Connect with us

Opinion

Protection of the state from terrorism act:a critique of the current proposal

Published

on

A file picture of a protest against the PTA

I. Background to the Government Proposal

The Prevention of Terrorism (Temporary Provisions) Act, No. 48 of 1979, (PTA), has been vigorously assailed for 45 years as the anchor of a legislative regime which is destructive of basic political and civil rights. It has gained ignominy as an instrument for denial of justice in diverse contexts and also placed in jeopardy, internationally, the prestige of our country as a vibrant democracy. There have been legislative interventions from time to time by Act No. 10 of 1982 and Act No. 22 of 1988.

By 2022, it was clear that the momentum of reform had to be accelerated. As Minister of Foreign Affairs at the time, on 22 March 2022, I introduced in Parliament, and secured the passage of, a series of amendments to the PTA. This was in the form of Act No. 12 of 2022. These amendments had as their principal objective, shortening the maximum period of permissible detention without trial, enhancing judicial oversight of detention, access to legal representation and communication, expediting of trials, liberalizing the law relating to bail, and invocation of the jurisdiction of the Supreme Court in fundamental rights applications.

I made it clear in Parliament that this was only a preliminary step confined to the introduction of urgent amendments to address immediate concerns. The ultimate aim, I informed Parliament, was not ad-hoc modification of the existing law, but the enactment of all-encompassing, fresh legislation. Towards this end, a comprehensive review was underway with participation by the Ministries of Defence, Justice, and Foreign Affairs, and the Attorney General’s Department.

At the 50th session of the Human Rights Council on 13 June 2022, as Foreign Minister of Sri Lanka, I gave a firm assurance in Geneva that, pending this overhaul of the applicable legislation, there would be a de facto moratorium on use of the PTA. Although the Inspector General of Police had issued instructions accordingly at the time, unfortunately, after successive changes of government, this undertaking was not adhered to.

Three attempts have been made by different governments to enact complete legislation on terrorism. These were the Counter-Terrorism Act gazetted in September 2018, and two versions of an Anti-Terrorism Act in March and September 2023. On account of strong public resistance, none of these found their way into the statute book.

The current draft, Protection of the State from Terrorism Act, (PSTA), which has been in the making for almost a year, was published in December 2025. Notwithstanding the high level of expectation which it had generated, regrettably, the draft Bill fails, in fundamental respects, to advance the law towards justice and freedom.

II. Issues of Definition and Scope

One of the main weaknesses of the draft legislation is that it is entirely unsuccessful in addressing the pivotal issue of the legitimate boundaries of an extraordinary system of criminal liability which displaces seminal rights inherent in the Rule of Law. In all democratic cultures, it is recognized that imperatives of security in extreme circumstances call for measures incompatible with guarantees of freedom upheld by the regular law. The lines of demarcation, however, are of overriding importance. From this standpoint, the proposed legislation is a singular disappointment.

Structurally, in its very foundation, it contravenes criteria imposed by international human rights law. This is starkly evident in the approach of the draft Bill to definition of the mental ingredient in terrorism-related offences, one of the critical factors in containing liability within appropriate limits.

International law requires, in this context, a hybrid mental requirement consisting of a dual-layered intention to cause death, serious bodily harm, or taking of hostages but necessarily combined with the calculated intention of bringing about a reign of terror and intimidating the public. Both elements are compulsory requisites of liability for a terrorism-related offence. This fundamental postulate is breached by the proposed legislation which adopts the approach of requiring direct intention or knowledge in respect of the first element [section 3(1)], but regards the second as an oblique inference from a “consequence” such as the death of a person, hurt or hostage taking [section 3(2)]. Dramatic lowering of the threshold of responsibility by this mode of definition strikes at the root of the value system entrenched in international law.

The draft legislation creates no fewer than 13 categories of acts carrying the taint of terrorism. The compelling objection to this extensive catalogue is that it blurs the distinction between ordinary criminal acts and the stringently limited category of acts involving terrorism. The first, and indispensable, requirement of legislation in the latter field is that of clear and unambiguous definition with no scope for elasticity of interpretation. By vivid contrast, the draft law contains a multitude of offences which find their proper place in the Penal Code and other regular legislation, but are by no means necessarily susceptible to the label of terrorism. Egregious examples are serious damage to any place of public use or any public property; the offence of robbery, extortion, or theft; and serious obstruction or damage to, or interference with, any electronic, automated, or computerized system [section 3(2)].

The inclusion of these offences in a counter-terrorism law, given the empirical experience of the past, is no less than an invitation to abuse of the system for collateral purposes, with the distinct prospect of danger to cherished democratic freedoms in such vital areas as communication and assembly. This is especially so, because the types of intention envisaged subsume so vague a purpose as “compelling the government of Sri Lanka or any other government or an international organization to do or to abstain from doing any act” [section 3(1) (c)]. The peril is obvious to entirely legitimate forms of protest and agitation. It must be remembered that the penalty applicable is rigorous imprisonment extending up to 20 years and a fine not exceeding 20 million rupees [section 4(b)].

This clearly threatening feature is aggravated by other characteristics of the draft Bill. Several are worthy of note.

(i) Ancillary offences are framed in such broad terms as to inject a deterrent effect in respect of exercise of individual and group rights enshrined by the Constitution. Section 8(1), according to its marginal note, purports to deal with acts “associated with terrorism”, a vague and catch-all phrase. The text of this provision imposes liability on a person who is “concerned in” the commission of a terrorist offence. “Encouragement of Terrorism”, the title of section 9, is manifestly overbroad. Its ambit, encompassing all forms of “indirect encouragement”, would sweep within its purview, for instance, a large swath of the activity associated with the Aragalaya in 2022, which brought about a change of government.

There is unmistakable exposure for all forms of social activism. Section 10, entitled “Dissemination of Terrorist Publications”, goes so far as to bring within the net of liability for terrorism any person who “provides a service to others that enables them to obtain, read, listen to, or look at a terrorist publication or to acquire it”. The whole range of mainstream and social media is indisputably in jeopardy.

(ii) There are other obnoxious aspects, as well. The draft law makes generous use of the idea of “recklessness”, as in the context of publication of statements and uttering of words (section 9), and in the dissemination of publications (section 10). This is a state of mind alternative to intention; but the concept of “recklessness” is operative within very narrow confines in criminal jurisprudence. This is yet another lever for expansion of liability beyond the class of terrorist offences, properly so designated.

(iii) A feature of the proposed law, open to even more cogent objection, is the extension of this draconian form of liability, carrying condign punishment, to mere omissions. This is the effect of section 15, which makes failure to provide information a terrorist offence. The trend in the modern criminal law is markedly hostile to widening the boundaries of liability to situations in which the accused has only refrained from commission of an act. One of my own mentors, Professor Glanville Williams of Cambridge University, described by Professor Sir Rupert Cross, at the time Vinerian Professor in the University of Oxford, as the greatest criminal lawyer in the United Kingdom since Sir Fitzjames Stephen, has consistently opposed, in principle, the attribution of criminal liability, let alone liability for terrorist offences, to mere omissions. In conjunction with all the other instruments embedded in the draft, this expedient places in the hands of a politically motivated Executive a ready means for indiscriminate application of terrorist sanctions, to the detriment of enjoyment of rights taken for granted in a democratic society.

(iv) Section 3(4), which purports to confer a measure of protection on such activity as protests, advocacy of dissent, or engagement in strikes, by a provision that such activity, by itself, is not to be regarded as a sufficient basis for inference of terrorist intent, has an illusory character. While engendering a sense of comfort, its applicability is negated by parallel provisions which enable imposition of liability, for example, on the ground of alleged intent to bring compulsive pressure to bear on the State [section 3(1)(c)]. Uncertainty created by the conflict between these provisions places at unacceptable risk the ethos of democratic safeguards.

III. Overreach of the Executive Arm for Arrest and Detention

Broadening of categories of terrorist offences beyond legitimate limits presages an imminent danger. This takes the form of authority conferred on the Executive, represented by such officials as the armed forces, the police, and coast guard personnel, to resort to action which erodes the rudiments of liability. The wider the ambit of terrorist offences, the ampler is the power available to these officials to invade the substance of freedom by action to enter the homes of citizens, interrogate persons, seize documents, carry out stop and search operations on public highways, and engage in other forms of harassment. The current draft has no hesitation in conferring these powers in the fullest measure.

(i) Detention Orders

This is one of the features of the PTA of 1979, which attracted trenchant criticism for more than four decades. In terms of section 9(1) of that Act, the Minister of Defence was invested with power to issue detention orders for a maximum period of three months in the first instance, capable of extension for periods not exceeding three months at a time, subject to an aggregate period of detention not exceeding 18 months. Significantly, corresponding provision is contained in the current draft which empowers the Secretary to the Ministry of Defence to issue detention orders [section 29(2)] at the behest of the Inspector General of Police or a Deputy Inspector General of Police authorized by the IGP [section 29(1)].

The only difference is with regard to the period of detention. According to the new draft, the detention order cannot be extended for a period in excess of two months at a time, and the aggregate period is a maximum of one year. Subject to this marginal variation, the perils of the instrument of a detention order continue, unabated.

What is especially disquieting are the grounds specified in the draft for issuance of a detention order. There are four grounds spelt out. Among these is “to facilitate the conduct of the investigation in respect of the suspect” [section 3(a)]. This is wide enough to permit the most flagrant abuse. A provision, so flexibly phrased, allows detention without judicial review. Due process, required by the regular criminal justice system, is supplanted by a regime antithetical at its core to the fundamentals of the Rule of Law.

Our country has had a distressing record of torture and extrajudicial executions in custodial settings. The recurring feature is that these atrocities have typically taken place in non-judicial custody. In the face of this reality and in cynical disregard of sustained protests against this obvious avenue of abuse, the present draft complacently leaves wide open this convenient window. This is done by section 30(1) which accords official sanction to “approved places of detention”. The accumulated harrowing experience of the past has totally escaped attention.

Despite largely cosmetic concessions, the victims of detention orders within the framework of the proposed legislation, no less than under previous statutory regimes, remain substantially at the mercy of the Executive.

The exhortation in section 36 that “Every investigation shall be completed without unnecessary delay” amounts to no more than a pious aspiration, in the absence of a mandatory maximum period stipulated for investigations. Moreover, even when the investigation, potentially open-ended, has been completed and a report submitted to the Magistrate, the Magistrate’s power to discharge the suspect is rigidly curtailed. This is because a judicial order for discharge is possible in terms of section 36(3) only when an allegation against the suspect is not disclosed on the face of the report. There is telling irony in this situation.

The loophole is one through which the Executive is able to drive a coach and six with the greatest ease. Practical experience demonstrates conclusively that, in situations indicative of the most grotesque abuse in the past, the courts were confronted not with the total absence of an allegation, but rather with a clumsy, trumped-up allegation defying credibility. In this, the typical case, the proposed legislation chooses to leave the Magistrate with no jurisdiction to grant urgently needed relief.

The most hazardous provision of all is one which enables a suspect, already in judicial custody, to be transferred to police custody in pursuance of a detention order issued by the Defence Secretary. It is this power, fraught with dire consequences, that the new draft, in section 39(1), seeks to confer. This power can be invoked on the disingenuous pretext that the suspect, prior to being arrested, had committed an offence of which the officer in charge of the relevant police station was unaware. While the desirable direction of movement is obviously from police to judicial custody, movement in the opposite direction is the strange result of this provision. Although interposition of a High Court Judge’s authority is envisaged, the exigencies of a security situation, urged with emphasis by the Executive, may well be difficult to resist in practice.

IV. Other Oppressive Interventions

(a) Restriction Orders

It is quite remarkable that other instruments of oppression which have attracted strenuous condemnation during the entire operation of the PTA, continue substantially intact.

Restriction orders offer an illustrative example. Any police officer of the rank of Deputy Inspector General of Police or above is given authority to make application to a Magistrate’s Court for a restriction order (section 64). The only contrast with the PTA is that, in terms of that regime, the Minister was empowered to make the order directly. In subsequent attempts at reform, this was clearly acknowledged as unacceptable, and in the amending legislation proposed but not enacted in September 2023, the initiative was that of the President and it was the High Court that had jurisdiction to issue the order.In comparison with this, the current proposal is regressive, in that the application is to be made by a police officer, (clearly at the behest of the Executive), and jurisdiction to issue the order is vested in a lower court.

In yet another respect, the present proposal is less satisfactory than the innovation proposed in 2023, in that desirable safeguards embedded in the latter, such as that the order sought should be “necessary” or “proportionate” [section 80(4)], are omitted from the present proposal. In this sense, the current draft is not merely stagnant but regressive, by abjuring salutary approaches to reform.

Restriction orders, without doubt, infringe basic rights corrosively. Their awesome scope contravenes core rights as to communication, association, employment, and travel [section 64(3)]. These erosions remain untouched as to intensity and range, except in respect of duration.While the PTA provided that a restriction order was to be in force for a period not exceeding 3 months, subject to further extensions of 3 months at a time, the maximum aggregate of such extensions being 18 months, the sole concession made by the present proposal is that the validity of a restriction order is limited to 1 month, and the aggregate period cannot exceed 6 months [section 64(9)].

(b) Proscription Orders

In this regard as well, the present proposal takes a step in the wrong direction. Proscription orders are a means by which the President exercises overarching power, simply by notification in the Gazette, to declare organizations illegal, with the consequence of preventing recruitment, meetings, and other activities, transactions in bank accounts, lobbying and canvassing, and publication of material (section 63). The period of application of a proscription order has an arbitrary and capricious quality: it is entirely at the discretion of the President and remains valid until rescinded [section 63(6)].

It is especially noteworthy that the legislative regime at present in force, the PTA, contains no provision whatever for the issuance of proscription orders. This purpose could be accomplished only by having recourse to regulations made under section 27(1) of the Act. Incorporation of this power in the substance of the principal Act itself was proposed in the draft legislation of 2023, which could not be enacted because of vehement resistance. The current proposal, curiously enough, sanctifies as part of the substantive Act, a dangerously fraught procedure which can, as of now, be resorted to only through subordinate legislation. The present draft, then, operates as a travesty rather than a palliative by pushing the law backwards. This hardly amounts to delivery on a promise that underpinned the year-long process which culminated in publication of the current proposal.

(c) Declarations Designating Prohibited Places

The bizarre reality, here again, is that the present proposal, far from expunging excrescences from the current law, actually adds further objectionable provisions which do not exist in the body of terrorist legislation today.

The much-maligned PTA does not include a provision empowering the Executive to declare places as “prohibited places”. This had to be done, if at all, under the aegis of legislation dealing with entirely different subject matter, for example, section 2 of the Official Secrets Act, No. 32 of 1955. Contrary to the professed objective, the new proposal, for the first time, introduces into terrorist legislation the conferment of power on the Defence Secretary to designate “prohibited places”.

The consequences are far-reaching, indeed: entry into a designated place, the taking of photographs and video recordings, and the making of drawings or sketches are all criminalized by the infliction of imprisonment for up to 3 years or a fine not exceeding 3 million rupees [section 66(8)]. This has a particularly chilling effect on journalists and media personnel; and it is the bequest of legislation professedly aspiring to enhance the contours of freedom.

V. Deprivation of Liberty by Insidious Pressure

One of the few positive elements of the new proposal is the deletion of provisions in the PTA dealing with the admissibility of confessions made to a police officer above the rank of an Assistant Superintendent [section 16(1) of the PTA]. Unfortunately, however, this benefit is largely detracted from by other provisions which constitute an onslaught on values intrinsic to the Rule of Law. Pre-eminent among these is the presumption of innocence and the postulate precluding denial of freedom except in full compliance with due process, both substantively and procedurally.

These sacrosanct values receive short shrift in the proposed law, which gives the Attorney-General overwhelming coercive powers in respect of deferment of criminal proceedings on the basis of an iniquitous quid pro quo. The Attorney-General is invested with authority to defer the institution of criminal proceedings for as long a period as 20 years on the footing of a “prior consensual agreement” between the Attorney-General and the suspect, subject to sanction by the High Court [section 56(1)].

It is entirely unrealistic to impute to this “agreement” any element of spontaneity or independent volition. The suspect finds himself under virtually irresistible pressure to acquiesce in any condition proposed, in order to obtain release from the stress and turmoil of a criminal trial potentially entailing the gravest penalties. The situation becomes wholly untenable when the condition takes the form of submission to “a specified programme of rehabilitation”. This is a euphemism for de facto incarceration under thinly-veiled duress without the interposition of a fair trial before a court of law.

VI. Conclusion

Far from making any contribution of value to restoration of balance between security and freedom, the proposed draft has the effect of reversing some of the recent gains of law reform in this field without offering anything significant by way of redeeming features. This is a statutory misadventure which can reflect no credit on the laws of our country.

By Professor G. L. Peiris ✍️
D. Phil. (Oxford), Ph. D. (Sri Lanka);
Former Minister of Justice, Constitutional Affairs and National Integration;
Quondam Visiting Fellow of the Universities of Oxford, Cambridge and London;
Former Vice-Chancellor and Emeritus Professor of Law of the University of Colombo.



Continue Reading
Advertisement
Click to comment

Leave a Reply

Your email address will not be published. Required fields are marked *

Opinion

We were here first: The case for Malaypolitical representation in Sri Lanka

Published

on

Sri Lankan Malay father and son

There is a mosque on Slave Island in Colombo that has stood for more than three centuries. Masjidul Jamiya was not built by merchants or pilgrims. It was built by soldiers, Malay soldiers who came to this island in service to the Dutch crown and, after 1796, to the British, and who stayed, raised families, and made Ceylon their permanent home. That mosque, and the neighborhood that grew quietly around it, is perhaps the most visible monument to something the rest of this country has largely forgotten: that the Malays of Sri Lanka have been here, contributing and serving, for longer than the modern republic has existed.

Today the community that built that mosque numbers approximately 40,000 people. We are 0.2 percent of the population. We hold no seat in Parliament. We have no dedicated political voice. With each passing decade our language, our culture and our civic presence grow a little quieter. This is not an appeal for sympathy. It is a case, resting on history and on democratic principle, for a recognition that is long overdue. The Malays of Sri Lanka are not asking for charity. We are asking to be counted in the nation we helped build

A Community of Soldiers, Scholars and Statesmen

The Sri Lankan Malay story does not begin in the colonial footnotes. Austronesian seafarers reached these shores as early as 200 BC. The 13th century brought Chandrabhanu Sridhamaraja, a Javanese ruler who led an invasion from Tambralinga and briefly held dominion over northern Sri Lanka. The community that exists today, however, traces its roots most concretely to the Dutch colonial era, when soldiers, nobles and political exiles from across the Indonesian archipelago, from Sulawesi, Java, Bali, Ambon and Madura, arrived in Ceylon and never returned.

These were not passive arrivals waiting for history to happen around them. The Malays became the backbone of Ceylon’s colonial military, serving with enough distinction that the British formalised their role through the Ceylon Rifle Regiment, a unit staffed almost entirely by Malays. The regiment’s influence extended far beyond the barracks. Malay soldiers in Colombo published the first Malay-language newspaper issued anywhere in the Eastern world. They built mosques across Kandy, Badulla, Kurunegala and Hambantota. They left their mark on the Sinhala language in ways that persist to this day: the words sarong, rabana, botale, kamara, bonchi and soldaduwa all trace their roots to Malay. The nation’s beloved dodol is a Malay contribution.

In the legal and civic sphere, the record is equally substantial. Justice Maas Thajoon Akbar became the first Malay Justice of the Supreme Court of Sri Lanka in the 1920s. Tuan Burhanudeen Jayah, known as T. B. Jayah, served in the Legislative Council, the State Council and in the first post-independence Parliament. Dr. P. Drahaman, a physician who founded the All Ceylon Malay Congress in 1944, won a parliamentary seat in 1956 and argued with striking clarity that Malays deserved representation in their own right, distinct from any other community. In the armed forces, Brigadier T. S. B. Sally rose to become Chief of Staff of the Sri Lanka Army, the highest rank any Malay officer has ever held.

This is not a peripheral community. This is a community that has served at every level of Sri Lankan public life and has been rendered progressively invisible in the democratic structures of the state it helped to build. We shaped this nation’s language, defended its sovereignty and administered its laws. Yet today we hold no seat in its Parliament.

The Slow Erasure

The 2024 Census records the Malay community within a combined category alongside Burghers, Chetties, Bharathas and Veddas that together account for just 0.3 percent of Sri Lanka’s total population of 21.7 million. Within that fraction, the Malays number fewer than 40,000. Under Sri Lanka’s proportional representation system, where votes are cast for parties across multi-member electoral districts, a community of this size has no realistic prospect of parliamentary representation through any community-specific route.

The practical consequence has been absorption into broader Muslim political formations that do not always attend to the specific cultural, linguistic and civic concerns of the Malay community. The All Ceylon Malay Political Union, which fought explicitly and consistently for a distinct Malay political voice, faded from active political life decades ago. The last Malay to hold a parliamentary seat of any kind was a nominated member in 1989. That is 37 years without representation.

The Sri Lanka Malay language, a creole blending Austronesian, Sinhala and Tamil in proportions found nowhere else on earth, is classified as endangered. Senior academics who are themselves Malay acknowledge that they rarely speak it at home. The Malay Club at Slave Island, the Sri Lanka Malay Association, the Conference of Sri Lanka Malays: these institutions remain active and their members dedicated, but cultural associations cannot substitute for political representation. Without a voice in policy, a community has no mechanism to advocate for its own language, its schools or its civic recognition.

The Bonds That Remain

What makes the Malay political case distinctive, and worth the attention of any serious Sri Lankan political leader, is the particular character of the community’s relationship with the Sinhalese majority. Unlike many of the fault lines that have defined Sri Lankan politics for decades, the Malay connection with Sinhalese society runs deep and is rooted in centuries of genuine proximity. Sri Lankan scholars have documented significant intermarriage between early Malay settlers and Sinhalese communities, particularly in the south and west of the island. The linguistic overlap is not incidental; it reflects generations of neighbors, colleagues and extended family.

The Malays were never a party to this country’s most devastating ethnic conflicts. A community that is small in number and dispersed across Colombo and the western coast has always been obliged to build relationships across communal lines rather than retreat behind them.

That quality of bridge-building is not weakness, nor is it political neutrality born of indifference. It is the earned disposition of a people who have always understood that their future in Sri Lanka is inseparable from the future of the country as a whole.

In a political moment when Sri Lanka is actively pursuing national reconciliation and inclusive governance under the NPP administration of President Anura Kumara Dissanayake, that disposition is not a liability. It is a genuine political asset. The Malay community has never been an adversary in Sri Lanka’s story. We have always been partners. It is time the state recognised us as such.

What Representation Would Look Like

This is not an argument for a return to communal politics or ethnic bloc-building. Sri Lanka has paid an enormous price for that history and nobody with any sense wants to revisit it. What is being argued here is a model of civic representation rooted in culture, in documented contribution and in constitutional possibility.

The National List, the 29 proportionally allocated parliamentary seats distributed after each general election, has been used before to include communities and voices that the direct electoral system cannot accommodate. A major political party that chose to place a credible Malay representative on its National List would bear no electoral cost for doing so and would signal something genuine about its understanding of Sri Lanka’s full diversity. That is not a complicated ask.

At the local level, the Colombo Municipal Council and the relevant Pradeshiya Sabhas offer a more immediate pathway. The Malay community is concentrated enough in Slave Island, Wellawatte and the broader Colombo district that a well-organised ward-level campaign is a realistic proposition. Local government has historically been where minority community members establish the credibility that national politics eventually recognizes.

Beyond elections, there is a straightforward case for formal state recognition of the Sri Lankan Malay community’s cultural and linguistic heritage, including support for language preservation, inclusion in national school curricula and proper documentation of Malay contributions to Sri Lankan history. When Mahatma Gandhi visited Sri Lanka in 1927, he reportedly mentioned the Malays in nearly every public address he gave on the island. It would be a particular kind of failure if the modern Sri Lankan state knew less about its own communities than a visiting guest did, a century ago.

A Voice Worth Having

I write this as a Sri Lankan Malay who has a great deal of affection for this country and a clear-eyed view of both what it has been and what it can become. The NPP government came to power on a conviction that the old patterns of Sri Lankan politics needed to be broken and that the state should answer to all of its people. If that conviction is real rather than rhetorical, it must eventually reckon with the communities that have slipped through the architecture of the electoral system through no failure of their own but through the simple arithmetic of smallness.

Forty thousand Malays. Three centuries of documented service. No seat in Parliament.

That is not a record that should be comfortable for any government that takes representation seriously. It is, however, one that is entirely possible to change.

ABOUT THE AUTHOR

Thanzyl Thajudeen FCIPR FCIM FCMI is a Chartered PR Practitioner, Managing Director of Mark and Comm (Pvt) Ltd, and a board member of PRCA Asia Pacific. He was named Campaign Asia-Pacific 40 Under 40 in 2024. He is a Sri Lankan Malay. The views expressed are his own.

by Thanzyl Thajudeen,a Sri Lankan Malay ✍️

Continue Reading

Opinion

Role of children’s stories in learning English and their impact on children

Published

on

Children’s stories have always been an important part of childhood. From traditional fairy tales to modern picture books, stories entertain children while also helping them understand the world around them. When children are learning English as a language, stories become an especially valuable tool because they provide a natural, enjoyable, and meaningful way to develop language skills. Through characters, plots, and imaginative situations, children’s stories support vocabulary development, improve communication abilities, and encourage confidence in using English.

One of the greatest benefits of children’s stories in English language learning is that they introduce children to new vocabulary in a meaningful context. Instead of memorising isolated words from a list, children learn words through situations and actions within a story. For example, a story about a farm may introduce words such as “animal,” “field,” “farmer,” and “plant” while showing how these words relate to each other. This contextual learning helps children understand and remember new vocabulary more effectively.

Stories also improve children’s listening skills. When teachers, parents, or other speakers read stories aloud, children hear correct pronunciation, sentence structures, and natural expressions in English. Regular exposure to spoken English helps children become familiar with the rhythm, sounds, and patterns of the language. Even when children do not understand every word, they can often follow the meaning through pictures, gestures, and the events of the story. Over time, this develops their ability to understand spoken English in different situations.

Another important impact of children’s stories is the development of speaking skills. Stories encourage children to talk about characters, describe events, answer questions, and share their own ideas. Activities such as retelling a story, acting out scenes, or discussing what might happen next give children opportunities to practise English in a relaxed environment. Because stories are enjoyable and engaging, children are often more willing to participate and communicate without fear of making mistakes.

Children’s stories also support the development of grammar skills. Through repeated exposure to well-formed sentences, children gradually recognize how English works. They learn common sentence patterns, verb forms, and ways of expressing ideas. For young learners, grammar is often easier to understand when it is presented through a story rather than through direct explanations. For example, a story that describes past events naturally introduces the use of past tense verbs, allowing children to observe grammar in action.

In addition to language development, stories have a strong influence on children’s imagination and creativity. Stories allow children to enter different worlds, meet interesting characters, and explore new ideas. When learning English, imagination makes the language experience more meaningful. A child who becomes interested in a story about a brave character or a magical adventure is more likely to remember the words and expressions connected with that experience. Creativity also encourages children to create their own stories, which further strengthens their ability to use English.

Children’s stories can also help develop cultural awareness. Language is closely connected with culture, and stories often introduce children to different traditions, lifestyles, and values. English stories from different countries allow children to learn about people and places beyond their own experiences. This helps them understand that English is not only a subject to study but also a way to communicate with people around the world.

Reading stories in English can also increase children’s motivation and positive attitudes toward learning. Many children may find learning a new language challenging, especially when they focus only on textbooks or exercises. Stories make learning more enjoyable because they combine education with entertainment. When children associate English with fun and creativity, they are more likely to develop curiosity and continue learning.

The emotional impact of stories should not be overlooked. Many children’s stories contain themes such as friendship, kindness, courage, and problem-solving. Through characters and situations, children can learn important social and emotional lessons. Discussing these themes in English gives children opportunities to express feelings, opinions, and personal experiences. This not only improves language ability but also supports emotional growth.

Teachers play an important role in using stories effectively in English language classrooms. Selecting stories that match children’s age, interests, and language levels is essential. Teachers can support understanding by using pictures, asking questions, encouraging predictions, and connecting the story to children’s lives. Repetition is also valuable, as hearing the same story several times allows children to become more familiar with vocabulary and sentence structures.

Parents can also encourage language learning through storytelling at home. Reading English stories together, listening to audiobooks, or watching story-based programs can provide additional exposure to the language. A supportive environment where children feel comfortable experimenting with English can greatly improve their confidence and progress.

In conclusion, children’s stories have a powerful impact on learning English as a language. They provide children with opportunities to develop vocabulary, listening, speaking, reading, and grammar skills in an enjoyable and meaningful way. Beyond language learning, stories encourage imagination, creativity, cultural understanding, and emotional development. By making English learning engaging and enjoyable, children’s stories help young learners build a strong foundation for future communication and lifelong learning.

Saumya Aloysius

(A children’s writer contributing to both local and foreign newspapers as a freelance writer)

Continue Reading

Opinion

When governments destroy mangroves

Published

on

Any government that comes into power is a caretaker – of its people, environment and security. This is another glaring occasion where their lack of knowledge, or blatant disregard to the environment is causing long-lasting damage to this country.

After the devastation of the tsunami, then governments took the initiative to raise natural protection of the island by undertaking massive projects to plant mangroves. It was a long-term project, spanning 20 years, by the armed forces, to get these barriers up. Now the same army is used by this government to chop down these mangroves!!

This is happening right now in the Trincomalee lagoon. Nearly 40 lorry loads of mangrove forest have been taken away already. The excuse used for this is dengue control, a circular issued by the presidential secretariat in June. The ignorance is here; the seawater mixed lagoon does NOT breed mosquitoes. Trincomalee does not pop up in the dengue demographics, even as a high risk area. Yes, there is garbage, and plastic thrown into the mangroves that can be breeding grounds for mosquitoes. These can be cleared away in a clean-up operations, without harming the mangrove trees. It has been done a few times before, by previous government authorities, like coast conservation, who know the value of the mangrove belts. The local rumour becomes believable, that this deplorable act is done to please some local business partners of the area who run pleasure boats in the lagoon.

Yes, unhealthy mangroves can breed mosquitoes. But mangroves are ‘decease swamps’ is a dangerous myth. That mangroves are dirty, stagnant swamps teeming with decease carrying mosquitoes is a misconception that promotes harmful policies to control dengue outbreaks. This top myth justifies the illegal coastal clearance today in Trincomalee. It is destroying an important ecological asset of this country, mangroves, while failing to address the true root of dengue transmission. Where is the coast conservation department in this situ? Have they got CCD permission to carry out this butchery?

Healthy mangroves do not breed dengue mosquitoes, especially the one’s closely connected to the sea like in Trincomalee. The larvae needs completely still unmoving water to breathe at the surface, and mature. The power of tidal flushing which keeps water circulating in the mangroves makes this impossible. Also the daily ebb and flow of ocean tides keeps the water moving in the mangroves and frequently drains the forest floor. The natural hydrology of healthy mangroves, acts as an automatic self-regulating barrier against stagnant water collection, making viable breeding sites virtually impossible.

Also mangroves contain nature’s exterminators. It hosts a massive army of mosquito predators. These mangroves are not dead swamps but vibrant nurseries. Young Fish, dragon flies, crusteasians, and insectivorous birds are natural mosquito predators. Clearing mangroves collapses this natural food web, removing this natural pest control.

In fact, clearing mangroves is counterproductive and will backfire with worsened dengue cases. The heavy machinery will leave a scarred landscape with deep tyre tracks in the marshy soil making stagnant water pools and disrupted drainage. When rainwater fills these artificial depressions it will create perfect stagnant, predator free, fresh water pools, Ideal breeding grounds for Aedes aegypti. Also clearing this kind of buffers can bring in the urban sprawl with its people, housing, and garbage, to the new degraded land.

The collateral damage is even bigger. Destroying mangroves in the name of pest control leaves coastal populations poorer, hungrier, and highly vulnerable to extreme weather. One would have thought at least the people in the coast conservation department were knowledgeable enough about the loss of wave attenuation with removal of mangroves and the risk of flooding and storm surge damages to the coastal areas. Collapse of these fish nurseries should ring alarm bells in the fisheries department. Reduced fish harvest and loss of livelihood for the local fishermen should have had fisheries department people rushing to the site. But neither of the mentioned government departments have raised a murmur, in the face of political influence. This is the sad truth of the country at the moment. Sri Lanka’s climate resilience has been compromised by release of stored ‘blue carbon’ and a loss of natural buffer against rising sea levels, while the responsible people in the government are silent in front of an ignorant political hierarchy.

This is an appeal to the highest authority in the country to stop this environmentally insensitive projects of this nature being coughed up by ignorant municipal members. Clearing these forests directly violates so many policies on conservation. Our local fishermen depend entirely on healthy mangrove root systems—such as those being chopped down. From a health perspective, medical professionals have repeatedly assured us that under the current National Policy Framework, marshy lands and mangrove ecosystems pose no threat of dengue. We request your guidance and intervention to ensure our environment is not sacrificed.

Citizen S

Continue Reading

Trending