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Triumph and disaster: India, New Zealand and a trophy for one
Call it beauty, call it cruelty, but this is the reality.
This Indian T20I unit is a GOAT team. They last lost a series or tournament in August 2023. Since the start of the previous T20 World Cup, they have won seven matches for every one they have lost. To the group that won the trophy in 2024 they have added Abhishek Sharma, Tilak Varma, Varun Chakravarthy and loads of intent.
India are so good that they have pivoted twice – first from Shubman Gill to Ishan Kishan just before this tournament began, then to bring back Sanju Samson during the tournament – and the pieces have seamlessly fallen in place.
Yet they won’t be viewed as the GOAT if they don’t win in Ahmedabad on Sunday. We don’t make the rules. This is how cricket works. Anything that involves more than two teams in cricket – even all the “leagues” – are a hybrid of league and knockout.
When you do that in the most fickle format of the sport, where it is the most difficult to establish an association between process and outcome, you can end up having the cagey campaign India have had. They are so good that they only have everything to lose in this tournament.
Kipling’s two impostors are more different for India than any other team. This is not to justify a lack of scientific temperament but there’s been an element of the obsessiveness to India’s journey through the T20 World Cup: regular visits to temples, avoiding training during a lunar eclipse, possible changing of hotels for the final. There aren’t enough controllables in this format, so you start trying to control whatever you can.
On the field, India have still done enough – though not at their absolute best – to make the final. Sanju Samson has found the form of his life, Jasprit Bumrah is still being “played out” even in chases of 254, and Hardik Pandya is the closest you get to two players in one.
Still, India don’t want to be anything less than their best against an opponent whose DNA is to care a lot but play like they don’t care at all. New Zealand don’t have mystery spin, they don’t have a Bumrah like genie , but they are dangerous because they can treat the two impostors almost the same. In India, November 19 is a day of mourning; for New Zealand, whatever happens on March 8 might not dominate conversation the following week.
Like India, New Zealand have also had to pivot, calling in a 34 year old mid-tournament, giving him the new ball, having him take out two dangerous left-hand batters and then not have him do anything for the rest of the semi-final. Since 2019, no team has made more ICC semi-finals than New Zealand’s six. Only India have made more finals than their four. Their best players don’t even want their national contracts; they encourage such a healthy workspace, let them play elsewhere most of the time, but put the band together for the big time.
New Zealand will not make the mistakes England’s bowlers made against India in the semi-final. They will have researched every batter and put plans in place, ready to execute. Now India could still be good enough to beat them, but they will not be fed.
Sunday will be tactical, it will be emotional, it will be full of skill and some luck, and by the end of the night, both teams will have to make peace with whatever impostor they draw. That is the reality of the game.
India have won every match except for the Super Eight contest against South Africa, after which they won the must-win games against Zimbabwe and West Indies, and then beat England in a high-scoring thriller in the semi-final.
New Zealand only barely made it to the semi-final, losing comprehensively to South Africa in the first round and to England in the Super Eight, but then they thrashed the unbeaten South Africans in the semi-final.
He didn’t end up as the Player of the Match in either of them, but Jasprit Bumrah repeated in the semi-final the work he did in the final two years ago. England had brought a chase of 254 down to 69 off the last five, but Bumrah bowled two of those overs for just 14 runs. If he can again put in a performance where New Zealand only take what is on offer, India should win.
Daryl Mitchell has had a quiet tournament. He hardly got to bat in the group stage and then had an ordinary Super Eight round on slower pitches in Sri Lanka. Having steered New Zealand to their first ODI series win in India in January, Mitchell will be vital to his team because he has scored at two a ball against Bumrah in internationals, and 10.18 per over overall. If he can impose on Bumrah a normal day at the T20 office, he will have gone a long way to helping New Zealand’s cause.
Abhishek will not be touched, but India have a Varun Chakravarthy problem. Eight of his leakiest spells in T20Is have come in the last two and a half months. Current form has higher weightage in T20 cricket than in other formats and Varun’s current form is 11.6 per over and four wickets since the start of the Super Eight round. The three alternatives are Kuldeep Yadav, Mohammed Siraj and Washington Sundar in that order of likelihood because India won’t want to diminish their striking ability.
India (probable): Abhishek Sharma, Sanju Samson (wk), Ishan Kishan, Tilak Varma, Suryakumar Yadav (capt), Hardik Pandya, Shivam Dube, Axar Patel, Arshdeep Singh, Jasprit Bumrah, Varun Chakravarthy/Kuldeep Yadav/Mohammed Siraj
For New Zealand, the question is more about structure. They made do against South Africa with just three specialist bowlers, and James Neesham carded at No. 9. With the ball, Neesham went for 42 in three overs, and New Zealand were rescued by Rachin Ravindra’s four overs for 29 runs and two wickets, including that of David Miller, who mishit a slot ball and still got caught only just inside the boundary. You won’t always have such luck. Can New Zealand afford to play with the same structure against India? Jacob Duffy is a choice. Ish Sodhi might not be because the pitch in Ahmedabad is more suited to hit-the-deck bowlers than spinners.
New Zealand (probable): Tim Seifert (wk), Finn Allen, Rachin Ravindra, Glenn Phillips, Mark Chapman, Daryl Mitchell, Mitchell Santner (capt), Cole McConchie, Jimmy Neesham/Jacob Duffy, Matt Henry, Lockie Ferguson

Mitchell Santner addresses the media before the T20 World Cup final [Cricinfo]
[Cricinfo]
Foreign News
The cost of 76 years of US wars, from Korea to Iran
“We called it ‘moon dust’,” Jeffery Camp, a 61-year-old retired military veteran who lives in Sarasota, Florida, says when describing the terrain in Maidan Shar, Afghanistan, where he served with the United States Army from 2008 to 2009.
The fine particles of dust there would find their way into “your vehicles, your equipment, your lungs”, he says ruefully while describing the searingly dry summers and freezing windy winters in the eastern provincial capital.
Camp is one of the 832,000 US service members deployed to Afghanistan from 2001 to 2021 during what became the longest war in US history.
He joined the Army in 1983, well before the September 11, 2001, attacks on the US, which led to the war in Afghanistan. “Service was a calling, not a reaction to a national crisis,” he tells Al Jazeera.
During 20 years of war, 2,461 US soldiers were killed and at least 20,000 wounded.
“I left both Iraq and Afghanistan with a profound respect for the human cost of war, not just for American service members but for the populations of those countries. War is not clean, and the people who bear the longest burden are rarely the ones who made the decisions,” Camp says.
Tuesday marks 60 days of the US-Israel war on Iran.
Since February 28, US-Israeli attacks on Iran have killed at least 3,375 people, according to Iran’s Ministry of Health.
The US military has confirmed 13 combat-related deaths among its service members across the region, with more than 200 injuries.

Since the 1950s, US-led wars have killed millions of civilians and tens of thousands of military personnel.
According to an analysis by the Cost of War Project at Brown University’s Watson Institute of International and Public Affairs, US-led wars since 2001 have directly caused the deaths of about 940,000 people across Afghanistan, Pakistan, Iraq, Syria, Yemen and other post-9/11 conflict zones.
The graphic below breaks down the estimated number of civilians killed for every US soldier in the Korean, Vietnam, Afghanistan and Iraq wars.

Iran war: $11.3bn spent on munitions in first six days
According to the Pentagon, the Trump administration spent $11.3bn during the first six days of the war, with an estimated $1bn subsequently spent on the war every day until the April 8 ceasefire.
According to Mark Cancian, a senior adviser with the Defense and Security Department at the Center for Strategic and International Studies, the $1bn per day figure is “a little high”.
Speaking to Al Jazeera, he says the war “was very expensive in the first few days” because the US used costly long-range munitions, including Tomahawk missiles. They cost $2.5m each, and the US military used hundreds of them.
Cancian calculates that in addition to the $11.3bn spent on munitions, an additional $1.4bn should be added for combat losses and infrastructure damage and a further $26.5m for support costs, bringing the total for the first six days to $12.7bn.
Cancian estimates that after the first week of its air strikes, the US spent “about half a billion dollars a day”, and now, during the ceasefire, that figure is likely “under $100m per day” because the US is not using any munitions.
On a per-day cost basis, the Iran war may be one of the most expensive in recent history.
According to figures from the Costs of War Project, the 20-year Afghanistan war cost an estimated $2.3 trillion, averaging more than $300m per day, while the eight-year Iraq War, which began in 2003, cost an estimated $2 trillion, averaging about $684m per day.

‘Another prolonged war’
Naveed Shah is the political director of Common Defense, a grassroots veteran-led organisation based in Washington, DC, that aims to engage, organise and mobilise veterans.
Shah, who served in Iraq from 2006 to 2010, believes the US must defend its national interests and has a vital role to play in deterring threats, but too often overreaches with open-ended wars of choice that create more problems than they solve.
“The current conflict with Iran is repeating the mistakes that led us to spending 20 years in Iraq and Afghanistan: shaky evidence at best, moving goalposts and dangerous rhetoric that risks drawing us into another prolonged war,” Shah tells Al Jazeera.
“At the same time, while we’re deploying troops overseas, the government is trying to claw back the care we promised for our veterans,” Shah says.
“The true cost of war extends far beyond the battlefield. It echoes for decades in veterans’ bodies and minds and for their families. For the families of the troops who won’t come home, it will be an empty seat at the dinner table and a hole in their heart for eternity,” he says.
According to the Cost of War Project, the US is expected to spend at least $2.2 trillion on obligations for veterans’ healthcare over the next 30 years.
Iran war most unpopular in US history
According to a Reuters/Ipsos poll from April 12, 60 percent of Americans disapprove of US military strikes on Iran. This is up from a 43 percent disapproval rating at the start of the war.
Historically, US wars have mostly enjoyed a “rally around the flag” effect, which causes low disapproval at the outset.
The chart below compares the disapproval rating at the start and end of the five main wars the US has led since the 1950s.

US consumers are paying the price
Marwa Jadoon, 40, from Oklahoma, whose name has been changed to keep her identity concealed, says her out-of-pocket expenses have increased by more than 35 percent over the past couple of months.
“As someone with multiple considerably expensive health conditions, I’m paying more than I’ve ever paid before just to cover only my essential medications and recurring testing. It’s limited my ability to afford additional treatments since healthcare costs are astronomical in the US. I’ve cut costs in groceries and anything outside of essentials,” Jadoon says.
Jadoon feels she’s been shortchanged with the policy shifts that came at the same time she was made redundant, further complicating her life.
“I find it appalling that my tax dollars are funding a war when we have repeatedly been told that we cannot afford universal healthcare. At the end of last year, I lost my job and had to apply for unemployment and Soonercare,” she says, referring to state-covered healthcare.
She explains that unemployment benefits would not even cover her rent.
“How can my tax dollars afford to pay for wars and foreign governments while I can’t even receive Medicaid because they deemed $400 is too much a month? My phone bill alone is $116 a month. My student loan payments are almost $200 a month. I would love to see anyone in the current administration survive on $400 a week with no medical coverage,” Jadoon says.
Another woman in Oklahoma, who also wished to remain anonymous due to her job with the state government, says, “The war in Iran and its funding has made me feel cornered. I feel it at the gas pump, I feel it at the doctor, dentist. I feel it at the bank. I feel it when I’m at the grocery store, thinking how exactly everyone is acting so calm. And it moves me, literally. Emotions carry little power. I’m ready to do something about it. I’ve been stolen from and lied to, and I’ve had enough.
According to the Climate Solutions Lab at the Watson Institute for Public and International Affairs at Brown University, the total consumer burden from the increase in petrol and diesel prices across the US as a result of the war on Iran is estimated at $27.8bn, roughly $200 per household.
The national average price of petrol has increased nearly 40 percent from $2.90 per gallon ($0.76 per litre) before the war to $4.10 per gallon ($1.08 per litre) now.

[Aljazeera]
Latest News
Myanmar ex-leader Aung San Suu Kyi moved to house arrest, military says
The detained former Myanmar leader Aung San Suu Kyi has been moved to house arrest, the country’s state media has reported.
The 80-year-old Nobel laureate has been held in detention – probably in a military prison in the capital Nay Pyi Taw – since she was removed from office in a military coup in 2021.
A statement by military leader Min Aung Hlaing, who led the coup, said he had “commuted her remaining sentence to be served at the designated residence”.
Aung San Suu Kyi came to power in 2015 after Myanmar’s then rulers introduced democratic reforms. Before that, she spent decades of military rule as a pro-democracy activist, and was previously held for more than 15 years under house arrest.
State media broadcast a picture of her sitting with two uniformed personnel.
Her son Kim Aris said he was sceptical about the announcement and that he did not even have proof that she was alive. He said the picture was “meaningless” as it was taken in 2022.
“I hope this is true. I still haven’t seen any real evidence to show that she has been moved,” he told the BBC.
“So, until I’m allowed communication with her, or somebody can independently verify her condition and her whereabouts, then I won’t believe anything.”
Prior to the announcement, nothing was known about her health or living conditions, and Kim Aris said in December he had not heard from her in years.
Her legal team told Reuters they had had no direct notification about her house arrest.
Little has been seen – and nothing heard – from Aung San Suu Kyi since she was arrested on the day the armed forces ousted her elected government more than five years ago.
Her lawyers have not seen her for more than three years; her family has had no contact with her for more than two.
The only image of her seen before Thursday was at a court appearance in May 2021, at the start of a series of trials by the military on charges which have been widely dismissed as fabricated.
Since then, her 33-year sentence has been reduced several times.
Her sudden appearance in state media suggests the military authorities may be preparing for further changes in her status – possibly her partial or complete release.
The coup leader Min Aung Hlaing is eager to end his regime’s international isolation, and appears more confident after a string of battlefield wins against armed opposition groups.
The military junta also held an election earlier this year restoring a notionally democratic government, but which leaves the same military leaders in charge.
“The military regime that rules Myanmar is very much on a [public relations] offensive at the moment,” Sean Turnell, the former economic adviser to Aung San Suu Kyi, told the BBC’s Newsday programme.
He added that Myanmar’s military was “trying to convince the world that it’s a legitimate government”, and the reports of Aung San Suu Kyi’s relocation to house arrest were “part and parcel of that”.
While Turnell said he was “really hopeful” the reports were true, he has “got a lot of doubts”.
Turnell, an Australian economist, was detained alongside Myanmar’s democratically elected leaders for more than a year after the 2021 military coup.
During that time, he was kept in the same prison as Aung San Suu Kyi, where conditions were “medieval” and “just really really awful”, Turnell recalled, adding that the food and medical care were “bad” and the cells were “open to the elements”.
With Aung San Suu Kyi now 80 years old, those are “terrible conditions for her”, Turnell said.
During her earlier confinement, Aung San Suu Kyi’s dignified, non-violent resistance won her admirers across Myanmar and around the world, and she famously made speeches to supporters from her family home. She won the Nobel Peace Prize in 1991.
But her decision to lead Myanmar’s defence against charges of genocide at the International Court of Justice over the military’s atrocities against Muslim Rohingyas in 2017 badly tarnished her saint-like international image.
Despite her years of incarceration away from the public eye, Aung San Suu Kyi’s standing among the Burmese people remains “extremely high”, according to Turnell.
“She has a charisma and connection with the Burmese people that is almost spiritual. And I don’t think that’s been diminished at all,” he said, adding that people in the country are “just hoping that she’ll be released”.
[BBC]
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“Let’s move forward together in unity to build a country where all labour is valued, rights are protected, and equality prevails” -PM
Prime Minister Dr Harini Amarasuriya in her May Day message called upon the working people in Sri Lanka to move forward together in unity to build a country where all labour is valued, rights are protected, and equality prevails.
The full text of the PM’s message:
The history of the Sri Lankan labour movement is a remarkable journey, shaped over decades by the blood, sweat, and sacrifices made in the pursuit of rights, justice, and dignity.
Beginning with the printers’ strike of 1893, the working people of this country emerged as an organised force. Through the trade union movement led by A. E. Goonesinha and the emergence of the Lanka Sama Samaja Party, the voice of labour gained political strength. The Railway Workers’ Strike of 1923 and the public service strike of 1947 reaffirmed that the true ’driving force’ behind the country’s economic and social transformation was its working people. I respectfully acknowledge the invaluable contributions of workers in the plantation sector, ports, railways, and across both the public and private sectors, whose dedication laid the foundation for many of the labour rights we benefit from today.
As we commemorate International Workers’ Day with dignity once again, we pay tribute to all working people across the world, including the heroic workers who sacrificed their lives in the struggle for an eight-hour workday in Chicago in 1886. This year’s May Day holds special significance as it is being celebrated under a government built through the power of the people, in honour of the entire working community of Sri Lanka.
Granting due respect to labour and safeguarding the rights of all working people are core policy commitments of our government. Accordingly, we remain dedicated to creating a fair and safe working environment by expanding existing services and implementing new programmes aimed at improving the living standards of working people.
Ensuring fair and equal access for all citizens is a fundamental objective of the government. Following that, it is our responsibility to create an environment in which everyone can lead a dignified professional life. Establishing a national social protection system that recognises unpaid labour and guarantees social security for unpaid labours is among the foremost priorities of our government.
On this May Day, we must reaffirm the importance of moving forward together in unity to build a country where all labour is valued, rights are protected, and equality prevails. With the strength and dedication of all working people, may we soon achieve the vision we all share: “A Thriving Nation – A Beautiful Life
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