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Now Public: Some Secrets of Sri Lanka’s Debt Restructuring

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The IMF issued a ‘lessons learnt’ report in September 2025, giving us extensive information of their observations on Sri Lanka’s debt restructuring undertaken after the declaration of the debt standstill in April 2022, including painstaking details of the entire exercise from their point of view, information which was shrouded in secrecy during the process of restructuring.

(https://www.imf.org/en/-/media/files/publications/wp/2025/english/wpiea2025175-source-pdf.pdf)

The IMF calls the report Sri Lanka’s Sovereign Debt Restructuring: Lessons from Complex Processes. It was prepared by Peter Breuer, Sandesh Dhungana, and Mike Li and was authorized for distribution in September 2025.

It attempts to review “the root causes of Sri Lanka’s debt problem, the deliberation of its solution, and the designs, negotiations, and outcomes of the restructuring processes”, all of which was not shared with the public, now available from an authoritative source.

While some of it is very technical, there are many things in it that we can understand, some that clarify our misconceptions, and some that come as quite surprising. Most of all, it gives a timeline, which enables us to place the decisions made by our governments including its senior officials, and former and new politicians in power. It enables us to situate the choices that were made in context and to figure out the strengths and weaknesses, promises and deceptions that led to the less-than-optimal restructuring choices, and the need for Parliament to be held to account for their lack of seriousness with which they take their responsibilities for financial oversight.

One of the lessons in the report is that all stakeholders including the public should have been kept informed in a timely manner, even granting that there were things that could not be shared at certain points in time.

It shows how important it is for citizens, especially the media, to question the obfuscatory and ill-prepared explanations from politicians, both inside and outside Parliament, and diversionary and deceitful ones from bureaucrats.

So, What Went Wrong?

In the Introduction to the Report is a summary of what went wrong, in the authors’ considered opinion:

· Sri Lanka’s public debt became unsustainable in the run up to its 2022 crisis following policy missteps and insufficient preparation for shocks that subsequently struck.

· The loose fiscal policies and a series of external shocks ultimately led to Sri Lanka defaulting on its external debt obligations in April 2022 for the first time since its independence.

So, who formulated those policies, and whose responsibility was it to buffer us from shocks? Admittedly, Covid-19 was a shock no one could have realistically prepared for, but there were some inexplicable delays in taking urgent measures to minimize that shock.

However, there were other shocks which were manufactured by politicians out of arrogance and ignorance, so let’s not all think that the crisis of 2022 was an unavoidable or ‘natural’ disaster.

It is revealed that Sri Lanka was among the lowest tax take in the world among developing countries, at the time. The restructuring that ensued is described as ‘one of the most complex debt restructuring to date’.

Just as the IMF took pains to learn from our disaster, let us learn some lessons about citizenship, and our responsibility to question those who make policies, hopefully to prevent them from continuing to make those “missteps”.

Something that struck me was the IMF’s declaration that it did not participate in the restructuring or undertake any negotiations. They merely supported Sri Lanka’s efforts at Colombo’s request: “The IMF was not a party of the restructuring, and played no role in the negotiations, and on determination of comparability treatment and inter-creditor equity.” (Para 31)

Somehow, some of us were under the impression that the IMF had a noose round the necks of the administration or the ‘authorities’, which constrained them from getting a better deal for the people. This now seems like convenient, possibly deliberate disinformation, allowed to circulate domestically. The administration did have certain conditions to be met in order to release the Extended Fund Facility, but not the gun to the head that we thought they had. The promised re-negotiations (during the election campaign) of those conditionalities never occurred, and they will remain valid for the duration of their program.

What I share is a fraction of the large amount of information in the Report, which threw a light on the hazy narrative of our descent into and path through the economic crisis and the true story of the negotiations –from the vantage point of the IMF– carried out by the Sri Lankan authorities in order to emerge out of the darkness of the economic crisis.

The Creditor Groups

The IMF report makes a couple of striking points in its Abstract about Sri Lanka’s debt restructuring:

· It was different from all others due to its complexity arising from the diversity of creditors.

· It needed complex coordination among the many stakeholders.

· The majority of creditors were “non-traditional” as in “outside Paris Club”.

· Domestic creditors played a major role in overall debt.

In the graphic they provide of the analysis of Sri Lanka’s debt at the time of default, April 2022, a few glaring facts emerge:

· Half of all debt is domestic.

The report indicates that this will continue to be a feature of Sri Lanka’s economy.

· Private bond holders seem to be twice the amount bi-lateral debt of China and India put together.

The report later states that ISB holders became the largest creditor group among foreign creditors. (What happened to the ‘Chinese debt trap”?)

The ISB holders were in two groups. There was a foreign group and a local group. The local group operated under a ‘consortium of eight domestic financial institutions that held ISBs at the time of Sri Lanka’s default’.

In negotiations with the ISB holders both foreign and local, Sri Lankan authorities signed a non-disclosure agreement.

IMF’s role at this stage was to support reforms and ensure that “all the debt treatments proposed/agreed are in line with program parameters.”

The negotiation strategy and parameters were the “authorities’ prerogative”. They were however guided by:

· Debt sustainability targets defined by the IMF under their program

· The IMF’s baseline macroeconomic framework

The discussions with the official creditors are detailed in the report and seems to have gone smoothly with the proposals of the Official Creditor Committee’s (France, India and Japan as co-chairs) showing ‘significant similarities’ with Sri Lanka’s.

Regarding private creditors, after several rounds of discussions, on September 18. 2024, Sri Lanka announced that it came to an agreement in principle with the foreign ISB Holders, and also with the local bondholders, referred to as the Local Consortium of Sri Lanka (LCSL) comprising 11 members. The local group controlled 12% of the outstanding Bonds. Their legal advisors were Baker McKenszie and Newstate Partners LLP.

New York Law to English Law

Within this announcement, Sri Lanka also announced that they had agreed with the foreign ISB holders to a mechanism that would change Bonds that came under the more equitable governing law of New York law, to English or Delaware law.

The UN reports that 60% of developing country debt is held by private creditors and 52% of it is held under the New York Law.

In 2023, a draft bill was proposed by the New York state called “New York Taxpayer and International Debt Crises Prevention Act”. This was commended by two UN Special Rapporteurs as progressive:

The UN reported on June 8. 2023 that Olivier de Schutter, Special Rapporteur on extreme poverty and human rights, and Attiya Waris, Independent Expert on foreign debt and human rights, welcomed the proposal and “urged lawmakers to adopt the draft bill, which compels private creditors to participate in international debt relief efforts on similar terms as public lenders.”

They further said “”If taxpayers contribute to public debt relief, private creditors should be obliged to participate on the same terms,” they said. “Debt relief must be effective and fair for all, and its costs must be shared by private creditors as well.”

The UN said “The proposed legislation means distressed low and middle-income countries would be able to protect the economic, social and cultural rights of their citizens instead of paying ‘unsustainable’ debt loads.”

With this in the pipeline, globally commended by many as helping to bring in more equitable resolutions of debt crises, why move it (to London) from where it was (New York)? Was it in fact precisely because this legislation was in the offing, enforcing private creditors to take on a fair share of the burden? Indeed, what does it say about the negotiating skills of the Sri Lankan team, or even their motivations?

It is also at this point that Sri Lanka agreed in principle, as with all other clauses, to the Macro-Linked Bonds.

Incapacity or Deception?

On September 23, 2024 President Dissanayake was sworn in, after winning the Presidential Election with 42% of the vote.

In December 2024, the IMF reported that “the authorities successfully completed” the process of bond exchange. They also report that post-restructuring, Sri Lanka’s bonds showed strong performance and Moody’s and Fitch upgraded Sri Lanka’s rating by ‘‘three notches”.

The IMF says that the agreements taken together are consistent with their program parameters.

The swearing in of a new President from an entirely different party with an entirely different political orientation and ideology, to the one that negotiated the agreements with the creditors, did not have the faintest impact on the final agreements that were completed. Despite a campaign run on re-negotiating the terms of agreements by the outgoing administration, they were all signed without any change whatsoever.

None of the excuses accounted for the promises strongly delivered from 2023 until the last day of the 2024 campaign, only to be reneged on, because pausing the process at that late stage was seen as disadvantageous.

Anyone who had access to information of the on-going processes as parliamentarians were, and couldn’t see this two months before they were due to be signed, or decided to mislead the public for votes anyway, has to be regarded with more than a tinge of skepticism, concerning current and future promises.

Lessons Learnt

Under the above heading, the IMF draws out lessons from their experience of Sri Lanka’s debt restructure that they think may be relevant to any future events in other countries. Among others, they make the point that the damage this restructuring caused to Sri Lanka’s economy could have been minimized if it had restructured the debt sooner.

It also indicates some reservation about the Macro-Linked Bonds

. The IMF thinks that the “the one-time adjustment nature” of those bonds “presents risks to Sri Lanka as higher payments after 2028, once triggered, would persist even if economic performance were to deteriorate thereafter.” This seems like an MLB debt trap, one that is too late to get out of.

The IMF declares that the design of the debt restructuring “has increased the complexity of the debt contracts” and urges that Sri Lankan authorities “understand comprehensively their post-structuring debt portfolio risks and rapidly strengthen their public debt management capacity.” Obviously, they didn’t have this capacity before, even though we trusted our ‘authorities’ to have been competent at what they were undertaking. Is this important issue being urgently and adequately addressed?

There are many things that Sri Lanka could have done better. One is that the authorities should have laid out “a clear rationale behind the decision” in early engagement with stakeholders including the public, “throughout the restructuring process”. Clearly, this did not happen.

Going forward, one of the things they recommend is a “sensible public investment program and a sound procurement process”. What does this say about this administration’s tardiness in exactly this urgent area? How can the authorities be made to address this without the regular excuses and promises?

The IMF report details many lessons that were learnt from Sri Lanka’s debt restructuring exercise. It would be an invaluable asset to those knowledgeable in the subject especially since there was such secrecy surrounding the process.

The timeline of the exercise given in detail in the report exposes certain uncomfortable truths. Even though the public was not part of the process, the IMF briefed parliamentarians, including Opposition parliamentarians. Consider this: when we were assured by the JVP/NPP Presidential candidate and his party JVP/NPP, both now in power on that basis – among other factors, that they would renegotiate with the IMF and insist on an alternative Debt Sustainability Analysis (DSA), get a much better ‘haircut’ etc., right up until election day, had they already concluded that they did not have the capacity, the expertise nor the required knowledge as individuals or as a party to do so? The quick signing off on all of the agreements already negotiated or negotiated-in-principle by the previous administration which the JVP-NPP persuaded the people were unsatisfactory, points to this uncomfortable truth: they never meant to deviate from those agreements, however reversible or alterable.

There are many such moments of truth, in the IMF report. Parliament would be well advised to study it with care, and familiarize itself with the numerous issues that led to, made inevitable, and proved to be an utterly complex debt restructuring, which due to many avoidable reasons continues to place the heaviest burden on the mass of citizens who were not responsible for it. They were mostly unaware of the policies, actions and inactions of the ‘authorities’ including the politicians they elected, who were entrusted with managing the economy on their behalf.

By Sanja de Silva Jayatilleka



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Beyond traditional jobs: Why Sri Lanka needs to facilitate the gig economy

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Image courtesy Oxford University

by Kapila Chinthaka Premarathne
Head of the Department of Agricultural Systems and a Senior Lecturer in Agricultural Economics at the Faculty of Agriculture,
Rajarata University of Sri Lanka

Beyond the Graduate Unemployment Number

Sri Lanka’s economic recovery has improved macroeconomic stability, but youth unemployment remains a significant labour-market concern. Around 43% of Sri Lankan youth aged 15–24 with postsecondary education are unemployed, the highest among the Asian economies compared in the IMF analysis, compared with about 36% in Bangladesh and 13.2% in Thailand. This reflects a problem of skills mismatches and the difficulty of connecting higher education with changing labour-market demand. The concern goes beyond unemployment itself. Sri Lanka has invested heavily in educating its younger population, yet the conventional labour market is not creating enough opportunities to convert these qualifications into income. Many young people possess degrees, technical knowledge and growing digital familiarity, but remain outside formal employment because suitable jobs may not exist in the right place, at the right time or under conditions compatible with their circumstances. This makes it necessary to think beyond traditional employment models and explore new ways of connecting Sri Lanka’s educated youth with economic opportunities.

This is where Sri Lanka needs to reconsider how it understands employment

Employment has traditionally been viewed through the employer–employee relationship, with qualifications leading to a formal job and regular salary. While this model remains important, digital platforms are creating new ways to generate income, allowing individuals to work for multiple clients across geographical boundaries without permanent employment. Sri Lanka therefore needs to look beyond simply creating conventional jobs and consider whether it is building the conditions for its educated population to participate in the growing global market for digital services.

The Opportunity of the Gig Economy

The gig economy extends far beyond ride-hailing and delivery services. Digital platforms increasingly connect skilled individuals with opportunities in software development, design, accounting, data analysis, digital marketing, translation, online education, research and consultancy. This is particularly relevant to Sri Lanka, where a highly educated population faces a relatively limited domestic market for specialised skills. Digital platforms can overcome geographical constraints by connecting Sri Lankan workers directly with international clients.

As highlighted in my previous LSE South Asia article on women and the gig economy, such work should not replace formal employment but can create additional income opportunities when supported by appropriate skills, digital infrastructure, training and institutional support. A skilled person in Anuradhapura, Jaffna, Batticaloa or Monaragala could potentially serve clients in London, Melbourne or Dubai without first relocating to Colombo. This makes the gig economy relevant not only to employment but also to Sri Lanka’s emerging digital services-export strategy.

A Digitally Familiar Generation

Sri Lanka’s younger generation is growing up with smartphones, social media, online learning, digital applications and digital financial services, giving them a level of digital familiarity that previous generations did not have. However, digital familiarity does not automatically translate into digital employability. The challenge is to transform everyday digital use into productive skills such as data analysis, artificial intelligence, software development, digital marketing, financial analysis and online professional services.

Sri Lanka therefore needs to move young people from being consumers of digital services to producers of digital value. Universities, vocational institutions and training providers can play an important role in converting existing digital familiarity into marketable skills that connect young people with both domestic and international opportunities. This is increasingly important as technological change and AI reshape labour markets and intensify the need for skills that match emerging forms of work.

The Gender Dimension

The gig economy may be particularly relevant to women, who often face barriers to conventional employment arising from childcare, eldercare, mobility, social expectations and rigid working arrangements. For mothers and women living outside major urban centres, fixed working hours and daily commuting can make formal employment difficult even when suitable jobs exist.

Digital gig work can provide greater flexibility, allowing women to undertake professional assignments from home or their communities and potentially serve international clients without relocating. As discussed in my earlier LSE South Asia article, this opportunity is most meaningful when supported by digital infrastructure, skills training, virtual work hubs, mentorship and appropriate institutional support. However, flexibility should expand women’s economic choices rather than simply add paid work to existing unpaid household responsibilities.

Pressure on Labour-Market Opportunity

The value of a job cannot be judged by salary alone, as commuting, working hours and household responsibilities can significantly affect its real economic value. Flexible digital work can potentially reduce some of these costs by allowing people to work from home or nearby digital hubs and participate in employment on a part-time or project basis. While gig work cannot solve all household pressures, a more flexible organisation of work can create additional employment opportunities while helping households manage their limited time and resources more effectively.

A Possible Third Option Between Unemployment and Migration

Sri Lanka’s migration and brain-drain concerns highlight the need to explore employment opportunities beyond the domestic labour market. While overseas migration will remain an important individual and economic choice, digital work can provide another pathway by allowing skilled Sri Lankans to serve international clients without physically leaving the country. Software developers, designers, analysts, researchers, translators and consultants can potentially earn from global markets while remaining in Sri Lanka. Digital gig work cannot eliminate migration or reverse brain drain, but it can create an additional option between domestic unemployment and physical migration—working for the world while remaining in Sri Lanka.

Recognising and Making Digital Work Reputable

A major institutional gap is that conventional systems are designed around salaried employment, while a freelancer may earn from multiple clients without a single employer or salary certificate. This can make legitimate digital workers difficult to recognise when they seek loans, leasing, insurance or business finance. Sri Lanka could address this through a voluntary digital-worker or independent-professional registration mechanism, providing a recognised economic identity based on qualifications, verified skills, platform activity and documented income, without creating unnecessary bureaucracy.

Such recognition should also make digital income bankable. Banks could assess verified platform earnings, bank transactions, contracts, invoices, tax records, savings and repayment history alongside conventional employment documents. A standardised digital income statement could further help workers demonstrate their financial capacity. The key shift is from asking “Who is your employer?” to asking “Can your income be verified and is it sufficiently stable?”. This would allow successful digital workers to build financial credibility and use their earnings to access credit, acquire assets and develop their own businesses.

Digital Payments Are Part of the Labour Market

Access to reliable international payment systems is essential if Sri Lankans are to participate effectively in the global digital economy. Recent developments in PayPal’s local banking arrangements, including its partnerships with Sampath Bank and Commercial Bank, indicate progress in this direction. However, the broader priority should be a regulated and efficient digital-payment ecosystem that allows workers to receive international earnings, transfer them to Sri Lankan bank accounts, document their income and meet relevant financial and tax requirements with minimal friction. International payment infrastructure is therefore not simply a technology issue; it is an essential component of Sri Lanka’s emerging services-export economy.

Building Infrastructure Outside Colombo

Digital familiarity alone is insufficient without reliable internet, electricity, computers, software and suitable working environments, particularly in rural and underserved areas. To ensure that the gig economy supports regional development rather than becoming another Colombo-centred opportunity, Sri Lanka could establish regional digital-work hubs through universities, vocational institutions, libraries and public-private partnerships. These hubs could provide connectivity, equipment, training, mentoring and assistance with platform registration and international payments. If graduates must migrate to Colombo simply to access such infrastructure, the geographical advantage of digital work is significantly reduced.

From Freelancer to Entrepreneur

Gig work should not be viewed as an end in itself. A person may begin with small online assignments, develop regular clients and professional credibility, and eventually establish a small digital enterprise. This creates a potential pathway from graduate to freelancer, professional service provider and entrepreneur, allowing individuals to create markets around their own skills rather than waiting for conventional vacancies. Universities can support this transition by teaching students not only subject knowledge but also portfolio development, market identification, client communication, digital platforms and contract management. A degree demonstrates educational attainment, while a professional portfolio demonstrates what a graduate can offer to the market.

Facilitation Must Be Matched by Protection

Promoting the gig economy without appropriate safeguards could simply transfer employment risks from institutions to individuals. Digital workers may face uncertain incomes, weak bargaining power and limited social protection. Sri Lanka should therefore facilitate digital work while also ensuring opportunities for independent workers to build savings, access insurance and participate in portable social-protection mechanisms. Flexibility should create greater economic choice without compromising long-term financial security, particularly for women.

A regional Example from India: Think Globally and act Locally

India provides a useful regional example of how the gig economy can be approached as a policy issue rather than simply as informal or temporary work. NITI Aayog has estimated the size and future employment potential of India’s gig and platform economy and has developed recommendations covering employment generation, skills, financial inclusion and social protection. More importantly, India has begun creating institutional mechanisms around these workers. Its e-Shram portal provides a national database of unorganised workers, including gig and platform workers, creating a recognised identity through which workers can potentially access employment, skills development and social-security services. India has also explored platform-led skills development through skill certificates, skill passports and on-the-job training, while NITI Aayog has proposed cash-flow-based lending models that could allow platform workers to demonstrate creditworthiness through their earnings rather than conventional employment or collateral.

Social protection has also entered the policy framework. India’s Code on Social Security, 2020 formally recognises gig and platform workers and provides a basis for schemes covering areas such as accident insurance, health, maternity, disability and old-age protection. India is still developing and refining these arrangements, and Sri Lanka need not replicate the Indian model.

However, the experience demonstrates an important policy lesson: the gig economy can be supported through a system that identifies workers, develops their skills, makes their income more visible to financial institutions and extends appropriate social protection. Sri Lanka could develop its own simpler framework suited to its smaller economy, beginning with recognising digital workers and building the institutional conditions that allow their skills and earnings to become part of the formal economy.

Rethinking Employment and the Next Opportunity

The 43 percent figure for educated young Sri Lankans should encourage a wider discussion about the changing nature of work. Sri Lanka will continue to need conventional employment through firms, industries, farms, professional organisations and public institutions, but the changing labour market also requires new opportunities to connect educated Sri Lankans with global digital markets. The gig economy can provide an additional pathway to increase female labour-force participation, reduce the pressure for migration and brain drain, and connect Sri Lankan skills with markets beyond geographical boundaries.

This does not require a complicated bureaucracy. It requires recognising legitimate digital workers, facilitating access to international platforms and payment systems, allowing verified digital income to support credit assessment, developing portable social protection, and strengthening digital infrastructure and skills beyond major urban centres. Better data on digital workers would also help policymakers develop evidence-based interventions.

The future of work is therefore not only about creating more jobs, but about creating more ways for Sri Lankans to work, earn and build livelihoods while continuing to live and contribute in Sri Lanka. The gig economy should be recognised as part of an emerging digital labour market and services-export economy, where workers can build professional identities, earn internationally, access finance and eventually develop their own enterprises.

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Are religions getting redundant in the modern world?

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by Dr Upul Wijayawardhana

We are living in an era of astonishingly rapid scientific advancement. From the time Apple launched the ‘iPhone’ in January 2007, the first targeting the mass market, smartphones have taken over the world, making them indispensable. According to the latest statistics, there are around 8.1 billion mobile phones with 7.4 billion active smartphones, for the world population of 8.25 billion. Except for a tiny minority of the very poor, most people have at least one smartphone.

We are now entering the era of Artificial Intelligence (AI) and smart robots. Recently, a ‘Chinese’ robot ran 100 metres faster than Usain Bolt! Though Alan Turing proposed the idea of ‘Thinking Machines’ way back in 1950, the real AI boom commenced with the release of the generative AI chatbot, ChatGPT, by OpenAI in November 2020. Number of technology firms in the US as well as in China have joined the race, China catching up very fast, quite unexpectedly. There is a frenzy at the moment, raising expectations, as the imminent floating of these companies is likely to value the two leaders, OpenAI and Anthropic, trillion dollars each!

However, trouble is brewing in the AI field. On top of the concerns raised by environmentalists regarding the huge power drain by AI centres, there are recent reports of some AI models hacking independently into other systems, without human input. Worse still, a senior researcher at Anthropic, who has previously worked for OpenAI as well, resigned in early September on ethical grounds stating that the way the two companies are fast-tracking AI poses an existential threat to humanity. Surprisingly, instead of a rebuttal the head of Anthropic supported his view, soon joined by three more heads of leading AI developers. Whilst they agreed on slowing progress, President Trump has claimed that slowing is totally unnecessary as long as a super intelligent President like himself is at the helm! There does not seem to be an end to Trump’s grandiosity! He was joined by Tony Blair. In contrast, King Charles held a summit with representatives of all AI developers to find a way AI could be developed without a threat to humanity. That is how wise leaders act!

Less sophisticated AI tools are already in widespread use and installed in computers, laptops and smartphones. Some of us are using these automatically. However, the more advanced AI tools like ChatGPT can change even reality. For instance, AI can generate videos hardly distinguishable from real ones. What you enjoy watching on YouTube may be just the creations of AI! Some people use AI to write articles; only a few of them admit that they do so. Very soon we may be reading stories AI creates and listening to music, courtesy of AI. Technology seems to be fast becoming the new religion? Or, will the existential threat move us more towards religion?

Religion, perhaps, is as old as humanity itself; various belief systems evolving and disappearing coupled with the fortunes of the associated civilizations. Just like AI, religion is also a creation of the human mind which our ancestors did to explain many phenomena which appeared, at that time, to be supernatural. Starting with Animism, perceiving the divine in the natural world around, humans went on to Polytheism, believing in many gods like in Hinduism, culminating in the concept of Monotheism.

World’s oldest religion, Hinduism, still in wide practice, is devoid of a founder or a single text. The earliest scriptures, Rigveda, is considered to be around 3,500 years old but archaeologists have discovered symbols of importance to Hinduism as far back as 7,000 BCE. Though it is considered to be Polytheistic, it can be argued that it was the precursor of Monotheism, the concept of a creator God, as Brahma was the creator in the triad, Trimurti, Vishnu being the preserver and Shiva being the destroyer. It seems to be a sensible balancing act; create, destroy and repair with improvements.

It is pretty obvious that as science expands, the importance of religion contracts but it is hardly likely religions would be totally redundant. We have no choice as to which family we are born to and that invariably determines what your religion would be, if any. Religion is the first brainwashing a child encounters and most remain in the same faith, often trying to defend even the indefensible, but some change through conviction or conversion due to one of many reasons. Further, religious rituals have social values and religious practices often come to one’s solace at times of distress. Therefore, many will continue with the religion they were born to but with declining enthusiasm, at times. However, some religions seem to be facing problems like falling attendances in places of worship. With education and tech savviness expanding, one would expect the youth to be less enthusiastic about religion but the converse is true in some religions, some youth becoming very militant unfortunately.

While most religions make you subservient to a supernatural power, the Buddha was wise and bold enough to remove those shackles. He proclaimed that one’s destiny is in one’s own hands. However, many Buddhists appear to attach greater significance to rituals than to practising the Dhamma.

Buddhism as a religion may become less relevant as the frontiers of science expands but the Buddha Dhamma, especially Abhidhamma and Vipassana, would receive increasing recognition, the Buddha remaining an authority on consciousness and the mind.

Scientific progress should be for the betterment of society but AI developers are taking huge risks, taking massive loans threatening the world economy, for one aim: profit! Some do not seem to care even if their actions pose an existential threat to humanity.

Perhaps, if the Four Sublime Attitudes (Sathara Brahma Vihara) expounded by the Buddha; loving kindness (Metta), compassion (Karuna), empathetic joy (Muditha) and equanimity (Upekkha) are adopted as universal values, the world would become a safer place to live in, with or without AI.

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‘The Bullet that Missed’

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Tales of Mystery and Suspense 21

by Prof. Rajiva Wijesinha

Another book that is part of a series, today—one that is fun without the brooding concentration on criminality in different forms that marks the Rebus novels. This one about the Thursday Murder Club, is a romp as its two predecessors were interspersed with deaths and what might be deaths.

The Bullet that Missed

begins with a meeting with the presenter of ‘South East Tonight’, a programme about the area, in which Coopers Chase is situated. The meeting is held because the club has decided to look into the murder of the producer’s assistant, Bethany Waites, whose car was found at the bottom of a cliff ten years ago. There was blood in it, but the body was never found.

Or, rather, the book begins with an account of Bethany Waites deciding, on the night she vanished, to meet someone in connection with a case of massive fraud that she had been investigating, after sending the producer, Mike Waghorn, a message that she had found new evidence though he had no idea what it was. The night she died, she sent him another message: “I don’t say this often enough, but thank you.”

CCTV cameras showed her leaving her place, but then the vehicle vanished, before being sighted near the cliff, with two people in it. Investigation of the fraud had led to the imprisonment of a woman, Heather Garbutt, though it proved impossible to pin anything on Jack Mason, the mastermind for whom she had worked.

The Club conducts investigations on several fronts, including through Connie Johnson, the drug dealer they had helped imprison in the earlier book. The psychiatrist Ibrahim, the most respectable member of the Club, interviews her in an attempt to get her to find out more from Heather, who is in the same prison as she. They also investigate the CCTV record of the night Bethany vanished, and deduce that she went to an apartment block and exited from its other side, and that is why she was not seen leaving the town. But some time had elapsed between her being seen in the town and then on the cliff.

Meanwhile, Elizabeth has been kidnapped, along with her husband, and taken to a house in Staffordshire, where she is told by a man called the Viking that she must kill a former KGB agent now in London, who has a profitable career in money laundering. The Viking tells her he will inform Viktor that she was responsible for stealing the diamonds, the story of which is told in the previous Murder Club Mystery, and Viktor will then kill her.

Elizabeth, who has an affair with Viktor, knows he will not kill her, but when the Viking says he will also send Viktor a picture of Joyce, she decides she must act, and goes to see Viktor, and fires when she gets him in the bathroom. But, of course, she fired into the ceiling, and Viktor is then taken to Coopers Chase, to stay with Joyce until they have dealt with the Viking. And Viktor then enjoys the camaraderie of the retirement home so much that he wonders whether he too should settle there.

Elizabeth does trace the Viking, or rather her husband does, for he has noticed rare books on the shelves in his library, and an antiquarian book dealer friend managed to find out who bought them. But before they could confront him, he comes to Coopers Chase, for he has seen the bullet hole in the bathroom of Viktor’s flat and realized he was fooled.

But he cannot bring himself to kill Joyce straight away, and she knocks him out with a drug in a cup of tea. When he meets Viktor, they both decide to fall in with the plans of the Club.

Before this, Heather has been found dead in her cell, with a note saying that ‘they’ were going to kill her, and only Connie could help. Before that she had admitted that she was frightened to name the man behind the fraud. Jack Mason said the same, after Ron had won his confidence. The Club had deduced by then that the body was buried in the garden of Heather’s house which Jack had bought, after she had been jailed, and digging reveals a gun and money, but no body. Jack tells them that the mastermind had said that Bethany was buried with a bullet with his DNA on it.

The Club is now working with the Chief Constable of Kent, Andrew Everton, who writes thrillers himself, but in the form of e-books. He is in search of a publisher, and delighted when Mike Waghorn puts him on his programme, as is Donna, who is substituted at the last minute for Chris.

The Club finds out whom Bethany visited in the apartment block—Mike’s assistant Pauline, who tells them later what she and Bethany had been doing. But this is after the man behind the fraud has been unmasked up in the house in Staffordshire, where he was trying to hire the Viking and Viktor to find the money that he had stashed away, using accounts that he could no longer trace. He has also confessed to murdering Bethany, hoping this will persuade the two money launderers to help him, but it turns out that he did not do this. Nor did he kill Heather, the incriminating note having been placed in her room by Connie, who decided that Heather’s suicide should be treated as murder so that the person who had been blackmailing her should be found out.

It was Jack Mason’s murder that was brought home to the crook. It turns out that Bethany, her appearance altered by Pauline, has vanished, to a new life in Dubai, where she has taken control of the missing millions. She has gone there because the threat, she received through the bullet she was looking at in the preamble, was to Mike and she wanted him out of danger.

Yet another whimsical conclusion to a whimsical book with enough loose ends left hanging for another sequel.

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