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Ravana and a lost history

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Dunuvila

Book Review  by Prof. Rajiva Wijesinha

Soon after I finished Ameena Hussein’s book about Ibn Battuta’s pilgrimage, I opened another that was similar in theme, though written about a period well over a thousand years prior to Ibn Battuta’s day. This was Ravana’s Lanka: The Landscape of a Lost Kingdom by Sunela Jayewardene.

The narrative of her journeys makes it clear that she is close to Ameena, for the two families have travelled together on their journeys of exploration, in the footsteps of the characters who inspired them. For Sunela there is no doubt at all that Ravana is not a mythical character, but a real king, who ruled a magnificent kingdom in Lanka long before the received history of this land, based on the Mahavamsa. She produces a whole range of evidence that more than substantiates her claim.

Even more than Ameena, understandably so for it suppressed the very basis of her argument, she takes issue with the Mahavamsa, which she notes has deliberately suppressed all evidence of a flourishing civilization in this land before Vijaya landed, around 2500 years ago. She cites example after example of sophisticated living indicated by archaeological evidence, and shows how this country was a centre of trade for ages before the simplistic narrative of a country based only on agriculture took over and suppressed all else.

The rest of the world had kept our memory alive. I had known about classical references to links with this country, but it was Sunela’s extensive research that made clear how deep these went, and how sophisticated was the world with which the west had dealt. I had known about the reputation of Lankan steel – and indeed contributed to affirming this through having persuaded the British Overseas Development Administration to fund Gill Juleff’s excavations which established the method of production – but I had not known that this reputation went back two thousand years.

I had known too of Siran Deraniyagala’s discoveries of urban dwelling at Anuradhapura well before its supposed establishment after Vijaya, but I had not known his father had suggested all this previously. Nor did I know of the extensive work done more recently by Robin Coningham, a fresh-faced youth I had been instrumental in bringing down in the early nineties, in the project we had built around Gill. Under the guidance of the redoubtable Raymond Allchin, he discovered much, which Sunela incorporates into her quietly revolutionary narrative.

The book moves through different perspectives, archaeology to begin with, with accounts of different sites, but also travels to sites the potential of which is only dimly discerned, and then collations of historical records, as well as of religious beliefs. Running through much of these is her conviction of a technologically advanced civilization, the most obvious evidence for which is the development of an irrigation system that employed skills which it took many centuries thereafter to establish on a modern scientific basis. And whereas I had known of this in terms of the systems that still function, she looks at their application to irrigation in the area between Anuradhapura and the coast around present day Mannar.

The links through irrigation, between Anuradhapura and the maritime civilization of Mannar, which Sunela describes, are subsumed in the area which is perhaps the most dramatically described in the book. She traces the outline of a large city set slightly back from the coast, which had been the focus of the trading activity of the port which had flourished around Mannar. She shows how its use was facilitated by the current flowing down past the Indian coast, and the shelter offered by Mannar island.

But she also notes how little work has been done in that area, what remains – such as the pillars of what is termed Kuveni’s palace in Wilpattu, which I saw for the first time five years ago – being left virtually untouched, not so much for conservation reasons as because finding more would upset the received history that the Mahavamsa lays down. This is nothing short of tragic, for suppression of the past is a mark of insecurity which inhibits further progress. One reason why I have admired Iran so much is that, while there is no doubt of its commitment to Islam, it celebrates its pre-Islamic past.

Sunela’s account of her explorations of stone pillars and burial sites in Wilpattu is fascinating, but so is her account of a place many miles away, Raksagala on the south east coast, which I had known nothing about previously. There lies the tomb of Arahat Mahinda who, after he had converted Devanampiya Tissa, in the well-known narrative of the Mahavamsa, retired to what had been a previously established monastery for the rest of his days. There is a vivid account of the genius of its landscaping, stairways as well as a host of well-appointed caves for meditation.

As Sunela puts it, such a long-established retreat shows the existence of a sustained civilization that predated not just the official advent of Buddhism but also the advent of the Sinhalese through Vijaya’s arrival. But though there was when she visited a small archaeological team in place, it is nothing like enough to explore the area in the depth it cries out for.

One element that shines through her narrative is the dedication to their work of the many members of the archaeological department she meets, not surprising given that their gurus were Siran, and Senaka Bandaranayake, and Sudharshan Seneviratne, whose commitment to truth was paramount. But publicizing their findings, and ensuring more discoveries, has not been managed at all effectively by those who decide on received wisdom, and sadly none of this is taught in schools. There what I termed the Anuradhapura-centric concept of this land, as I termed it when I tried so hard to change things, still dominates – though I now realise that it is not just Anuradhapura-centric, it relies on a vision of Anuradhapura that Anuradhapura itself, that magnificent city older than time, sustained in its grandeur for well over a millennium, would not itself understand.

The steady accumulation of the evidence Sunela has gathered, on the ground and in different narratives, establishes beyond doubt the accuracy of her principal thesis, namely the existence well before Vijaya, and well before Buddhism began – and she argues that it had arrived in Sri Lanka long before the conversion of Devanampiya Tissa, following visits of the Buddha himself – of an advanced civilization in this country.

Less unquestionable is her account of how that civilization developed. She believes that there were indigenous inhabitants here from prehistoric times, but she also argues that there were then waves of immigrants, who came across the sea and also by land from what she loosely describes as Persian areas, beyond the Indus. They she believes, though through interactions with the wisdom of those whose lands they came through or to, developed both the Indus civilization, and that of Lanka

She declares that in the period preceding recorded history, this land was inhabited by three tribes, the Rakusas, the Nagas and the Yakas. The first were the original inhabitants, who contributed their detailed knowledge of the land to the civilization that developed. The last were the dominant race, deriving from Persian immigration though with a healthy admixture of Rakusas, whose contribution to the physical basis of technological achievement – metallurgy for instance and the lie of the land – was invaluable, and which led to partnership in the national heritage, albeit at a lower level.

Different from these were the Nagas, who in an imaginative leap that is nevertheless most convincing she places on the coast, the repositories of a maritime culture they had derived from the voyages from other lands which had led to their settlement here. She argues convincingly that they dominated the Kelaniya kingdom, where the Buddha had preached – before going on to the Yaka kingdom in the hills – and that they were the people from whom Vihara Maha Devi and thence her son Dutugemunu derived.

All this is convincingly laid out in the second part of the book, entitled ‘Divided we fall’. That had been preceded by a description of the transition from cave dwellers to urbanization, though it is heralded by an account of the situation of the island and how and why migration had played such a large part in its development. Reading her account, one realizes how laughable it is to suppose that Vijaya was one of a kind, and that his advent brought civilization to a primitive dispensation. Indeed, she notes that the very fact that Kuveni was weaving suggests that Lanka had moved far beyond the simple life of the first cave dwellers and nomads.

The last section of the second part is about the Arya Sinhala and recounts how Vijaya’s advent led to consolidation of a kingdom at Anuradhapura of which he was seen as the only begetter. And that perhaps was true as far as Anuradhapura went as a capital, though Sunela also makes clear its long history as a trading centre between east and west.

The capital, Sunela argues, had been in the hills before Vijaya arrived. The third part of the book is entitled ‘The Time of the Yakas, but it is the shortest, and has just the one chapter, ‘Ravana of the Mayurangas’. Sunela claims that the Mayurangas were born of marriages of Yakas and Rakusas, and notes that Ravana’s mother was a Rakusa princess: in a footnote she mentions that, as late as the time of the Kandyan kingdom, crown princes were married to the daughters of Veddha chieftains, which she believes a reprise of this old tradition.

This chapter darts about the past, but interestingly, for instance in its assertion that Ravana married a princess from Gujarat – a link between what Sunela has described as Persian immigrants, who settled in various places on the long route southward – and that her father was the renowned architect mentioned in the Mahabharata as having built the palace of the Pandavas. But all this, featuring a close link between characters in the two great Indian epics, is shadowy, a prey to Sunela’s habit of not clearly identifying her sources. Rather she employs a discursive style, here and throughout the book, with annotations rather than footnotes, for instance simply declaring here that ‘Oral histories in Gujarat and Rajasthan maintain the presence of the Yaka and even feature King Ravana’.

Given that Sunela’s principal thesis is the suppression of history that does not fit in with a dominant narrative, one can understand her reliance on what is described as oral history and traditions. But it would have been more convincing had she cited the record of the name of Queen Mandodhari’s father in the Ramayana as well as in the Mahabharata, and also her evidence for the manner in which Ravana inherited the kingdom from Kumba Karna his half-brother, and how she relates that name to Kuvera, deified as a symbol of wealth.

This type of sliding over interesting elements is what makes one wish she had had a better editor – who might also then have ensured that she wrote in sentences, rather than in hanging clauses, designed perhaps to enhance the intensity of her narrative but more likely arising from carelessness. Unfortunately, I suspect she intended the book to be simply a record of a personal quest, rather like Ameena’s account of Ibn Batutta’s travels. But whereas that was clearer in its admittedly less momentous argument, and well evidenced, this reads at times like the retailing of a personal mythology, drawing strands from all over but leaving a lot of loose ends.

Still, these are undoubtedly fascinating. Thus, Kubera’s next startling appearance in the book, as a squat figure in relief at the top of the Nalanda Gedige. Sunela compares this to Cambodian architecture, and dates it to the last Mahayana era, noting erotica but also ‘the only officially accepted identification of any character related to the Mayuranga dynasty’. But when she asks, ‘Who revered Ravana’s sibling?’ one realizes she has allowed predilection to triumph over science – unlike the Yakas she praised – and leaped from Kumba Karna to an Asian symbol of wealth to reverence for Ravana’s brother.

Her account of the Nalanda Gedige occurs in the fourth part of the book, ‘The Landscape of a Lost Kingdom’, which relates her travels to different parts of the island in search of traces of Ravana and of the prehistoric period. I have already mentioned her account of the grand trading city on the northwest coast and the quiet monastic retreat in the south east. Then she also writes about Anuradhapura, with a striking account of the discoveries of the team led by Robin Coningham, and about the surroundings in the Dumbara Valley of the assumed location of Ravana’s palace and its defences.

She talks about Budhuruvagala, that beautiful Mahayana monastery near Monaragala, about cemeteries in Wilpattu around her grand western city, and also about Adam’s Peak. Here she cites a possible reason for it having been held sacred by so many for so long, and its alleged proximity to paradise: it seems it is in the place on the earth where gravity is least forceful, which would explain the assumption that it was a possible take off point for the heavens.

She also describes here what I gather was also put forward in her first book, The Line of Lanka, that the mountain is at the centre of lines that connect four shrines sacred to God Saman, the titular deity of the mountain. She argues that he is derived from Rama’s brother Lakshmana, who was left to look after the land soon after Ravana had been conquered, though he soon went back to join his brother in India, leaving the kingdom to Ravana’s brother Vibhishana, who had joined Rama.

Sunela claims that the four shrines, including the famous devale near Ratnapura, are at the ends of a cross, centred on Adam’s Peak. Earlier she had shown that the Nalanda Gedige was at the very centre of the island. This mathematical precision she claimed was evidence for the technological capacity of the Yakas – and not only did this allow them to measure across mountains, they were also able to measure across seas, for she takes the line on to an island in the Maldives which has ruins reminiscent of the tomb of Mahinda at Raksagala.

After the tour de force of this fourth part, Sunela comes to ‘The Death of a King’, and describes vividly the way she believes Rama overcame Ravana. She argues that his bow shot not an arrow but some sort of explosive, and she describes the collapse of part of the mountain where Ravana was supposed to have had his palace. She notes the collapse of the entrance to a cave through which Ravana’s son Indrajit was, she argues, coming to the support of a garrison. Her case she believes is strengthened by the tales of villagers in the area, around the lake of Dunvila, ‘the lake of the bow’, by which she has a home, for whom Ravana’s kingdom is still a historical rather than mythical reality.

She is condign in her criticism of Vibhishana, to whom Rama left the kingdom, who she argues was hated, so that it was not surprising it was in a shambles when a few decades later Vijaya appeared. But even more interesting is her suggestion that Ravana had not lusted after Sita, but was instead trying to rescue his long-lost daughter – sent away when it was foretold that she would destroy the kingdom – when he heard she was living in the jungles.

What Sunela does not do is connect Sita with a daughter of Ravana, who is attested in an inscription as having gifted a cave to the Sangha on a rocky outcrop in Kumana in the southeast of the country. Her name was Shohili, and one wonders if she might have been the daughter left behind when Sita was sent away.

Such speculation is in line with the joyous creativity of the book. It is well worth reading, and most informative, though I do wish standard practices had been followed, including an index, to make it easier to absorb, and also to render the links Sunela makes easier to follow.



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Features

‘Lord Edgware Dies’

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It has been some time since I read an Agatha Christie, the plot of which I cannot remember. So, I was delighted to find on the shelves of a friend Lord Edgware Dies, which I had a vague memory of, but no certainty about who had done it.

When I read it, I found that my memory of who was probably the killer was correct, but I could not be certain and the red herrings Christie threw in were so diverting that until almost the very end I wondered if I had been wrong.

The plot is very simple. Jane Wilkinson, who is married to Lord Edgware, tells him that she is desperate for a divorce since she is in love with a very proper Anglo-Catholic peer, Lord Melton, but Edgware refuses to divorce her. She asks Poirot to talk to him, which he does, and is surprised to find that Edgware has told Jane he is prepared to give her a divorce. This was, after he had categorically refused, through a letter, which Jane said she had not received.

That night Edgware is murdered, after Jane had been to see him, or so the butler said, and also Edgware’s secretary. But Jane had been that evening at a grand dinner many miles away, where a dozen fellow guests could swear to her presence.

There was a solution however to the mystery of two Jane Wilkinsons, namely a skilful impersonator called Carlotta Adams who, in the opening chapter had impersonated Jane Wilkinson, who had also been at the performance. But when Poirot goes to see her, he finds that she had been found dead on the morning after Edgware had been killed, of an overdose. And in her bag was a gold case, with a strange inscription, that contained the drug, along with a pair of pince-nez.

Her maid said she had written a letter to her sister in America and posted it the previous night. Poirot asks Inspector Japp to get the letter, and a transcript is received from America, and in it the name of Edgware’s nephew Ronald Marsh is mentioned; he had taken Carlotta to dinner after her performance, with which the book opens, and had then set her a challenge. Japp arrests Marsh, but Poirot is not happy and asks for the original of the letter, which the sister sends him. That shows that a page is missing, and the tear is obvious, though that raises the question as to why it had not simply been cut.

Matters are further complicated by the fact that Marsh had gone in a taxi to the Edgware house, along with Edgware’s daughter Geraldine, in the interval of an opera which had previously seemed to provide them with cast iron alibis. Geraldine had gone in to fetch her pearls so that Marsh could raise money he needed, and thus had an opportunity to kill Edgware, as did Marsh, for the driver said he had got out of the taxi while waiting and gone into the house.

Agatha Christie

Marsh explained why he had gone to the house on the night of the murder as having followed Bryan Martin, an American actor, who had been in love with Jane, whom he saw go into the house with a key. But there was no one visible when he entered, and Geraldine almost immediately came down and they left together. And Martin too has become an object of suspicion to Poirot, for he had been to see him before the murders were discovered with a story of being followed by a man with a gold tooth – a story Poirot immediately realized was false when he was asked how old the man was, and was told he was young, for young people did not have gold teeth.

A heap of French money Edgware had got for a trip to Paris was missing, but since Marsh had no need for it after his cousin’s offer of help, Poirot deduces that it must have been taken by the butler, who has disappeared. Christie has stressed that he is astonishingly handsome, unusual in a butler, and Poirot notes a resemblance to Martin, so he thinks the mysterious man going into the house must have been him.

Incidentally, later Poirot assumes that Edgware’s change of mind was because he was involved in some scandal, and I believe Christie intends us to see the cause of this in his handsome butler, though this is not specified.

Meanwhile, Poirot has asked Japp to find out the provenance of the case found in Carlotta’s handbag, and it turns out to have been made in Paris, specially commissioned, and collected by a woman with pince-nez.

But then another murder occurs—that of another guest at the grand dinner, which provided Jane with her alibi. The victim is an actor who had been bemused when Jane, at a lunch, thought the Judgment of Paris referred to the city. He told Hastings he wanted to see Poirot, but was killed before he could get to the appointment. Poirot had rushed there when told about his request, but it was too late.

Meanwhile, Poirot has tried out the pince-nez on Edgware’s secretary, but she could not see through these. It was only a chance remark heard outside the theatre that led him to try them out on Wilkinson’s maid Ellis, a spare pair that had been appropriated for the night of the murders.

Poirot then lays things out, having summoned Martin and told him that he probably suppressed Edgware’s letter, as he had been dropped by then and he did not want Jane to marry another. But after teasing Martin, Poirot says that Jane was in fact the murderer, and she got Carlotta to impersonate her at the dinner while she went to the house and killed her husband. After meeting Carlotta later and checking with her through a call that she had not been rumbled, Jane had gone ahead with the murder – she put veronal into her drink and the case with veronal into the handbag. She forgot to take out the pince-nez she had used earlier to imitate an American. Carlotta had registered as the American in a hotel and Jane had gone to see her, and there they exchanged identities. After seen the letter, she made use of it by tearing off the page that referred to her, and the S of She, so that the person who had challenged Carlotta to impersonate her seemed to be a man.

There is a coda in which Jane, condemned to death, writes to Hastings, still full of pride at her ingenuity hoping she will be remembered.

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Desilt reservoirs, learn from our ancient irrigation systems

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Polgolla

by Prof. O. A. Ileperuma

Silting of reservoirs is a major problem today affecting our hydropower production and irrigation systems. The main Mahaweli reservoirs are silted to a considerable extent reducing the water holding capacity of them. Due to poor soil management practices, floodwaters deposit large amounts of silt in these reservoirs. When the Polgolla reservoir was fully drained about two years back, one could see mountains of silt in the lower reaches of the reservoir. A rough estimate is that 50% of the total capacity of these reservoirs has been lost to siltation. This is a serious issue which affects not only power and agriculture but also flood control.

Our ancient irrigation systems ensured that desilting of reservoirs took place under royal decree where all users of the reservoirs were ordered to carry out desilting of reservoirs during the dry season. The clay thus collected was used in making bricks for the construction of great stupas which dot the landscape of our ancient kingdoms. This ensured that the reservoirs had their full capacity filled with water for the next cultivating season. Our ancient kings were clever enough not to construct reservoirs by blocking main rivers such as the Mahaweli. A classic example is the Minipe left canal where they tapped only the surface water of Mahaweli. Even the bigger tanks such as Nuwara Wewa and Parakrama Samudraya were fed with minor rivulets. There were also other ingenious features in the cascade irrigation systems built by the ancient kings, such as mud sluice canals and forest reservations between the reservoirs in the cascade system. These reservations helped trap silt and remove excess nutrients, which could otherwise contribute to increasing salinity as water flowed from one reservoir to another.

Victoria

Moragahakanda

A classic engineering marvel is the former Yoda Ela, which carries water from Kalawewa to Nuwara Wewa and Tissa Wewa. It is 87 km long although the straight distance between these points is only about 40 km. The gradient of this canal is about 10 cm per km or 6 inches per mile. Yodha Ela functions as a moving reservoir and feeds about 4,600 hectares of paddy lands. It is a winding canal with about 120 smaller reservoirs on its way. It was constructed during the reign of King Dhatusena around 459 AD and later expanded by King Parakramabahu by connecting more reservoirs to the network. Unfortunately, during the Mahaweli project our modern-day engineers constructed a concrete canal replacing the winding path of this Yoda Ela also called Jaya Ganga. This effectively removed the ability of the old Yoda Ela to remove silt and nutrients. The bank of this Ela has wet zone trees such as jak and areca nut growing well. They take up the nutrients from the flowing stream making the water suitable for irrigation later.

Ancient Mesopotamian civilisations depended on dams constructed along the two main rivers, Euphrates and Tigris. After continuous irrigation of their fields over several thousand years, salinity of the irrigated lands increased making them unsuitable for agriculture. People died due to famine and this clearly illustrates the danger of blocking main rivers for agriculture. There is scientific evidence that the salinity of paddy soils in the Mahaweli C area is increasing.

We saw the devastation caused by Cyclone Ditwah. The sluice gates of the Kotmale Reservoir were opened, and Kandy and Peradeniya were flooded. If the reservoir had had greater storage capacity, couldn’t the opening of the gates have been delayed? This may not be an argument that modern-day engineers would readily accept, and I am not an irrigation expert. These ideas may well be naïve. But most of us tend to think of reservoirs mainly in terms of hydropower generation and irrigation, while their role in flood control receives much less attention. The question therefore deserves serious consideration. Could restoring lost reservoir capacity through desilting help improve our ability to manage extreme rainfall and reduce flood risks?

Desilting our reservoirs should be considered a national priority.

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Losing out to Ethiopia

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From Trailblazer to Tailender

Export diversification – Missing the wood for the trees – Part III

by Gomi Senadhira

In Sri Lanka, the word “Ethiopia” is often used as disparaging slang to describe individuals or areas experiencing extreme poverty, starvation, or severe economic hardship. This linguistic habit originated in the 1980s with the Western media coverage of the devastating Ethiopian famine of 1983-85. That media coverage shocked the world but also left an outdated and offensive global stereotype that the country is permanently starving. Much has changed since then. By now, with an annual growth rate of around 9%, it is the fastest-growing economy in sub-Saharan Africa. Ethiopia has also emerged as a highly competitive exporter and is challenging not only its competitors in the region but also countries like Sri Lanka. This article is on how Sri Lanka has lost ground to Ethiopia (and a few other countries) in the GCC markets for agricultural and floricultural products.

Sri Lanka – A Pioneer in the Agriculture and Floricultural Market in the GCC

As discussed in Part II of this article, by the mid-1980s Sri Lanka had established a strong foothold in the GCC’s fruit, vegetable, and floricultural market. Geographical proximity and well-established shipping and air links gave Sri Lanka a strong comparative advantage over Southeast Asian and African nations. Thailand, Vietnam, and Kenya were not even in the market. At that time, Ethiopia was experiencing (as BBC news reports described) “a biblical famine”.

The market was not very large, but it was lucrative and growing. Trade Minister Lalith Athulathmudali as well as the Chairman of the Export Development Board, Victor Santiapillai, who visited Kuwait (and the GCC countries), recognised the market potential for these products and encouraged us to continue with our work. The minister was particularly keen to further develop links between the market for these products, exporters, and his Export Production Villages (EPVs). So, it was becoming a successful case not only for export diversification but also for transferring gains from exports directly to rural households.

From Trailblazer to Tailender

As a result, even by the beginning of this century Sri Lanka had a larger market share than most of its competitors from Asia or Africa. But since then, our competitiveness has weakened significantly. The tables below provide a comparative snapshot of Sri Lanka’s performance vis-à-vis Thailand, Vietnam, Kenya and Ethiopia in the GCC market for vegetables, fruits and floricultural products. As illustrated therein, in 2001 Sri Lanka was ahead of Thailand, Kenya and Ethiopia in this small but rapidly growing market. Since then, we have fallen behind Thailand, Kenya and many other countries in that lucrative market. If this trend continues, Sri Lanka will fall behind Ethiopia within the next few years. (See Table 1)

In the GCC market for vegetables (covered in HS chapter 07), Sri Lanka was ahead of most other competitors in 2001. As illustrated in Table 1 , Sri Lanka had failed to develop this market, while Thailand, Kenya, and even Ethiopia had very efficiently increased their market shares. The GCC is a market to which Sri Lanka can supply some vegetables, like cabbages, by sea. It appears Sri Lanka had also failed to exploit this mode of supply.

We can see a similar trend in the market for fruits. Vietnam, Kenya, and Thailand have emerged as major players, while exports from Sri Lanka have staggered on slowly. In this segment, Vietnam has emerged as a leading player during the last twenty years and the GCC imports from Viet Nam have shot up from US$44 thousand in 2001 to US$346 million by 2024. In part one of these articles, I discussed the remarkable increase of jackfruit exports from Vietnam “…just $3 million in 2015 to an impressive $236.8 million in 2023” while most of our jackfruit production rots under the trees. This explains how countries develop their markets, geographically and product-wise. (See Table 2)

Sri Lanka’s performance has been weakest in the market for floricultural products (HS Chapter 06), which groups live trees, cut flowers, and ornamental foliage. When we first entered the market in the 1980s, the market was dominated by the Netherlands, and Kenya and Ethiopia were not even in the market. At that time, we identified the Gulf states as a market where Sri Lanka could have a dominant presence due to geographical proximity. Even in 2001, Sri Lanka was ahead of Kenya, Ethiopia, and Thailand. But by now, Kenya has emerged as the dominant supplier. Ethiopia is also expanding its market share and is the third-largest exporter. (See Table 3)

Missing the Wood for the Trees

In the mid-1980s, Sri Lanka first established its foothold in the GCC market. Since then, Thailand, Vietnam, Kenya, and even Ethiopia have moved well ahead of us and have become leading players. Why did we lag behind in our export diversification efforts in general and, more particularly, in the GCC market?

The reasons are very clear. After the initial attempts in the 1980s and early 1990s, Sri Lanka has not been proactively involved in identifying, developing, and promoting new products and markets, or protecting and further developing new markets already established. The focus has simply been on traditional exports: tea, coconut, cinnamon, and garments, while other products were almost ignored. In essence, we have been and continue to focus intensely on a narrow group of products and markets, and we have lost sight of the bigger picture.

(The writer can be reached at senadhiragomi@gmail.com)

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