Features

Gamini D’s dilemma in returning to UNP and CBK’s entry via WPC

Published

11 months ago

2025/10/26

Of senior politicos obsession with ‘Godmen’, intrigues and spices

The Central province is well known for its growing of spices like pepper, cardamom, cloves and nutmeg. They are grown in small household properties unlike tea, rubber, cocoa and coconut which are commercial crops grown in large estates in the district. After interacting with Kandyan villagers both as an official and a politician I became aware how important these crops are for the village economy.

The villagers are primary producers who sell off their produce to intermediary traders who in turn sell them to the bigger brokers in Colombo. This system is outdated and tends to give a bad deal to the primary producer-the villager. Often the intermediary dealer is a Muslim who has the ability to activate their commercial links with big time exporters in Colombo and earn large margins at the expense of villagers who are the actual producers.

With the expansion of the global middle class the demand for spices have gone up but we have not been able to exploit these assets due to a bureaucracy which is slow to act. On the other hand India – especially Tamil Nadu and Kerala are front runners in meeting global demand. This often leads to smuggling of spices like cloves and nutmeg to India because our products have a premium demand.

As Minister of Finance I often interacted with the Indian Minister of External trade, Kamal Nath with the idea of adjusting their duty structure to favour our spices on a preferential rate. He did so and it raised a furore in Kerala and Kamal Nath told me in lighter vein that he was blamed by the Indian Congress for their defeat in the local polls in Kerala because the local growers of spices and cashew had voted against them.

Since he was from Rajasthan, which was a state that did not grow spices, his voters did not object to the generous tariff concessions given to us. It was during this time that local spices recorded high sales and high incomes. Similarly during times of typhoons and heavy rains in Kerala when they cannot meet the demand for spices and cashew, our products are in great demand with the resulting increasing of prices. Traders tend to stockpile their holdings anticipating such a windfall.

Division of labour

The devolution of subjects to the Provincial Councils have been done in a haphazard manner. Many crucial areas which call for a high degree of coordination are badly affected by a division of responsibilities. Take for instance the crucial area of irrigation of which I was once the Minister in charge. Large scale irrigation works are a function of the center while minor irrigation works, which were earlier managed by a well funded Agrarian Services Department, have been handed over to the Provincial Minister.

Today there is a problem of both coordination and finance in this crucial sector. Rural irrigation has been neglected leading to a breakdown of agricultural facilities which in turn reduces output and pushes labour out of this sector. The ratio of agriculture’s contribution to GDP has declined continuously. So have the figures for employment in the agriculture sector which is now outstripped by the manufacturing and service sectors of our economy.

There are similar anomalies in the education and health sectors. While “national” schools and hospitals are better funded, their “provincial” counterparts are badly managed and underfunded. The public have a clear preference for “National” schools and hospitals. Why are the PCs institutions so underfunded?

It is because the Chief Ministers have diverted funds to duplicate their bureaucracy and promote popular but unproductive employment creation. The net result is that the PC system, at least in south Sri Lanka, has become a chaotic mess and another drain on national resources. New PC polls have not been held. But the public has shown no interest in resurrecting them.

Gamini’s dilemma

With the unexpected deaths of Premadasa and Lalith, and the disappearance of Upali Wijewardene, the only charismatic leader of the old UNP left standing was Gamini Dissanayake. The departure of Lalith cast a heavy burden regarding the DUNF on his shoulders. Earlier leadership jealousies with Lalith vanished with the new burden of organizational and financial responsibilities that Gamini had to now undertake alone. It was a formidable challenge.

Coupled with that was the demand for him to return to the “Mahagedera” from the rank and file of the party who saw their strength diminished due to the split between the UNP and DUNF at the recently concluded Provincial Council elections. For Gamini who was a UNP stalwart the only hurdle he had faced was Premadasa. Now that the single obstacle was providentially removed he saw no reason why his earlier labours for the UNP as a national leader should be wasted.

There was another reason which was perhaps not so well known. Like many of our political leaders Gamini was addicted to astrology and soothsayers. He was a believer in Satya Sai Baba who had assured him that he would reach the top and had even given him a charmed ring which would help him on his way. Most Sri Lankan politicians are believers in soothsaying and rituals because it gives them Dutch courage to soldier on in a field which is full of jealousy and uncertainty.

Unknown to most voters hosts of palm readers and soothsayers descend on Colombo from India during election time. They are sponsored by Tamil businessmen and they make sanguine predictions thereby answering the growing psychological anxieties of our politicians. Among them Premadasa and Gamini were foremost and ironically both were killed notwithstanding the predictions of “God men” who assured them of a long and fruitful life crowned with success.

Many evenings of our leaders are spent closeted in seances with these self appointed messengers from god. Many of our leaders have hastened to South India to participate in an expensive ritual known as “Thulabaram” in which our “friends of the oppressed and down trodden” are weighed in gold. Of late gold has been replaced by bundles of cash, usually provided by Tamil merchants with business interests in the island. All these “God men” advised Gamini that his future lay in rejoining the UNP and claiming his political inheritance.

While Gamini was veering towards a move to rejoin the UNP several major obstacles remained. One was the cordiality that had developed between the DUNF and the SLFP as shown in the appointment of Chief Ministers in the Western and North Central provinces. Mrs Bandaranaike was very supportive of Gamini and the DUNF. I remember that we worked very closely with her during the “Fransisco” debacle. The Southern Provincial Council was captured with the cooperation of the SLFP and DUNF and Amarasiri Dodangoda-a veteran SLFP nominee was to be elected the Chairman. However as a newcomer to the UNP Anura Bandaranaike, in order to show his loyalty to his new found party, pulled out one of his acolytes named Fransisco who was a PC member of the SLFP thereby depriving Dodangoda of a majority.

This impasse ended up in the courts and joint affidavits had to be furnished by the SLFP and the DUNF to the judiciary. During this time Gamini and I consulted Mrs. B several times. She was assisted by Attorney Nimal Siripala de Silva. In the end the courts held with Dodangoda marking a sea change in judicial verdicts which were earlier often in Premadasa’s favour. It was an early sign that the monolithic UNP will have trouble under the Wijetunga – Ranil administration. CBK’s new found leadership was giving hope to the debilitated SLFP. As a result the majority of UNPers needed Gamini more than ever and many party officials would come “incognito” to persuade Gamini to make a comeback.

Ranil-Wijetunga resistance

The incumbent President and Prime Minister, Wijetunga and Ranil, however were against the return of Gamini to the UNP. They were supported by Cooray and Choksy who felt that Anura Bandaranaike was enough of a crowd puller to need supplementing with an ambitious veteran who was currently in the doghouse. But the chief opponent was Ranil who felt rightly that Gamin’s arrival would mark the decline of his hold on the party. Many legal, technical and political objections were brought forward by the Ranil camp, particularly by Gamini Athukorale who had an axe to grind with Gamini the reasons for which were described in Volume One of my autobiography. They were not even on talking terms. As mentioned above, this conflict came into the open when we in the Central Provincial Council attempted to remove the Chief Minister.

The anti Gamini UNP leaders used all their powers to defeat this move and humiliate Gamini. Wijetunga was reported to have said in pithy Sinhala that “it was better to put a snake under your sarong than get close to the DUNF leader”. This was a trying time for us as both the UNP and the SLFP began to be suspicious of a major political shift engineered by Gamini. At the same time the SLFPers who had joined the DUNF like Monty Gopallawa were facing the prospect of being marooned as they had no wish to join the UNP since they were dedicated anti-UNPers right through their political careers. They argued for the continuation of the DUNF but they were in a minority who proved to be dispensable in Gamini’s quest for a power base.

Entry of Chandrika Kumaratunga (CBK)

The Provincial council elections brought CBK into the contemporary political contest with a bang. Her entry as the Chief Minister of the Western Province was like a breath of fresh air which helped the SLFP to settle their internecine conflicts and give them hope of winning an election after 17 years of UNP rule. Hers was not an easy path to the top. The Maithripala Senanayake and Anura clique, assisted by Mahinda Rajapaksa, challenged her all the way. At first she had to be assisted by comparatively junior party members like Mangala Samaraweera and SB Dissanayake who realized that a “new face” was needed to galvanize their grass roots supporters.

The old leaders like Maithripala Senanayake. Kalugalla and Sooriyaratchi who were behind Anura, had no hesitation in conspiring with UNP leaders in their attempts to block CBK. Their main obstacle was Mrs. B who stoutly backed Chandrika and thereby even alienated her favourite child Anura. It was a trying time for her which led to a stroke which later made her an invalid. But Chandrika brought a new “grass roots” approach with her own uninhibited style of politicking.

Her record victory in the Provincial Council election and the setting up of an administration with an alliance with the left and the DUNF highlighted the possibility of a new configuration in the anti UNP struggle. She also managed to win the confidence of the minorities and the support of India who looked upon Premadasa and Wijetunga with suspicion as being “anti-Indian”. She was crafting a new coalition of the left of which the UNP was now beginning to sit up and take notice.

This was confirmed when CBK led the anti UNP group to victory in the Provincial Council elections for the southern province in spite of the desperate efforts of the UNP which resorted to strong arm tactics like abducting Francisco. For the first time the UNP, and President Wijetunga, appeared to be nervous about their electoral prospects and there was a demand among the rank and file for Gamini which Ranil and Athukorala and their small coterie attempted to suppress.

But the wild card was Wijetunga who was being persuaded to think again about Gamini’s role in the changed circumstances. The UNP membership was not satisfied with Ranil’s leadership style which depended on a small group of admirers and was a far cry from the mass politics that JRJ and Premadasa had introduced into the party organization.

(Excerpted from vol. 3 of the Sarath Amunugama autbiography) ✍️

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Features

Sections of US media looking power straight in the eye

Published

12 hours ago

2026/10/1

Sahan Weerasooriya

President Trump addressing the media at the White House.(BBC)

Some fundamental freedoms seen to be at the heart of democracy in the US – religion, speech, the press, assembly and the right to petition the government – are at risk of being undermined at present by the country’s Executive President. However, the latter is being legally challenged on this score by some sections of the US media and the citizenry of the country could take heart from this notable defense of media freedom.

In fact this is good news for the world of democracy. The push back is coming from organizations such as CNN, ABC, CBS, Fox, NBC who constitute the nucleus as it were of the US media and their solidarity no less than their resourcefulness calls for commendation.

Following a recent White House decision to suspend CNN from what was referred to as ‘participation in presidential pool coverages’, the other media organizations mentioned refused to replace it in the pool. Their position was that the public had a right to receive ‘accurate and independent information about the government.’

Earlier, the White House decided to bar MS NOW and Politico from entering its premises following the restrictions imposed on CNN. The organizations were accused of publishing “FAKE NEWS’ , ‘Fiction’ and ‘lies’ in respect of the administration. These organizations lost no time in initiating a federal lawsuit accusing the central administration of violating their rights guaranteed by the First Amendment.

However, the latter litigating organizations could now consider themselves as having been vindicated because the federal court hearing their case has ordered the Trump administration to temporarily restore White House press access to journalists from the mentioned media institutions. Notably, the court has declared that the ban is ‘likely unconstitutional’. The case is proceeding.

The mass media of the most vibrant democracies of the West ought to be no strangers to such inspirational acts of solidarity and exemplifications of independence but there are lessons here for the democracies of the South that could stand them in good stead. Minus the right of a people to be informed, the rest of fundamental rights featuring in Southern Bills of Rights and legislation of the kind are bereft of substance and meaning.

It is informed decision-making on the part of a citizenry that makes for democratic vibrancy and on this score many a Southern democracy fails. While Southern publics generally demand of their governments continuous economic well being and substantive material benefits they are not equally desirous of being informed and knowledgeable.

This lacuna in the consciousness of many Southern publics enables their governments ‘to get off the hook’, so to speak and govern, or more often misgovern, their countries with impunity. Among other factors, this species of mass ignorance makes it possible for governments to dismantle democracy and rule in perpetuity.

Accordingly, an educated and constantly informed public is an essential precondition for the flourishing of democracy and independent media are integral to this process. Minus an independent mass media sector that meets the knowledge needs of the people responsibly, democracy is as good as dead.

Needless to say, those sections of the US media that are currently taking the Trump administration to task over its media curbs are acutely aware of the cruciality of these fundamental knowledge requirements.

The hope of democratic opinion worldwide and locally is likely to be that media independence would thrive in the manner in which it is flourishing in the most vibrant and accountable democracies of the West.

Southern countries such as Sri Lanka that lay claim to democratic credentials, but are democracy-deficient in many ways, need to be particularly cognizant of these requirements. The publics of these countries need to go the extra mile to ensure the thriving of an independent but responsible mass media sector.

In fact it is veritably a matter of life and death. It is only an independent media sector that could, while ensuring the existence of an informed public, impress on the latter the need to protect and perpetuate its fundamental rights. In the absence of these campaigns, such publics could be eventually having on their hands governments that boast of ruling in perpetuity.

Taking a leaf from the sections of the US media referred to independent media organizations in Southern states need to act in solidarity as well. They would need to act on the basis of the principle that acts of victimization suffered by members in their fold at the hands of governments, for instance, are in fact inimical acts directed at their collectivity and which call for united remedial action. In short, no independent mass media institution could see itself as ‘an island’.

Besides some general guidance on the importance of media independence and solidarity, the message coming from the US with regard to media praxis is that power must be stood-up to unblinkingly. The mentioned sections of the US media are primarily in a struggle to ward off encroachments on their independence in the areas of policy and practice by the political executive, that is the President.

The latter would ride rough-shod over the media in the absence of robust opposition by the media itself to inimical executive action of this kind.

While media independence needs to be seen as crucial to democratic development, an obligation is cast on the media to ensure that it uses such independence responsibly and constructively.

The worst that could afflict a media sector is for it to fall prey to the clichetic ‘freedom of the wild ass’. In fact recurring irresponsibility on the part of the media could lend credence to the perception that a tightly regulated media is best for a country. It is a short step from this misguided view to the position that political authoritarianism is best for a state. That turn of events would be of course catastrophic for a democracy.

The issues discussed thus far point to the need for a broad discourse among Southern democracies in particular on what is best for them in this connection. Given the risks underscored earlier for Southern countries in particular a broad discussion on the matters at hand, which includes the public, emerges as a must for Sri Lanka. Besides, media solidarity within democratic countries and internationally is a must.

Features

What lessons can be learned to improve quality of Sri Lanka’s Grade 6 syllabus

Published

12 hours ago

2026/10/1

Sahan Weerasooriya

Prime Minister Dr. Harini Amarasuriya

by Prof. M. W. Amarasiri de Silva

Following public controversy over an inappropriate web link found in an English study module, the Sri Lankan government formally deferred the full rollout of the Grade 6 curriculum reforms to January 2027. In the interim, state schools will maintain the existing syllabus, reverting to standard eight-period daily timetables and previous textbooks to ensure uninterrupted instruction. Prime Minister and Minister of Education Dr. Harini Amarasuriya emphasized that this temporary pause allows the Education Ministry to thoroughly review all instructional materials, fix editorial flaws, and conduct scientific impact assessments across pilot schools prior to nation-wide implementation.

To address the oversight, an expert committee evaluated the flawed materials, completed necessary amendments, and finalised discussions to resubmit corrected modules for printing. Beyond revising written texts, the Ministry established a broader preparation roadmap—allocating funds for extensive teacher training programs set to begin mid-year, alongside scheduled informational briefings for parents, teachers, and students. Prime Minister Amarasuriya reaffirmed that none of the valid first-term modules were completely discarded or scrapped, preserving state resources while systematically rebuilding public trust and strengthening quality assurance protocols.

In this respect, this article reviews the current grade 6 syllabus comparing it with similar syllabi of India and the USA, with a view to make recommendations for the upcoming grade 6 syllabus revision.

Architecture of nation’s future

Education is the quiet architecture of a nation’s future. It is the unseen scaffolding upon which generations build their character, their intellect, and their capacity to contribute meaningfully to society. In Sri Lanka, the Grade 6 syllabus occupies a particularly important place in this architecture. It is the bridge between primary learning and the more demanding intellectual terrain of secondary education. It is the moment when children begin to move from learning basic facts to understanding concepts, from memorising information to applying knowledge, and from passive reception to active engagement. Yet, despite its importance, the Grade 6 curriculum in Sri Lanka has long struggled with issues of breadth, depth, relevance, and pedagogy. As global education systems evolve, Sri Lanka must examine what lessons can be learned from international models—particularly India and the United States—to strengthen its own curriculum and prepare students for a rapidly changing world.

The first lesson Sri Lanka can learn is the value of conceptual clarity. India’s NCERT curriculum, especially in Mathematics and Science, is globally respected for its logical progression and conceptual depth. Indian students are introduced early to the idea that mathematics is not merely a set of procedures but a language of reasoning. They learn why a ratio works, not just how to compute one. They understand the structure of an equation, not merely the steps to solve it. In Science, they explore the properties of materials, the structure of plants, and the principles of motion with a clarity that encourages curiosity rather than rote memorisation.

Sri Lanka’s Grade 6 syllabus, while competency-based, often leans heavily toward content coverage. Students are expected to learn many topics, but the time allocated for each is limited, and the teaching culture often emphasizes memorisation over understanding. If Sri Lanka wishes to improve the quality of its syllabus, it must embrace the idea that fewer topics taught well are better than many topics taught superficially. Conceptual mastery builds confidence, and confidence builds lifelong learners.

Lesson from the US

A second lesson comes from the United States, where the curriculum is built around skills rather than content. American students in Grade 6 are expected to read complex texts, analyse arguments, write essays supported by evidence, conduct experiments, and engage in collaborative projects. The emphasis is not on how much they know but on what they can do with what they know. This skills-based approach encourages critical thinking, creativity, and independence—qualities essential for success in the modern world.

Sri Lanka’s syllabus, by contrast, often rewards students for reproducing information rather than interpreting it. The exam culture reinforces this tendency, as students are assessed primarily through written tests that measure recall. To improve the syllabus, Sri Lanka must integrate more opportunities for students to think, question, debate, and create. The classroom should become a space where students learn to solve problems, not just memorize solutions.

Another important lesson comes from the breadth of Sri Lanka’s own curriculum. One of the strengths of the Sri Lankan system is its inclusion of cultural and religious education. Subjects such as Buddhism, Hinduism, Islam, and Christianity provide moral grounding and cultural identity. Art, Music, Drama, and Health contribute to holistic development. These subjects remind students that education is not merely about academic achievement but about becoming a balanced human being. However, breadth without depth can become burdensome. Grade 6 students in Sri Lanka often juggle more than ten subjects, each with its own textbook, competencies, and assessments. This creates pressure not only for students but also for teachers, who must rush through content to meet syllabus requirements. The lesson here is not to reduce cultural subjects but to integrate them more meaningfully. Religious education can be taught through ethical discussions, community projects, and reflective writing. Art and Music can be connected to history, literature, and social studies. Health can be linked to science and physical education. Integration reduces overload while enriching learning.

Another lesson from India

India offers another valuable lesson in the form of standardised textbooks. NCERT books are used across the country, ensuring consistency in quality and content. They are written by subject experts, reviewed rigorously, and updated periodically. Sri Lanka’s textbooks, while generally well-structured, vary in quality and often lag behind modern pedagogical standards. Some are dense, text-heavy, and lacking in visual aids or real-world examples. To improve the syllabus, Sri Lanka must invest in high-quality textbooks that are engaging, accessible, and aligned with contemporary educational research. Textbooks should not merely transmit information; they should inspire curiosity. They should include stories, diagrams, experiments, and activities that make learning enjoyable and meaningful.

The United States provides a lesson in inquiry-based science education. American students conduct experiments, build models, observe natural phenomena, and engage in engineering design challenges. They learn science not as a set of facts but as a process of discovery. Sri Lanka’s science curriculum includes experiments, but many schools lack the resources, laboratory facilities, or teacher training to implement them effectively. Improving the syllabus requires improving the ecosystem around it. Schools need laboratories, equipment, and teacher development programs that empower educators to teach science through inquiry. A syllabus is only as strong as the environment in which it is taught. ***

International models

Another area where Sri Lanka can learn from international models is language education. In India, students often learn three languages—English, Hindi, and Sanskrit or Urdu. This heavy language load has its challenges, but it also produces students with strong linguistic skills. In the United States, English Language Arts emphasises reading complex texts, writing arguments, and analysing literature. Sri Lanka’s English curriculum, while improving, still struggles with uneven implementation across schools. Many students reach secondary school without adequate proficiency in English, limiting their access to global knowledge. To improve the syllabus, Sri Lanka must strengthen English instruction through better teacher training, more reading opportunities, and a shift from grammar-heavy teaching to communication-focused learning. At the same time, Sinhala and Tamil instruction should be modernised to include creative writing, literature appreciation, and critical reading.

Social Studies is another area ripe for improvement. Sri Lanka’s curriculum includes History, Geography, and Civics, but the teaching often emphasises memorization of dates, definitions, and facts. India’s Social Science curriculum, while also content-heavy, provides clearer conceptual frameworks. The United States, however, excels in teaching civics and citizenship. American students learn how governments function, how laws are made, how communities solve problems, and how citizens participate in democracy. Sri Lanka can strengthen its Civics curriculum by incorporating more discussions on governance, rights, responsibilities, and community engagement. Students should learn not only the structure of government but also the values that sustain it—justice, equality, and participation.

One of the most important lessons Sri Lanka can learn is the value of reducing exam pressure. In both India and Sri Lanka, exams dominate the educational landscape. Students are judged primarily by their ability to perform on written tests. The United States, while not free from assessment challenges, uses a wider range of evaluation methods—projects, presentations, portfolios, and continuous assessment. These methods allow students to demonstrate learning in diverse ways. Sri Lanka should consider adopting a more balanced assessment system that values creativity, collaboration, and practical skills alongside academic knowledge.

Technology integration is another area where Sri Lanka can improve. The United States incorporates digital literacy, coding, online research, and digital citizenship into the curriculum. Sri Lanka’s ICT syllabus is well-structured, but implementation varies widely. Many schools lack computers, internet access, or trained ICT teachers. Improving the syllabus requires improving infrastructure. Students must learn to navigate the digital world safely and effectively. They must learn coding not as a luxury but as a basic skill. They must learn to evaluate online information critically, a skill essential in an era of misinformation.

Teacher training

Teacher training is perhaps the most critical lesson of all. A syllabus is only as effective as the teachers who deliver it. India invests heavily in teacher training through national programs, workshops, and online platforms. The United States emphasises professional development, peer collaboration, and instructional coaching. Sri Lanka must strengthen its teacher training programmes, ensuring that educators understand not only what to teach but how to teach it. Teachers should be trained in inquiry-based learning, differentiated instruction, formative assessment, and classroom management. They should be empowered to adapt the syllabus to the needs of their students rather than follow it mechanically.

Sri Lanka must learn the lesson of relevance. A syllabus must prepare students not only for exams but for life. It must teach them how to think, how to communicate, how to solve problems, and how to work with others. It must prepare them for a world where knowledge is abundant, but wisdom is scarce. It must help them navigate a future shaped by technology, globalisation, environmental challenges, and social change. To improve the syllabus, Sri Lanka must ask: What kind of citizens do we want to produce? What kind of thinkers? What kind of leaders? The answers to these questions should shape the curriculum.

Lastly, improving the quality of Sri Lanka’s Grade 6 syllabus requires learning from both international models and local strengths. From India, Sri Lanka can learn the value of conceptual clarity and standardised textbooks. From the United States, it can learn the importance of skills, inquiry, and creativity. From its own traditions, it can preserve cultural education, moral development, and holistic learning. The goal is not to copy another country’s system but to build a uniquely Sri Lankan curriculum that is modern, relevant, and empowering. A curriculum that honours the past while preparing students for the future. A curriculum that nurtures thinkers, creators, and compassionate citizens. A curriculum worthy of a nation with immense potential and a proud educational heritage. If Sri Lanka embraces these lessons, the Grade 6 syllabus can become not just a bridge to secondary education but a foundation for national progress.

Features

Three magical nights at Colombo Fashion Week

Published

12 hours ago

2026/10/1

Sahan Weerasooriya

Melloney Dassanayaka is certainly a familiar name here, and abroad, as well, having represented Sri Lanka at the Miss Universe 2024 pageant, held in Mexico.

A former National Basketball player, she is also involved in several projects, beneficial to the community, including financial literacy for single women-headed families in the country.

A banker by profession, Melloney hold a Bachelor’s Degree in Business Administration.

Melloney with Asanka de Mel of Lovi Sri Lanka

This extremely talented old girl of Holy Family Convent, Bambalapitiya, was in the limelight, once more, when she was seen on the ramp at Colombo Fashion Week.

It was her very first experience, at this prestigious event, and she loved every minute of it, she said, and, what’s more, she was featured on three consecutive days.

According to the itinerary, on day 01 she walked for Lovi Sri Lanka; day 02 Rizwan Beyg (Pakistan designer), Arsath Furkhan (Indian designer), Haoyi Yan (Chinese designer) and Samant Chauhan (Indian designer); and on day 03 Vaishali Shandangule (Indian designer).