Features

A softer UNHRC Resolution

Published

10 months ago

2025/09/23

UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Volker Türk with Foreign Minister Vijitha Herath. (File photo)

A toned-down UN resolution on Sri Lanka now appears likely at the current session of the Human Rights Council. The government would prefer that the periodic scrutiny of its human rights record be wound down. The government would much rather have this thrice yearly procedure come to a permanent end without having to provide answers to the reports of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights and to member countries of the UNHRC. However, the international human rights community is not prepared to let Sri Lanka slip off without fulfilling promises made in successive resolutions and by past governments. Long unresolved issues continue such as missing persons, long term prisoners, militarisation of the north and east and the absence of devolution of power, to mention but a few.

There are reasons to believe the next resolution will be softer. One is the diminished moral authority of some sponsoring states. The international human rights community has become compromised by the human rights tragedies and war crimes unfolding before the entire world. Another is the government’s visible progress against financial corruption and abuse of power, which gives it credibility domestically. The ruling National People’s Power (NPP) came into office on a strong mandate in 2024, with explicit pledges to end impunity, to deliver accountability, and equal citizenship for all. To the extent it follows its mandate, the government is well within its rights as a democracy.

Sri Lanka is an exception in the world today in which xenophobia and intolerance have got the upper hand in many countries once thought to be examples to be followed. In Sri Lanka, the government is making a serious attempt in both words and deeds to treat all citizens the same regardless of race or religion. There is still a far distance to go before all communities feel and believe that they have an equal place and equal stake in the country. This is especially the case when it comes to government appointments in Tamil and Muslim majority areas, where the top government officials continue to be Sinhalese and the use of the Sinhala language without Tamil translation continues to be an obstacle to the full participation of Tamil speaking people in the administrative life of the country.

Without Vote

The likely softening of the resolution on Sri Lanka at the UNHRC is to be seen in the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights no longer calling for an international or hybrid mechanism for determining accountability for war crimes. Instead, they call for a domestic mechanism which is credible and would deliver justice. It is likely that the new resolution on Sri Lanka will be adopted without a vote in the UNHRC. It appears that the government does not wish to get into confrontation with the sponsors of the resolution which are powerful and wealthy countries. In a world in which the powerful are increasingly ruthless in their treatment of those with less power, it is rational of the Sri Lankan government not to present itself as a target. This may account for its conciliatory posture and its stated willingness to accept technical assistance from those same countries to make its domestic mechanism work better.

The international community, however, is frustrated by the government’s willingness to accept technical assistance and its tardiness to make it actually happen on the ground. The fact is that the government is proceeding slowly with regard to the issue of accountability for war crimes, which is at the heart of successive UNHRC resolutions. The Sri Lanka Accountability Project (OSLAP), established in 2021 under UNHRC resolution 46/1, continues gathering preserved evidence of serious human rights violations. Its mandate is under pressure, as the indications are that the latest resolution will not have the demand for external or hybrid mechanisms in favour of domestic ones as past resolutions had.

The government seems willing to accept technical assistance from foreign states and UN human rights bodies to make its domestic accountability mechanisms better. It has not, however, moved at the pace or with the transparency that was hoped for. However, this slowness in dealing with the issue of war crimes is not specific to the present government, but was seen with previous governments as well. Previous government too sought to prevaricate or deny the issue of the need for accountability. Putting members of the war-winning military on trial for war crimes would be politically challenging. The government would be apprehensive of the political fallout that is likely to materialize.

Lankan Exceptionalism

As a first step in the direction of accountability, the government may wish to focus on crimes that were committed outside of the military battlefield. These would include the extortion rackets that took place in which people were arrested for ransom to be paid by their families with death being the price of non-compliance. Perhaps the arrest of very high ranking military officers for crimes that appear to have taken place off the military battlefield, and which they had knowledge of, is the first stage of an incipient accountability project. It brings in the concept of “Command Responsibility” in which commanders need to take responsibility for what their subordinates did if they made no attempt to stop them. When governments ignore this doctrine of Command Responsibility they create a culture of impunity.

The importance of Command Responsibility has been affirmed by international tribunals and national laws. In recent months the spotlight has returned to mass graves, enforced disappearances, and slow domestic investigations. The Chemmani site near Jaffna has become emblematic. There are also well documented instances of mass detentions made, as early as 1990 when Prof. Thangamuthu Jayasingam, former Vice Chancellor of Eastern University was the Officer in Charge of the. Vantharumoolai refugee camp in 1990 before whose very eyes on September 5, 158 people, including young boys were taken away, never to be seen again. But still, no mass grave nor mass abduction in Sri Lanka has yet led to a conclusive judicial outcome. The lack of technical capacity, political will and trust among victims remains real.

The mass graves at Chemmani and elsewhere, and the many instances of abductions and enforced disappearances would count as killings off the military battlefield. Being made accountable for such crimes are less likely to generate nationalist emotion. It is here that a start may be made. The NPP government so far has shown sincerity in most of its words and deeds. Sri Lanka stands at a moment of transition. The NPP came into office with a strong mandate for change. The government needs to use this window to deliver justice and reconciliation. If it chooses delay again, it will dissipate the hopes placed in it. If it moves ahead, carefully and forthrightly, it might build the shared political culture that was promised and take Sri Lanka off the list of countries earmarked for UNHRC resolutions in Geneva.

by Jehan Perera

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Features

The hard challenge of clinching a political settlement in the Middle East

Published

4 hours ago

2026/07/23

Sahan Weerasooriya

Bruised hearts: Displaced Palestinian civilians in the Gaza.(Photo by Mustafa Hassona/Anadolu via Getty Images)

Despite some sections of the Trump administration persisting with the view that the possibility could not be entirely ruled out of there being a diplomatic solution to the current US-Iran hostilities in West Asia, the skeptic could not be blamed for thinking otherwise. The intensity, scale and frequency of the tit-for-tat strikes by the antagonists over the past few days against selected military targets and civilian infrastructure in particular in West Asia make the adoption of this stance excusable.

The continuing hostilities render the mentioning of the MOU signed between the warring parties in mid-June a laughable matter. While it could very well be that the foes are wishing privately for a cessation of hostilities before long, what seems to be uppermost on their minds right now is to negotiate with each other from a position of strength. This strategy compels them to incapacitate each other militarily to the extent possible, lest they have to concede too much to each other during negotiations. Hence the stepped-up hostilities.

However, even on the question of there being a negotiated political settlement in the West Asian theatre in the longer term, the skeptic could come to be seen as scoring over the optimist. Developments on the ground account for this.

At the time of writing Israel’s Netanyahu government is going ahead in fairly care-free fashion with the establishment of more Jewish settlements in the Gaza and the West Bank, and it’s all happening under the apparently complacent gaze of the US. In fact, some quarters estimate that Israel is in control of some 65% of the Gaza Strip. Ethnic cleansing, that is, is being drastically stepped-up.

Accordingly, in terms of the power relations of West Asia, the world is almost back to the status quo of the late forties of the last century when the state of Israel was established and the Palestinians were reduced to a microscopic minority in the land they came to inhabit. Therefore, even the impartial observer would be compelled to ask: ‘Will a negotiated peace be ever possible in the Middle East?’

The humanist in the observer would prefer to answer this question in the affirmative and it is indeed the ideal stance to adopt considering the staggering human and material costs of the conflict. But the way ahead to peace could be expected to be highly hazardous and arduous. Among other odds, it would also prove an uphill endeavour to win minds and hearts.

The US’ Trump administration would need to be counted out in this pursuit. This is on account of the fact that it has been far too wayward in its management of West Asian affairs in particular over the past couple of years. Given its unpredictable character it is a matter for conjecture whether it could be counted on to live up to its commitments.

Moreover, Israel could be expected to ‘go it alone’ in the Middle East regardless of whether US help is coming or otherwise. It has indicated as much in recent times and Israel could be doubted on this score only at the doubter’s peril. Because time and again Israel has demonstrated that it could steadfastly defend its interests even single-handedly in the Middle East. History bears this out.

However, a durable alliance with the US would stand Israel in good stead. On the matter of military and intelligence assistance, for example, the US’s help proved invaluable for Israel in the past and going forward this is bound to be so as well. Moreover, it is unlikely that the Trump administration would give up on Israel, considering that a strong Israel is crucial for the furtherance of the US’ strategic and economic interests in West Asia.

But whether the above factors would have a considerable bearing on the question of working out a durable solution to the West Asian tangle is an entirely different matter. Israel, as in the case of the Palestinian enclaves, is acutely security conscious and would need to satisfy itself fully that it could live in a security environment that would guarantee its complete safety, going forward.

The Middle East is badly in need of another peace effort on the lines of the Oslo Accords of the mid-nineties that brought the key actors together and helped hammer out a solution that addressed some of their notable concerns. To be sure, that process did not prove to be the ideal answer to the tangle, but it yielded some respite to the region and drove home that one-time sworn foes could indeed negotiate with a degree of success. The West Bank authority, although falling short of fulfilling some key Palestinian aspirations, is testimony that a degree of success is possible if the intent is right.

Given the current realities of West Asia, peace-making is bound to be an uphill challenge. The violence faced in recent times by the Palestinian community, in particular, has been nothing less than mind-numbing. Merciless has been the violence visited on them by the Israeli side. In such circumstances, durable peace in the region could smack of an idealist’s dream.

Nevertheless, there needs to be urgently, a meeting of minds over the divides. The US would need to be counted out as an honest broker in bringing the sides together but the rest of the West would do well to step up to the challenge.

In this exercise the onus would be on the world’s democracies to take the initiative and doggedly stay the course. An acceptable combination would be the EU and the UN. Given their credentials, the main sides in West Asia ought to find them the least controversial.

Even if the relevant institutional and political arrangements could be shored up to take a reconciliation process forward, winning hearts and minds for the peace drive would prove a grueling challenge. Over the past few years in particular tens of thousands of hearts and minds on both sides of the divide have been bruised badly in the runaway murderous violence that has come to define the Middle East.

These badly scarred personalities would need to experience healing without much delay. It is therefore a multi-faceted challenge that is at hand. Since wide-ranging expertise would be needed in the healing process, people’s participation in peace-making, ranging over the divides, would need to be made a durable reality. It will be a time for enthroning humanity and ensuring the rejection of all forms of violence and coercion.

Features

Amazing Thailand …right here in Colombo

Published

4 hours ago

2026/07/23

Sahan Weerasooriya

For many Sri Lankans, Thailand is the go-to holiday — beaches, temples, food, and that famous warm hospitality.

In fact, I’ve been to Amazing Thailand 24 times myself, and was honoured with the Friends of Thailand International Media Award by the Tourism Authority of Thailand for promoting Thai tourism.

The good news I have for you today is that you don’t even need a passport to get a taste of Amazing Thailand.

The Royal Thai Embassy, in Colombo, is bringing a vibrant slice of Thailand, to the city of Colombo, with Thai Festival 2026 — a cultural experience like never before.

Whether you are an avid enthusiast of Thai culture, a total novice, or simply just interested in exploring foreign cultures, Thai Festival 2026 is going to be the perfect opportunity for you to get more than just a glimpse into one of the most celebrated cultural heritages in South East Asia. And ENTRANCE IS FREE.

The festival will be held on the 1st and 2nd of August, 2026, at Siam Nivasa, 43, C.W.W. Kannangara Mawatha, Colombo 7, and the East Parking Area, of the Colombo Municipal Council, from 11:00am to 5:00pm.

Both days will be full of live entertainment, and dispersed throughout with Thai cultural displays, including exhilarating traditional dance performances and breathtaking Muay Thai demonstrations.

Exploring art and craft specific to Thailand, tasting irresistible authentic Thai cuisine, and playing arcade games, are just a few more fun-filled events available for visitors at the festival premises.

An array of Thai products will also be available for purchase.

While at the festival, you will find Sri Lankan Alumni from Thai universities sharing their experiences with you and willing to answer any questions you might have, related to studying abroad in Thailand.

You can also register for the Muay Thai workshop that will be happening on the 7th and 8th of August, 2026, in Colombo.

Irresistible authentic Thai cuisine

Visitors can also stand a chance to win traditional Thai souvenirs, get exclusive photo opportunities, and, the big one — to enter the raffle draw, at the end of each day, for the grand prize of an all-inclusive round trip to Thailand.

Be sure to avail yourself of this exceptional opportunity and add a cultural spin to your weekend.

To keep up with the latest updates on Thai Festival 2026, head over to the Thai Festival official social media pages.

The Royal Thai Embassy in Colombo official webpage:

https://colombo.thaiembassy.org

Official social media:

Facebook: @RTEColombo

Instagram: @thaiembassysrilanka

Thai Festival official social media:

Facebook: Thai Festival in Colombo

Instagram: @thaifestival_colombo

TikTok: @thaifestival.incolombo

Features

Thicker, stronger hair …

Published

4 hours ago

2026/07/23

Sahan Weerasooriya

Hair fall, in this heat, can be so frustrating, and noticing a thin patch is even more worrying. The good news is … yes, with a little care and kitchen ingredients, you can nourish your scalp and support healthy regrowth.

Try these four easy home remedies … even our grandmothers trusted:

* Coconut Oil and Curry Leaves Tonic:

Warm 04 tablespoons of coconut oil, with a handful of curry leaves, till the leaves turn black. Cool, strain, and massage into scalp 02-03 times a week. Leave for 01 hour, or overnight.

Why:

Coconut oil deeply nourishes, while curry leaves help strengthen roots and add shine.

* Onion Juice for Spot Treatment:

With cotton, dab the juice of 01 small onion, directly on the thin/bald patches. Leave for 20-30 minutes, and then wash with a mild shampoo. Use twice a week.

Why:

Rich in sulfur, onion juice helps boost blood circulation to the scalp.

* Aloe Vera and Castor Oil Mask:

Mix 02 tablespoons of fresh aloe vera gel and 01 tablespoon castor oil and apply to the scalp, focusing on thinning areas. Leave for 45 minutes, and then rinse with cool water.

Why:

Aloe vera soothes the scalp, while castor oil coats hair to make it look thicker.

* Fenugreek and Curd Strengthening Pack:

You will need 02 tablespoons fenugreek seeds, soaked overnight, and 02 tablespoons plain curd.

Grind to a paste, apply to scalp for 30 minutes, and then wash.

Why:

Fenugreek strengthens strands and reduces breakage.

Extra Tips for Healthy Hair:

Avoid tight hairstyles that pull on the scalp.

Eat iron and protein rich foods: greens, dhal, eggs, fish.

Use lukewarm water, not hot.

Be gentle when brushing and drying.