Features
Developing Sri Lankan economy fast, learning from the past
We have little say about restrictions being imposed on us from abroad. Somehow, we have to stand on our feet. In the distant past we did have programs that tackled poverty and enabled people to produce what we need. However today no attempt is being made to help people to become entrepreneurs, to produce what Sri Lanka requires, and in that process earn foreign exchange and also help reduce imports.
This economic demise has been a process that commenced after 1977, when we started following the Structural Adjustment Program of the International Monetary Fund (IMF). A condition insisted upon was that all development programmes had to be curtailed or abolished. There should be no new programs of development. Truly from 1977 there has not been a single new development program.
All that has been approved are of the Samurdhi and Aswesuma type of making donations to the poor. Departments that dealt with economic development were either abolished or sidelined.
During Prime Minister Dudley Senanayake’s tenure we were self-sufficient in rice. I too played a part in that cultivation programme and have first-hand experience as I served as the Additional Government Agent in Kegalle in 1968 and 1969.
Paddy production is of crucial importance because we have had to import very large quantities of rice almost every year recently, spending a great deal of foreign exchange. Paddy production was handled by the Department of Agriculture for long. They had a full staff at district level, an agricultural instructor with two years training at the divisional level, and at the village level, an agricultural overseer with a year’s training.
That effort was strengthened with the implementation of the Paddy Lands Act by the Agrarian Services Department, which for the first time brought about an elected body of cultivators and land owners that planned paddy production.
In Anuradhapura, we had 296 cultivation committees and there was a staff of three Assistant Commissioners, 10 Divisional Officers and 50 Field Assistants. I can remember meetings of cultivators going on till late in the night and we decided on using certified high yielding seed paddy and the appropriate use of fertilizer. This effort was well organized.
Prime Minister Dudley Senanayake (1965-1970) took over the implementation of paddy production and brought in the Government Agents to lead the programme in each district. The production of paddy had been assessed by the Department of Agriculture. Dudley was not satisfied with that systems and decided that the yield of paddy be estimated by staff officers of departments other than the Department of Agriculture, and also done on a plot identified by random sampling. Thus, the production was correctly estimated. As a result of this effort, we achieved self-sufficiency in rice.
After 1970 the Government Agents were to concentrate on the new programme – the Divisional Development Councils Programme (DDCP) and paddy production was given less emphasis. The system of crop cuttings done by staff officers of department other than the Department of Agriculture was stopped.
The government had from the fifties a paddy purchasing programme where a high price was given to genuine cultivators. This was discontinued. Two more changes took place and the Department of Agrarian Services was more or less abolished and the Agriculture Department paddy production programme was scaled down by President Premadasa promoting all agricultural overseers – numbering some 2,300 – to become Grama Niladharis in 1997.
The work done by agricultural overseers ceased and a few years later a cadre of untrained Yaya Palakas were appointed. Thus, today the paddy production effort is totally unorganized. Many seed farms were privatized and thus no certified seed paddy is available. It is no wonder that we have had to import rice and unless a definite plan to bolster paddy production is built from scratch, Sri Lanka will have to import very large quantities of rice every year.
The introduction of Provincial Councils and devolving agriculture to them has also eaten into efficiency. Earlier a circular by me, when I worked in the Agrarian Services Department, sent by post to all overseers had to be acted upon the next day, after devolving agriculture to the provincial councils the instructions had to be sent via Divisional Ministers of Agriculture.
The production of vegetables and fruit is also unorganized because the Department of Agriculture does not have a field officer – the agricultural overseer – at the village level which it had till 1997.
From the days of World War II, a Marketing Department – a Department for the Development of Agricultural Marketing – was established to help the marketing of agricultural produce. This department was abolished in 1977, with the country implementing the Structural Adjustment Programme of the IMF.
Today all producers are at the mercy of traders. When the Marketing Department functioned producers could hand over vegetables and fruit to the Marketing Department. Then vegetables and fruit were purchased and sent to Tripoli Market , the headquarters of the program, where goods were sent to some 50 outlets in Colombo for sale at low prices.
This made traders too to sell at low prices if they were to be in business. The aim of the Marketing Department was to offer high prices to producers as well as sell at low prices to city dwellers. The abolition of the Marketing Department happened in 1981. It may be a good idea to reestablish the department
Aswesuma, the poverty alleviation programme of today that gives money to the poor and deprived people, is only a continuation of the Samurdhi and the Janasaviya Programmes of public assistance. Janasaviya included training of beneficiaries to become productive as an integral part. This programme unfortunately folded with the demise of President Premadasa. Samurdhi too made an attempt at training people but the attempt was a failure. If Aswesuma is to be a success it should include a program to train the recipients to become entrepreneurs – thus producing what the country needs.
Sri Lanka is a country blessed with fertile soil and ample regular rainfall, which enables the production of paddy and other crops. We had the organization for handling production, which has been dismantled by reducing the staff of the Department of Agriculture, the almost total abolition of the Department of Agrarian Services and the abolition of the Marketing Department.
For instance, the Marketing Department established a canning factory in 1955 and in three years by 1958, we became self-sufficient in all fruit drinks and fruit produce Today, unfortunately we depend on imported fruit and fruit drinks imported from countries ranging from India, Cyprus and the USA. There goes our foreign exchange In dairy produce too we depend on imports. We do not have a real program to develop animal husbandry. We must expand the number of veterinary surgeons and implement a program for people to rear cattle.
In industry too, we were till 1977 having a well-developed programme of handlooms and power looms that enabled us to be self-sufficient in manufacturing textiles. In 1977 we abolished this programme and the Department of Small Industries was totally eliminated. Until 1977, we met all our textile requirements.
Sri Lankans who had migrated to the UK when they visited Sri Lanka on holiday came searching for suiting produced by the Hakmana Powerloom. When they could not find Hakmana suiting in the shops they came to the Hakmana Powerloom and when they found that too difficult, approached me – as the Government Agent who controlled the Powerlooms.
In 1958 I was working in Ambalantota and my duties took me often to Weerawila where during the cropping season the air was full of cotton pollen wafting in the air. Sadly, we gave up cultivating cotton. Three large stores built for collecting cotton were taken over by me for storing paddy. Cotton can be grown in Hambantota and Mannar/Vavuniya areas.
Under the Divisional Development Councils Programme of Prime Minister Sirimavo Bandaranaike (1970-1976) we established many small industries all over the island. Special mention is due of the paper making at Kotmale ,and the boat making industry at Matara where we made seagoing boats and sold them to fisheries cooperatives,
At Matara on our own, we established a crayon factory . It took three months for my Planning Officer, Vetus Fernando, a chemistry honours graduate to master the art of making a crayon of a standard equal to Reeves, the best of the day. It took two weeks for Sumanapala Dahanayake, the member of parliament for Deniyaya, in his capacity as the President of the Co-op Union to establish a crayon factory under my immediate direction. Within a month crayons made by the Morawaka Cooperative Union were sold islandwide.
Therein lies the path if our Government of President Anura Kumara Dissanayake is interested in developing industries in Sri Lanka. It is a task that can be easily achieved. We can establish many industries to manufacture some of what we import today.
I can state that Sri Lanka can produce all the rice, maize, fruit and vegetables it requires – all items that can be cultivated and harvested within one year. When I served as Assistant Commissioner of Agrarian Services in Anuradhapura, I asked for approval to produce all the maize Sri Lanka required in one season. We had vibrant cultivation committees to handle that task. Fruits like oranges will require a longer program. Let us not forget that we have a fertile land with ample regular rain.
Let me end with a bit of what I achieved in Bangladesh in creating entrepreneurs. I served there as the Commonwealth Fund Advisor on Youth Development. When General Ershard took over the country it was widely feared that the youth development activities would be abolished. At the final meeting the minister asked for my recommendation. I urged that instead of abolishing the Ministry, the Government should establish a youth employment program.
The Secretary to the Treasury, the highest officer in Bangladesh, said that he would not release any funds because the ILO had failed to do that task at Tangail in the earlier three years. I argued with him – a one to one battle for two hours. The minister stopped us arguing and approved my establishing an employment creation program. This was done in 19 months and that was in 1983.
It is a programme that has by now made over three million youth entrepreneurs. It has been documented in eight pages in the Five-Year Programme of Bangladesh and is continuing.
In 2011,when Milinda Moragoda, who was our High Commissioner in Delhi made a bid for the Mayoralty of Colombo, in his manifesto stated that if elected, he would seek to implement the Youth Self Employment Program of Bangladesh which incidentally was am amazingly successful scheme introduced to that country by a distinguished son of Sri Lanka, Dr Garvin Karunaratne, who served in Bangladesh as an international consultant.”(The Nation: 11/9/2011)
I hope I have had the opportunity to awaken our new Government of President Anura Kumara Dissanayake. (The writer is former Government Agent for Matara)
by Dr. Garvin Karunaratne
garvin.karunaratne@hotmail.com ✍️
Features
Neutrality in the context of geopolitical rivalries
The long standing foreign policy of Sri Lanka was Non-Alignment. However, in the context of emerging geopolitical rivalries, there was a need to question the adequacy of Non-Alignment as a policy to meet developing challenges. Neutrality as being a more effective Policy was first presented in an article titled “Independence: its meaning and a direction for the future” (The Island, February 14, 2019). The switch over from Non-Alignment to Neutrality was first adopted by former President Gotabaya Rajapaksa and followed through by successive Governments. However, it was the current Government that did not miss an opportunity to announce that its Foreign Policy was Neutral.
The policy of Neutrality has served the interests of Sri Lanka by the principled stand taken in respect of the requests made by two belligerents associated with the Middle East War. The justification for the position adopted was conveyed by President Anura Kumara Dissanayake to Parliament that Iran had made a formal request on February 26 for three Iranian naval ships to visit Sri Lanka, and on the same evening, the United States also requested permission for two war planes to land at Mattala International Airport. Both requests were denied on grounds of maintaining “our policy of neutrality”.
WHY NEUTRALITY
Excerpts from the article cited above that recommended Neutrality as the best option for Sri Lanka considering the vulnerability to its security presented by its geographic location in the context of emerging rivalries arising from “Pivot to Asia” are presented below:
“Traditional thinking as to how small States could cope with external pressures are supposed to be: (1) Non-alignment with any of the major centers of power; (2) Alignment with one of the major powers thus making a choice and facing the consequences of which power block prevails; (3) Bandwagoning which involves unequal exchange where the small State makes asymmetric concessions to the dominant power and accepts a subordinate role of a vassal State; (4) Hedging, which attempts to secure economic and security benefits of engagement with each power center: (5) Balancing pressures individually, or by forming alliances with other small States; (6) Neutrality”.
Of the six strategies cited above, the only strategy that permits a sovereign independent nation to charter its own destiny is neutrality, as it is with Switzerland and some Nordic countries. The independence to self-determine the destiny of a nation requires security in respect of Inviolability of Territory, Food Security, Energy Security etc. Of these, the most critical of securities is the Inviolability of Territory. Consequently, Neutrality has more relevance to protect Territorial Security because it is based on International Law, as opposed to Non-Alignment which is based on principles applicable to specific countries that pledged to abide by them
“The sources of the international law of neutrality are customary international law and, for certain questions, international treaties, in particular the Paris Declaration of 1856, the 1907 Hague Convention No. V respecting the Rights and Duties of Neutral Powers and Persons in Case of War on Land, the 1907 Hague Convention No. XIII concerning the Rights and Duties of Neutral Powers in Naval War, the four 1949 Geneva Conventions and Additional Protocol I of 1977” (ICRC Publication on Neutrality, 2022).
As part of its Duties a Neutral State “must ensure respect for its neutrality, if necessary, using force to repel any violation of its territory. Violations include failure to respect the prohibitions placed on belligerent parties with regard to certain activities in neutral territory, described above. The fact that a neutral State uses force to repel attempts to violate its neutrality cannot be regarded as a hostile act. If the neutral State defends its neutrality, it must however respect the limits which international law imposes on the use of force. The neutral State must treat the opposing belligerent States impartially. However, impartiality does not mean that a State is bound to treat the belligerents in exactly the same way. It entails a prohibition on discrimination” (Ibid).
“It forbids only differential treatment of the belligerents which in view of the specific problem of armed conflict is not justified. Therefore, a neutral State is not obliged to eliminate differences in commercial relations between itself and each of the parties to the conflict at the time of the outbreak of the armed conflict. It is entitled to continue existing commercial relations. A change in these commercial relationships could, however, constitute taking sides inconsistent with the status of neutrality” (Ibid).
THE POTENTIAL of NEUTRALITY
It is apparent from the foregoing that Neutrality as a Policy is not “Passive” as some misguided claim Neutrality to be. On the other hand, it could be dynamic to the extent a country chooses to be as demonstrated by the actions taken recently to address the challenges presented during the ongoing Middle East War. Furthermore, Neutrality does not prevent Sri Lanka from engaging in Commercial activities with other States to ensuring Food and Energy security.
If such arrangements are undertaken on the basis of unsolicited offers as it was, for instance, with Japan’s Light Rail Project or Sinopec’s 200,000 Barrels a Day Refinery, principles of Neutrality would be violated because it violates the cardinal principle of Neutrality, namely, impartiality. The proposal to set up an Energy Complex in Trincomalee with India and UAE would be no different because it restricts the opportunity to one defined Party, thus defying impartiality. On the other hand, if Sri Lanka defines the scope of the Project and calls for Expressions of Interest and impartially chooses the most favourable with transparency, principles of Neutrality would be intact. More importantly, such conduct would attract the confidence of Investors to engage in ventures impartial in a principled manner. Such an approach would amount to continue the momentum of the professional approach adopted to meet the challenges of the Middle East War.
CONCLUSION
The manner in which Sri Lanka acted, first to deny access to the territory of Sri Lanka followed up by the humanitarian measures adopted to save the survivors of the torpedoed ship, earned honour and respect for the principled approach adopted to protect territorial inviolability based on International provisions of Neutrality.
If Sri Lanka continues with the momentum gained and adopts impartial and principled measures recommended above to develop the country and the wellbeing of its Peoples, based on self-reliance, this Government would be giving Sri Lanka a new direction and a fresh meaning to Neutrality that is not passive but dynamic.
by Neville Ladduwahetty
Features
Lest we forget
The interference into affairs of other nations by the USA’s Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) started in 1953, six years after it was established. The Anglo-Iranian Oil Company supplied Britain with most of its oil during World War I. In fact, Winston Churchill once declared: “Fortune brought us a prize from fairyland beyond our wildest dreams.”
When in 1951 Dr. Mohammad Mosaddegh was reluctantly appointed as Prime Minister by the Shah of Iran, whose role was mostly ceremonial, he convinced Parliament that the oil company should be nationalised.
Mohammed Mosaddegh
Mosaddegh said: “Our long years of negotiations with foreign companies have yielded no result thus far. With the oil revenues we could meet our entire budget and combat poverty, disease and backwardness of our people.”
It was then that British Intelligence requested help from the CIA to bring down the Iranian regime by infiltrating their communist mobs and the army, thus creating disorder. An Iranian oil embargo by the western countries was imposed, making Iranians poorer by the day. Meanwhile, the CIA’s strings were being pulled by Kermit Roosevelt (a grandson of former President Theodore Roosevelt), according to declassified intelligence information.
Although a first coup failed, the second attempt was successful. General Fazlollah Zahedi, an Army officer, took over as Prime Minister. Mosaddegh was tried and imprisoned for three years and kept under house arrest until his death. Playing an important role in the 1953 coup was a Shia cleric named Ayatollah Abol-Ghasem Mostafavi-Kashani. He was previously loyal to Mosaddegh, but later supported the coup. One of his successors was Ayatollah Ruhollah Mostafavi Musavi Khomeini, who engineered the Islamic Revolution in 1979. Meanwhile, in 1954 the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company had been rebranded as British Petroleum (BP).
Map of the Middle East
When the Iran-Iraq war broke out (September 1980 to August 1988), the Persian/Arabian Gulf became a hive of activity for American warships, which were there to ensure security of the Gulf and supertankers passing through it.
The Strait of Hormuz, the only way in and out of the Gulf, is administered by Oman and Iran. While there may have been British and French warships in the region, radio ‘chatter’ heard by aircraft pilots overhead was always from the US ships. In those days, flying in and out of the Gulf was a nerve-wracking experience for airline pilots, as one may suddenly hear a radio call on the common frequency: “Aircraft approaching US warship [name], identify yourself.” One thing in the pilots’ favour was that they didn’t know what ships they were flying over, so they obeyed only the designated air traffic controller. Sometimes though, with unnecessarily distracting American chatter, there was complete chaos, resulting in mistaken identities.
Air Lanka Tri Star
Once, Air Lanka pilots monitored an aircraft approaching Bahrain being given a heading to turn on to by a ship’s radio operator. Promptly the air traffic controller, who was on the same frequency, butted in and said: “Disregard! Ship USS Navy [name], do you realise what you have just done? You have turned him on to another aircraft!” It was obvious that there was a struggle to maintain air traffic control in the Gulf, with operators having to contend with American arrogance.
On the night of May 17, 1987, USS Stark was cruising in Gulf waters when it was attacked by a Dassault Mirage F1 jet fighter/attack aircraft of the Iraqi Air Force. Without identifying itself, the aircraft fired two Exocet missiles, one of which exploded, killing 37 sailors on board the American frigate. Iraq apologised, saying it was a mistake. The USA graciously accepted the apology.
Then on July 3, 1988 the high-tech, billion-dollar guided missile cruiser USS Vincennes, equipped with advanced Aegis weapons systems and commanded by Capt. Will Rogers III, was chasing two small Iranian gun boats back to their own waters when an aircraft was observed on radar approaching the US warship. It was misidentified as a Mirage F1 fighter, so the Americans, in Iranian territorial waters, fired two surface-to-air Missiles (SAMs) at the target, which was summarily destroyed.
The Vincennes had issued numerous warnings to the approaching aircraft on the military distress frequency. But the aircraft never heard them as it was listening out on a different (civil) radio frequency. The airplane broke in three. It was soon discovered, however, that the airplane was in fact an Iran Air Airbus A300 airliner with 290 civilian passengers on board, en route from Bandar Abbas to Dubai. Unfortunately, because it was a clear day, the Iranian-born, US-educated captain of Iran Air Flight 655 had switched off the weather radar. If it was on, perhaps it would have confirmed to the American ship that the ‘incoming’ was in fact a civil aircraft. At the time, Capt. Will Rogers’ surface commander, Capt. McKenna, went on record saying that USS Vincennes was “looking for action”, and that is why they “got into trouble”.
Although USS Vincennes was given a grand homecoming upon returning to the USA, and its Captain Will Rogers III decorated with the Legion of Merrit, in February 1996 the American government agreed to pay Iran US$131.8 million in settlement of a case lodged by the Iranians in the International Court of Justice against the USA for its role in that incident. However, no apology was tendered to the families of the innocent victims.
These two incidents forced Air Lanka pilots, who operated regularly in those perilous skies, to adopt extra precautionary measures. For example, they never switched off the weather radar system, even in clear skies. While there were potentially hostile ships on ground, layers of altitude were blocked off for the exclusive use of US Air Force AWACS (Airborne Warning and Control System) aircraft flying in Bahraini and southern Saudi Arabian airspace. The precautions were even more important because Air Lanka’s westbound, ‘heavy’ Lockheed TriStars were poor climbers above 29,000 ft. When departing Oman or the UAE in high ambient temperatures, it was a struggle to reach cruising level by the time the airplane was overhead Bahrain, as per the requirement.
In the aftermath of the Iran Air 655 incident, Newsweek magazine called it a case of ‘mistaken identity’. Yet, when summing up the tragic incident that occurred on September 1, 1983, when Korean Air Flight KE/KAL 007 was shot down by a Russian fighter jet, close to Sakhalin Island in the Pacific Ocean during a flight from New York to Seoul, the same magazine labelled it ‘murder in the air’.
After the Iranian coup, which was not coincidentally during the time of the ‘Cold War’, the CIA involved itself in the internal affairs of numerous countries and regions around the world: Guatemala (1953-1990s); Costa Rica (1955, 1970-1971); Middle East (1956-1958); Haiti (1959); Western Europe (1950s to 1960s); British Guiana/Guyana (1953-1964); Iraq (1958-1963); Soviet Union, Vietnam, Cambodia (1955-1973); Laos, Thailand, Ecuador (1960-1963); The Congo (1960-1965, 1977-1978); French Algeria (1960s); Brazil (1961-1964); Peru (1965); Dominican Republic (1963-1965); Cuba (1959 to present); Indonesia (1965); Ghana (1966); Uruguay (1969-1972); Chile (1964-1973); Greece (1967-1974); South Africa (1960s to 1980s); Bolivia (1964-1975); Australia (1972-1975); Iraq (1972-1975); Portugal (1974-1976); East Timor (1975-1999); Angola (1975-1980); Jamaica (1976); Honduras (1980s); Nicaragua (1979-1990); Philippines (1970s to 1990s); Seychelles (1979-1981); Diego Garcia (late 1960s to present); South Yemen (1979-1984); South Korea (1980); Chad (1981-1982); Grenada (1979-1983); Suriname (1982-1984); Libya (1981-1989); Fiji (1987); Panama (1989); Afghanistan (1979-1992); El Salvador (1980-1992); Haiti (1987-1994, 2004); Bulgaria (1990-1991); Albania (1991-1992); Somalia (1993); Iraq (1991-2003; 2003 to present), Colombia (1990s to present); Yugoslavia (1995-1995, and to 1999); Ecuador (2000); Afghanistan (2001 to present); Venezuela (2001-2004; and 2025).
If one searches the internet for information on American involvement in foreign countries during the periods listed above, it will be seen how ‘black’ funds were/are used by the CIA to destabilise those governments for the benefit of a few with vested interests, while poor citizens must live in the chaos and uncertainty thus created.
A popular saying goes: “Each man has his price”. Sad, isn’t it? Arguably the world’s only superpower that professes to be a ‘paragon of virtue’ often goes ‘rogue’.
God Bless America – and no one else!
BY GUWAN SEEYA
Features
Mannar’s silent skies: Migratory Flamingos fall victim to power lines amid Wind Farm dispute
By Ifham Nizam
A fresh wave of concern has gripped conservationists following the reported deaths of migratory flamingos within the Vankalai Sanctuary—a globally recognised bird habitat—raising urgent questions about the ecological cost of large-scale renewable energy projects in the region.
The incident comes at a time when a fundamental rights petition, challenging the proposed wind power project, linked to India’s Adani Group, remains under examination before the Supreme Court, with environmental groups warning that the very risks they highlighted are now materialising.
At least two flamingos—believed to be part of the iconic migratory flocks that travel thousands of kilometres to reach Sri Lanka—were found dead after entanglement with high-tension transmission lines running across the sanctuary. Another bird was reportedly struggling for survival.
Professor Sampath Seneviratne, a leading ornithologist, expressed deep concern over the development, noting that such incidents are not isolated but indicative of a broader and predictable threat.
“These migratory birds depend on specific flyways that have remained unchanged for centuries. When high-risk infrastructure, like poorly planned power lines, intersect these routes, collisions become inevitable,” he said. “What we are witnessing now could be just the beginning if proper mitigation measures are not urgently implemented.”
Environmentalists argue that the Mannar region—particularly the Vankalai wetland complex—is one of the most critical stopover sites in South Asia for migratory waterbirds, including flamingos, pelicans, and various species of waders. The sanctuary’s ecological value has also supported a niche with growing eco-tourism sector, drawing birdwatchers from around the world.
Executive Director of the Centre for Environmental Justice, Dilena Pathragoda, said the incident underscores the urgency of judicial intervention and stricter environmental oversight.
“This tragedy is a direct consequence of ignoring scientifically established environmental safeguards. We have already raised these concerns before court, particularly regarding the location of transmission infrastructure within sensitive bird habitats,” Pathragoda said.
“Renewable energy cannot be pursued in isolation from ecological responsibility. If due process and proper environmental impact assessments are bypassed or diluted, then such losses are inevitable.”
Conservation groups have long cautioned that the installation of wind turbines and associated grid infrastructure—especially overhead transmission lines—within or near sensitive habitats could transform these landscapes into lethal zones for avifauna.
An environmental activist involved in the ongoing legal challenge said the latest deaths validate earlier warnings.
“This is exactly what we feared. Development is necessary, but not at the cost of biodiversity. When projects of this scale proceed without adequate ecological assessments and safeguards, the consequences are irreversible,” the activist stressed.
The debate has once again brought into focus the delicate balance between renewable energy expansion and biodiversity conservation. While wind energy is widely promoted as a clean alternative to fossil fuels, experts caution that “green” does not automatically mean “harmless.”
Professor Seneviratne emphasised that solutions do exist, including rerouting transmission lines, installing bird diverters, and conducting comprehensive migratory pathway studies prior to project approval.
“Globally, there are well-established mitigation strategies. The issue here is not the absence of knowledge, but the failure to apply it effectively,” he noted.
The timing of the incident is particularly worrying. Migratory flamingos typically remain in Sri Lanka until late April or May before embarking on their return journeys. Conservationists warn that if hazards remain unaddressed, larger flocks could face similar risks in the coming weeks.
Beyond ecological implications, experts also highlight potential economic fallout. Wildlife tourism—especially birdwatching—contributes significantly to local livelihoods in Mannar.
Repeated reports of bird deaths could deter eco-conscious travellers and damage the region’s reputation as a safe haven for migratory species.
Environmentalists are now calling for immediate intervention by authorities, including a temporary halt to high-risk operations in sensitive zones, pending a thorough environmental review.
They stress that protecting animal movement corridors—whether elephant migration routes or avian flyways—is a fundamental pillar of modern conservation.
As the controversy unfolds, one question looms large: can Sri Lanka pursue sustainable energy without sacrificing the very natural heritage that defines it?
Pathragoda added that for now, the sight of fallen flamingos in Mannar stands as a stark reminder that development, if not carefully planned, can carry a heavy and irreversible cost.
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