, and the company was to be listed on the Colombo Stock Exchange.

Because of this careful preparation, the transition was remarkably smooth. At that time, several other privatisations were underway, some accompanied by protests and even violence. In contrast, the Dankotuwa transfer was later studied by an international organisation as one of the most orderly and successful examples.

Political Interference Begins

However, a new challenge soon emerged. Some politicians in the area believed that once a company was privatised, they were free to interfere in its affairs. They assumed that government rules no longer applied and that they could demand favours for their supporters.

One politician even told me openly that he had been informed that the purpose of privatisation was to place political supporters on company boards and obtain benefits for constituents. As Chairman, I found myself spending long hours resisting such demands.

One incident remains very clear in my memory. After the Japanese took control, a Minister from the area wanted one of our managers transferred to another division for reasons unrelated to the company’s needs. The Japanese directors refused firmly.

When I conveyed this to the Minister, he became extremely angry and said to me, “If you cannot send him to another division, I will send him to another world.” I understood the threat’s meaning, but the Japanese remained calm and confident that nothing would happen.

There were several such incidents, and handling them required patience, diplomacy, and sometimes courage.

The Japanese Take Over

The Japanese investors paid promptly and signed a shareholders’ agreement with the ETF Board. They visited the factory ceremonially and were warmly welcomed by the employees.

They requested that I remain as non-executive Chairman, although some of the other directors had to resign. Five Japanese directors joined the Board, but only one or two were stationed permanently in Sri Lanka.

I noticed their very close working method. During discussions, they would sit quietly, listen carefully, and write down every detail. Nothing escaped their attention.

An expansion programme was launched, and the factory capacity increased significantly. We were able to utilise the new capacity fully because our products were competitive at the higher quality level demanded by international buyers. Through our Japanese connections, we began supplying Macy’s Department Store in the United States and established several other profitable relationships.

A Japanese technical expert also helped improve our quality standards, and we began positioning ourselves as a top-tier producer of porcelain. There was one small scare when the union staged a one-day token strike over a minor issue. Later, I was told that this was a deliberate show of strength intended to remind the Japanese that the union could not be ignored.

Fortunately, the situation settled quickly.

The Change of Government

As the 1994 change of Government approached, I realised that my position would not remain secure. Once I ceased to be Chairman of the ETF Board, I would also lose my place as a nominee director of Dankotuwa Porcelain.

The Japanese, however, wanted me to remain and appointed me as their nominee director. Unfortunately, this arrangement did not prevent the difficulties that followed. A senior Minister wanted his own nominee to become Chairman. When the Japanese refused, he invited them to dinner and insisted on the appointment. When they still declined, he left, saying:

“Then don’t complain if there is industrial unrest in the company.”

The Japanese contacted me and asked what should be done. They said they wanted me to remain Chairman. My advice surprised them.

I told them that the company must come first, and that I was dispensable. I suggested that they agree to the Minister’s request to protect the company.

They offered to make me Vice-Chairman. I refused. They offered to appoint me as a full-time consultant on their payroll. I refused that too. At the next Board meeting, I said what I had to say, resigned, and left.

I felt satisfied that during my tenure, the company had gained international recognition. When I first became Chairman, banks were reluctant to deal with us. By the time I left, several banks were competing to offer facilities.

Even after I stepped down, the Japanese directors kept in touch and occasionally sought my advice.

In the next episode, I will describe the rest of the story — and how, quite unexpectedly, I returned once again as Chairman.

Sunil G. Wijesinha

Consultant on Productivity and Japanese Management Techniques
Former Chairman / Director of several listed and unlisted companies

Recipient of the APO Regional Award for Promoting Productivity in the Asia-Pacific Region
Recipient of the Order of the Rising Sun, Gold and Silver Rays – Government of Japan
Email: bizex.seminarsandconsulting@gmail.com

By Sunil G. Wijesinha



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Features

The hard challenge of clinching a political settlement in the Middle East

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Bruised hearts: Displaced Palestinian civilians in the Gaza.(Photo by Mustafa Hassona/Anadolu via Getty Images)

Despite some sections of the Trump administration persisting with the view that the possibility could not be entirely ruled out of there being a diplomatic solution to the current US-Iran hostilities in West Asia, the skeptic could not be blamed for thinking otherwise. The intensity, scale and frequency of the tit-for-tat strikes by the antagonists over the past few days against selected military targets and civilian infrastructure in particular in West Asia make the adoption of this stance excusable.

The continuing hostilities render the mentioning of the MOU signed between the warring parties in mid-June a laughable matter. While it could very well be that the foes are wishing privately for a cessation of hostilities before long, what seems to be uppermost on their minds right now is to negotiate with each other from a position of strength. This strategy compels them to incapacitate each other militarily to the extent possible, lest they have to concede too much to each other during negotiations. Hence the stepped-up hostilities.

However, even on the question of there being a negotiated political settlement in the West Asian theatre in the longer term, the skeptic could come to be seen as scoring over the optimist. Developments on the ground account for this.

At the time of writing Israel’s Netanyahu government is going ahead in fairly care-free fashion with the establishment of more Jewish settlements in the Gaza and the West Bank, and it’s all happening under the apparently complacent gaze of the US. In fact, some quarters estimate that Israel is in control of some 65% of the Gaza Strip. Ethnic cleansing, that is, is being drastically stepped-up.

Accordingly, in terms of the power relations of West Asia, the world is almost back to the status quo of the late forties of the last century when the state of Israel was established and the Palestinians were reduced to a microscopic minority in the land they came to inhabit. Therefore, even the impartial observer would be compelled to ask: ‘Will a negotiated peace be ever possible in the Middle East?’

The humanist in the observer would prefer to answer this question in the affirmative and it is indeed the ideal stance to adopt considering the staggering human and material costs of the conflict. But the way ahead to peace could be expected to be highly hazardous and arduous. Among other odds, it would also prove an uphill endeavour to win minds and hearts.

The US’ Trump administration would need to be counted out in this pursuit. This is on account of the fact that it has been far too wayward in its management of West Asian affairs in particular over the past couple of years. Given its unpredictable character it is a matter for conjecture whether it could be counted on to live up to its commitments.

Moreover, Israel could be expected to ‘go it alone’ in the Middle East regardless of whether US help is coming or otherwise. It has indicated as much in recent times and Israel could be doubted on this score only at the doubter’s peril. Because time and again Israel has demonstrated that it could steadfastly defend its interests even single-handedly in the Middle East. History bears this out.

However, a durable alliance with the US would stand Israel in good stead. On the matter of military and intelligence assistance, for example, the US’s help proved invaluable for Israel in the past and going forward this is bound to be so as well. Moreover, it is unlikely that the Trump administration would give up on Israel, considering that a strong Israel is crucial for the furtherance of the US’ strategic and economic interests in West Asia.

But whether the above factors would have a considerable bearing on the question of working out a durable solution to the West Asian tangle is an entirely different matter. Israel, as in the case of the Palestinian enclaves, is acutely security conscious and would need to satisfy itself fully that it could live in a security environment that would guarantee its complete safety, going forward.

The Middle East is badly in need of another peace effort on the lines of the Oslo Accords of the mid-nineties that brought the key actors together and helped hammer out a solution that addressed some of their notable concerns. To be sure, that process did not prove to be the ideal answer to the tangle, but it yielded some respite to the region and drove home that one-time sworn foes could indeed negotiate with a degree of success. The West Bank authority, although falling short of fulfilling some key Palestinian aspirations, is testimony that a degree of success is possible if the intent is right.

Given the current realities of West Asia, peace-making is bound to be an uphill challenge. The violence faced in recent times by the Palestinian community, in particular, has been nothing less than mind-numbing. Merciless has been the violence visited on them by the Israeli side. In such circumstances, durable peace in the region could smack of an idealist’s dream.

Nevertheless, there needs to be urgently, a meeting of minds over the divides. The US would need to be counted out as an honest broker in bringing the sides together but the rest of the West would do well to step up to the challenge.

In this exercise the onus would be on the world’s democracies to take the initiative and doggedly stay the course. An acceptable combination would be the EU and the UN. Given their credentials, the main sides in West Asia ought to find them the least controversial.

Even if the relevant institutional and political arrangements could be shored up to take a reconciliation process forward, winning hearts and minds for the peace drive would prove a grueling challenge. Over the past few years in particular tens of thousands of hearts and minds on both sides of the divide have been bruised badly in the runaway murderous violence that has come to define the Middle East.

These badly scarred personalities would need to experience healing without much delay. It is therefore a multi-faceted challenge that is at hand. Since wide-ranging expertise would be needed in the healing process, people’s participation in peace-making, ranging over the divides, would need to be made a durable reality. It will be a time for enthroning humanity and ensuring the rejection of all forms of violence and coercion.

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Amazing Thailand …right here in Colombo

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For many Sri Lankans, Thailand is the go-to holiday — beaches, temples, food, and that famous warm hospitality.

In fact, I’ve been to Amazing Thailand 24 times myself, and was honoured with the Friends of Thailand International Media Award by the Tourism Authority of Thailand for promoting Thai tourism.

The good news I have for you today is that you don’t even need a passport to get a taste of Amazing Thailand.

The Royal Thai Embassy, in Colombo, is bringing a vibrant slice of Thailand, to the city of Colombo, with Thai Festival 2026 — a cultural experience like never before.

Whether you are an avid enthusiast of Thai culture, a total novice, or simply just interested in exploring foreign cultures, Thai Festival 2026 is going to be the perfect opportunity for you to get more than just a glimpse into one of the most celebrated cultural heritages in South East Asia. And ENTRANCE IS FREE.

The festival will be held on the 1st and 2nd of August, 2026, at Siam Nivasa, 43, C.W.W. Kannangara Mawatha, Colombo 7, and the East Parking Area, of the Colombo Municipal Council, from 11:00am to 5:00pm.

Both days will be full of live entertainment, and dispersed throughout with Thai cultural displays, including exhilarating traditional dance performances and breathtaking Muay Thai demonstrations.

Exploring art and craft specific to Thailand, tasting irresistible authentic Thai cuisine, and playing arcade games, are just a few more fun-filled events available for visitors at the festival premises.

An array of Thai products will also be available for purchase.

While at the festival, you will find Sri Lankan Alumni from Thai universities sharing their experiences with you and willing to answer any questions you might have, related to studying abroad in Thailand.

You can also register for the Muay Thai workshop that will be happening on the 7th and 8th of August, 2026, in Colombo.

Irresistible authentic Thai cuisine

Visitors can also stand a chance to win traditional Thai souvenirs, get exclusive photo opportunities, and, the big one — to enter the raffle draw, at the end of each day, for the grand prize of an all-inclusive round trip to Thailand.

Be sure to avail yourself of this exceptional opportunity and add a cultural spin to your weekend.

To keep up with the latest updates on Thai Festival 2026, head over to the Thai Festival official social media pages.

The Royal Thai Embassy in Colombo official webpage:

https://colombo.thaiembassy.org

Official social media:

Facebook: @RTEColombo

Instagram: @thaiembassysrilanka

Thai Festival official social media:

Facebook: Thai Festival in Colombo

Instagram: @thaifestival_colombo

TikTok: @thaifestival.incolombo

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Thicker, stronger hair …

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Hair fall, in this heat, can be so frustrating, and noticing a thin patch is even more worrying. The good news is … yes, with a little care and kitchen ingredients, you can nourish your scalp and support healthy regrowth.

Try these four easy home remedies … even our grandmothers trusted:

*  Coconut Oil and Curry Leaves Tonic:

Warm 04 tablespoons of coconut oil, with a handful of curry leaves, till the leaves turn black. Cool, strain, and massage into scalp 02-03 times a week. Leave for 01 hour, or overnight.

Why:

Coconut oil deeply nourishes, while curry leaves help strengthen roots and add shine.

Onion Juice for Spot Treatment:

With cotton, dab the juice of 01 small onion, directly on the thin/bald patches. Leave for 20-30 minutes, and then wash with a mild shampoo. Use twice a week.

Why:

Rich in sulfur, onion juice helps boost blood circulation to the scalp.

Aloe Vera and Castor Oil Mask:

Mix 02 tablespoons of fresh aloe vera gel and 01 tablespoon castor oil and apply to the scalp, focusing on thinning areas. Leave for 45 minutes, and then rinse with cool water.

Why:

Aloe vera soothes the scalp, while castor oil coats hair to make it look thicker.

* Fenugreek and Curd Strengthening Pack:

You will need 02 tablespoons fenugreek seeds, soaked overnight, and 02 tablespoons plain curd.

Grind to a paste, apply to scalp for 30 minutes, and then wash.

Why:

Fenugreek strengthens strands and reduces breakage.

Extra Tips for Healthy Hair:

Avoid tight hairstyles that pull on the scalp.

Eat iron and protein rich foods: greens, dhal, eggs, fish.

Use lukewarm water, not hot.

Be gentle when brushing and drying.

Manage stress — it plays a big role in hair fall.

Important: If bald patches are growing, or there is itching/redness, please consult a dermatologist.

Home remedies support hair health, but a doctor can find the exact cause.

Remember, healthy hair starts with a healthy, happy you.

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