Features
Celebrating NM’s birthday in the 90th year of the LSSP
Today, 06 June, marks the 120th anniversary of Dr N.M. Perera’s birth. N.M. was born in 1905, the year of the First Russian Revolution. He passed away on 14 August 1979, during the month progressives in Sri Lanka commemorate the 1953 Hartal, in which he played a significant role. This year also marks the 90th anniversary of the Lanka Sama Samaja Party that NM and his comrades founded.
NM was a multi-faceted man: the first leading man in a Sinhala film, Rajakeeya Vickramaya; captained Ananda College at the inaugural Battle of the Maroons against Nalanda in 1925; founding member and leader of Sri Lanka’s first political party; President of the Nondescripts Cricket Club (NCC); President of the Board of Control for Cricket in Sri Lanka; Leader of the Opposition in the first and third Parliaments under the 1946-47 Constitution; and Minister of Finance (1964 and 1970-75).
He earned two doctorates from the London School of Economics – a PhD for his thesis on the Weimar Constitution of Germany, supervised by Prof. Harold Laski and a DSc for his comparative study of parliamentary procedures in the UK, USA, France and Germany, becoming the first Sri Lankan to receive a higher doctorate from the University of London. Laski thought that NM would make an excellent Chancellor of the Exchequer, while Sir Ivor Jennings said that he would be an outstanding Labour Prime Minister. For Ajit Samaranayake, NM was “the best Prime Minister Sri Lanka never had.” Writing the Foreword to NM’s celebrated booklet, “A Critical Analysis of the 1978 Constitution of Sri Lanka,” his comrade-in-arms, Dr Colvin R. De Silva, described him as an acknowledged authority on constitutional law, with his doctoral thesis cited as an authoritative source.
The purpose of this article is to explore how NM’s thinking on constitutional issues can be applied to the constitutional reform process that the current National People’s Power (NPP) government has committed itself to. The NPP is dominated by the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP), a Left-oriented party, and has members with roots in the traditional Left, including several who grew up in the LSSP and have strong emotional ties to NM’s memory.
Abolishing the Executive Presidency
It is not surprising that NM, the parliamentarian par excellence, so knowledgeable about parliamentary procedures worldwide, was a staunch defender of the parliamentary form of government. In a penetrating analysis of the 1978 Constitution, NM pointed out in his booklet that the parliamentary form of government had worked for thirty years in Sri Lanka with a degree of success that had surprised many Western observers. He warned: “The presidential system offers unlimited scope for wielding absolute powers, albeit for a limited period. But the taste of unlimited power grows with the feeding and the lust cannot be easily satiated. It is a matter of regret that Sri Lanka that has amassed considerable experience in Parliamentary Government and has successfully overcome the teething troubles of the early period should now be thrown down the slope of constitutional confusion in the end jeopardising democracy itself.”
If there were sceptics regarding the desirability of abolishing the presidential form of government, the actions of the two Rajapaksa brothers, Maithripala Sirisena and Ranil Wickremesinghe, in recent times should have helped alleviate their concerns. Abolition was a major demand of the Aragalaya, which culminated in the peaceful overthrow of President Gotabhaya Rajapaksa. It was one of the central planks of the NPP’s platform at the 2024 presidential election and of the JVP’s platform at all previous elections. The main party of the Opposition, Samagi Jana Balavegaya, as well as parties that primarily represent the Tamils, Muslims, and Hill Country Tamils, support abolition. It is only the Rajapaksa-controlled Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna that clearly stands for retaining the executive presidency.
Earlier attempts at abolition failed for various reasons. President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga’s Bill for a new constitution, which provided for abolition, came too close to the 2000 general election. The United National Party, which had previously expressed support, withdrew ostensibly due to a transitional provision allowing President Kumaratunga to complete her second presidential term despite the abolition. Those close to the process are aware that Kumaratunga offered to shorten her second term to one year, but the UNP leadership was unresponsive. Abolition was a significant demand of the forces that supported Maithripala Sirisena in 2015. However, after publicly pledging abolition, he signed a memorandum of understanding with the Jathika Hela Urumaya the following day, agreeing that no constitutional amendment requiring a referendum would be presented. The tension between President Sirisena and Prime Minister Wickremesinghe resulted in the breakdown of the Yahapalanaya Government’s constitutional reform process.
A constitutional settlement of the ethnic issue
The early Tamil demand was for guaranteed representation in the legislature. Tamils did not join the Kandyan chiefs in demanding federalism before the Donoughmore Commission. It was when the Tamil Congress failed to prevent the disenfranchisement of their Hill Country Tamil cousins that Chelvanayakam raised the demand for federalism, a demand that Tamils rejected at the 1952 elections, with Chelvanayakam losing his seat in KKS to a UNP candidate. Clearly, Tamils preferred sharing power in Colombo to regional autonomy. With Sinhala Only a virtual fait accompli after the two main parties of the South discarded parity of status for both languages, the Illankai Tamil Arasu Kadchi (ITAK) swept the North and East at the 1956 elections.
With the Tamils initially preferring power-sharing at the centre to regional autonomy, it is not surprising that the Left thought that equality would ensure ethnic harmony. The Left opposed the disenfranchisement of Hill Country Tamils and stood for parity of status. NM and his comrades were vilified for their positions. Supporters of Philip Gunawardena, who had broken away from the LSSP, shouted “NM pataw Kochchi pataw, Philip pataw Sinha petaw” (NM’s supporters are Malayalis, Philip’s supporters are lion cubs) during a May Day procession.
Years later, after the conflict had escalated, NM said in his booklet, written a few months before his death: “The Lanka Sama Samaja Party had the worst of both worlds. The Sinhalese hounded us as anti-national in general, and anti-Sinhalese in particular. Our principled stand of parity of status for both languages drove us into the political wilderness. The Tamils on the other hand treated us with suspicion. Our party was treated as mainly Sinhalese and therefore suspect in their eyes. Our past record of 20 years of consistent advocacy of fairness to the Tamil community and indeed to all minorities, inclusive of caste and creed, was conveniently ignored.”
NM was now convinced that regional autonomy was the answer to the conflict: “Unfortunately, by the time the pro-Sinhala leaders hobbled along, the young extremists had taken the lead in demanding a separate State. (…) What might have satisfied the Tamil community twenty years back cannot be adequate twenty years later. Other concessions along the lines of regional autonomy will have to be in the offing if healthy and harmonious relations are to be regained.”
Following his death, NM’s followers advanced his call for regional autonomy. At the All-Party Conference convened after the bitter experiences of July 1983, Colvin stated that the ethnic issue was “a problem of the Sri Lanka nation and state and not a problem of just this community or that community.” While reaffirming the LSSP’s position that Sri Lanka must remain a single country with a single state, he emphasised that with Tamils minority living in considerable numbers in a contiguous territory, the state as presently organised does not serve the purposes it should serve, especially in the field of equality of status in relation to the state, the nation and the government. The Left supported the Thirteenth Amendment in principle. More than 200 leftists, including Vijaya Kumaratunga, paid the price with their lives for doing so, 25 of whom were Samasamajists.
An All-Party Representative Committee (APRC), appointed by President Mahinda Rajapaksa and chaired by LSSP Minister Tissa Vitarana, convened from 2006 to 2009. Sinhala nationalist parties walked out at various stages, but the SLFP, the main party in the government, remained. APRC Chairman Tissa Vitarana presented a summary of its proposals to the President in 2009. The APRC proposed extensive devolution within a unitary state, with power-sharing at the centre.
Dr. Colin Irwin of the University of Liverpool, with extensive experience in conducting opinion polls in conflict zones, assessed the APRC proposals against public opinion in March 2009, just three months before the end of the war. In March 2010, nine months after the war ended, the same proposals were reevaluated, this time with a larger sample that included participants from the Northern Province. Support among Tamils, Muslims, and Hill Country Tamils was overwhelming. Contrary to the myth propagated by opponents that the Sinhalese do not favour devolution, 59% found the APRC proposals at least ‘acceptable’ three months before the end of the war, at a time when defeat was looming for the LTTE. One year later, the figure had risen to as much as 80%.
In 2016, as part of the constitutional reform process, Lal Wijenayake, a long-time Samasamajist, headed the Public Representations Committee. Based on the extensive public consultations it had, the committee recommended substantial and meaningful devolution. Dr Harini Amarasuriya, the present Prime Minister, was a member of the committee.
A new constitution
In its presidential election manifesto, the NPP promised a new constitution under which powers will be devolved to local authorities, districts and provinces, and all communities would have a share in governance.
Government spokespersons have indicated that a constitutional reform process will commence in the second half of President Dissanayake’s term. It would be wise not to delay reform. Constitutional reform involves broad consultations and dialogue. Experience suggests that extensive reform is more likely to succeed when undertaken early, rather than later, when other issues may arise. While the government may be confident in retaining its two-thirds majority, a new constitution also requires approval via a referendum. A referendum in the latter half of a government’s term will likely focus more on its performance than on the new constitution. With their eyes set on the next elections, Opposition parties are more likely to act as spoilers.
The NPP faced setbacks at the local elections. Most voters who distanced themselves from it seem to be Sinhala nationalists previously aligned with the Rajapakses. There is a lesson for the NPP in the results from the North and East. The release of lands, the reopening of roads, and promises to return confiscated jewellery did not entice the Tamils. The ITAK’s subtle message, “The country to Anura, the village for us”, cleverly crafted by Sumanthiran, truly meant “Whoever rules in Colombo, we must rule our own areas,” and resonated well with Tamil voters. One hopes that the NPP’s setbacks will not place it on the defensive concerning constitutional reform.
Failure on the part of the government will almost certainly strengthen the political Right. Although the SJB had the opportunity to position itself as a social-democratic alternative championing social justice, it has miserably failed to do so. The UNP lurks in the shadows, hoping for a comeback. The SLPP adheres to its rightist, Sinhala nationalist positions. Several rightist think tanks have sprung up.
The Left may be weaker and fragmented; nevertheless, the relevance and need for a Left alternative persist. If the LSSP can celebrate its 90th anniversary as a reunited party, that could pave the way for a stronger and united Left as well. Such a development would be the best way to honour NM and other pioneering leaders of the Left.
by (Dr) Jayampathy Wickramaratne,President’s Counsel
Features
Humanitarian leadership in a time of war
There has been a rare consensus of opinion in the country that the government’s humanitarian response to the sinking of Iran’s naval ship IRIS Dena was the correct one. The support has spanned the party political spectrum and different sections of society. Social media commentary, statements by political parties and discussion in mainstream media have all largely taken the position that Sri Lanka acted in accordance with humanitarian principles and international law. In a period when public debate in Sri Lanka is often sharply divided, the sense of agreement on this issue is noteworthy and reflects positively on the ethos and culture of a society that cares for those in distress. A similar phenomenon was to be witnessed in the rallying of people of all ethnicities and backgrounds to help those affected by the Ditwah Cyclone in December last year.
The events that led to this situation unfolded with dramatic speed. In the early hours before sunrise the Dina made a distress call. The ship was one of three Iranian naval vessels that had taken part in a naval gathering organised by India in which more than 70 countries had participated, including Sri Lanka. Naval gatherings of this nature are intended to foster professional exchange, confidence building and goodwill between navies. They are also governed by strict protocols regarding armaments and conduct.
When the exhibition ended open war between the United States and Iran had not yet broken out. The three Iranian ships that participated in the exhibition left the Indian port and headed into international waters on their journey back home. Under the protocol governing such gatherings ships may not be equipped with offensive armaments. This left them particularly vulnerable once the regional situation changed dramatically, though the US Indo-Pacific Command insists the ship was armed. The sudden outbreak of war between the United States and Iran would have alerted the Iranian ships that they were sailing into danger. According to reports, they sought safe harbour and requested docking in Sri Lanka’s ports but before the Sri Lankan government could respond the Dena was fatally hit by a torpedo.
International Law
The sinking of the Dena occurred just outside Sri Lanka’s territorial waters. Whatever decision the Sri Lankan government made at this time was bound to be fraught with consequence. The war that is currently being fought in the Middle East is a no-holds-barred one in which more than 15 countries have come under attack. Now the sinking of the Dena so close to Sri Lanka’s maritime boundary has meant that the war has come to the very shores of the country. In times of war emotions run high on all sides and perceptions of friend and enemy can easily become distorted. Parties involved in the conflict tend to gravitate to the position that “those who are not with us are against us.” Such a mindset leaves little room for neutrality or humanitarian discretion.
In such situations countries that are not directly involved in the conflict may wish to remain outside it by avoiding engagement. Foreign Minister Vijitha Herath informed the international media that Sri Lanka’s response to the present crisis was rooted in humanitarian principles, international law and the United Nations. The Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) which was adopted 1982 provides the legal framework governing maritime conduct and obliges states to render assistance to persons in distress at sea. In terms of UNCLOS, countries are required to render help to anyone facing danger in maritime waters regardless of nationality or the circumstances that led to the emergency. Sri Lanka’s response to the distress call therefore reflects both humanitarianism and adherence to international law.
Within a short period of receiving the distress message from the stricken Iranian warship the Sri Lankan government sent its navy to the rescue. They rescued more than thirty Iranian sailors who had survived the attack and were struggling in the water. The rescue operation also brought to Sri Lanka the bodies of those who had perished when their ship sank. The scale of the humanitarian challenge is significant. Sri Lanka now has custody of more than eighty bodies of sailors who lost their lives in the sinking of the Dena. In addition, a second Iranian naval ship IRINS Bushehr with more than two hundred sailors has come under Sri Lanka’s protection. The government therefore finds itself responsible for survivors but also for the dignified treatment of the bodies of the dead Iranian sailors.
Sri Lanka’s decision to render aid based on humanitarian principles, not political allegiance, reinforces the importance of a rules-based international order for all countries. Reliance on international law is particularly important for small countries like Sri Lanka that lack the power to defend themselves against larger actors. For such countries a rules-based international order provides at least a measure of protection by ensuring that all states operate within a framework of agreed norms. Sri Lanka itself has played a notable role in promoting such norms. In 1971 the United Nations General Assembly adopted a resolution declaring the Indian Ocean a Zone of Peace. The initiative for this proposal came from Sri Lanka, which argued that the Indian Ocean should be protected from great power rivalry and militarisation.
Moral Beacon
Unfortunately, the current global climate suggests that the rules-based order is barely operative. Conflicts in different parts of the world have increasingly shown disregard for the norms and institutions that were created in the aftermath of the Second World War to regulate international behaviour. In such circumstances it becomes even more important for smaller countries to demonstrate their commitment to international law and to convert the bigger countries to adopt more humane and universal thinking. The humanitarian response to the Iranian sailors therefore needs to be seen in this wider context. By acting swiftly to rescue those in distress and by affirming that its actions are guided by international law, Sri Lanka has enhanced its reputation as a small country that values peace, humane values, cooperation and the rule of law. It would be a relief to the Sri Lankan government that earlier communications that the US government was urging Sri Lanka not to repatriate the Iranian sailors has been modified to the US publicly acknowledging the applicability of international law to what Sri Lanka does.
The country’s own experience of internal conflict has shaped public consciousness in important ways. Sri Lanka endured a violent internal war that lasted nearly three decades. During that period questions relating to the treatment of combatants, the protection of civilians, missing persons and accountability became central issues. As a result, Sri Lankans today are familiar with the provisions of international law that deal with war crimes, the treatment of wounded or disabled combatants and the fate of those who go missing in conflict. The country continues to host an international presence in the form of UN agencies and the ICRC that work with the government on humanitarian and post conflict issues. The government needs to apply the same principled commitment of humanitarianism and the rule of law to the unresolved issues from Sri Lanka’s own civil war, including accountability and reconciliation.
By affirming humanitarian principles and acting accordingly towards the Iranian sailors and their ship Sri Lanka has become a moral beacon for peace and goodwill in a world that often appears to be moving in the opposite direction. At a time when geopolitical rivalries are intensifying and humanitarian norms are frequently ignored, such actions carry symbolic significance. The credibility of Sri Lanka’s moral stance abroad will be further enhanced by its ability to uphold similar principles at home. Sri Lanka continues to grapple with unresolved issues arising from its own internal conflict including questions of accountability, justice, reparations and reconciliation. It has a duty not only to its own citizens, but also to suffering humanity everywhere. Addressing its own internal issues sincerely will strengthen Sri Lanka’s moral standing in the international community and help it to be a force for a new and better world.
BY Jehan Perera
Features
Language: The symbolic expression of thought
It was Henry Sweet, the English phonetician and language scholar, who said, “Language may be defined as the expression of thought by means of speech sounds“. In today’s context, where language extends beyond spoken sounds to written text, and even into signs, it is best to generalise more and express that language is the “symbolic expression of thought“. The opposite is also true: without the ability to think, there will not be a proper development of the ability to express in a language, as seen in individuals with intellectual disability.
Viewing language as the symbolic expression of thought is a philosophical way to look at early childhood education. It suggests that language is not just about learning words; it is about a child learning that one thing, be it a sound, a scribble, or a gesture, can represent something else, such as an object, a feeling, or an idea. It facilitates the ever-so-important understanding of the given occurrence rather than committing it purely to memory. In the world of a 0–5-year-old, this “symbolic leap” of understanding is the single most important cognitive milestone.
Of course, learning a language or even more than one language is absolutely crucial for education. Here is how that viewpoint fits into early life education:
1. From Concrete to Abstract
Infants live in a “concrete” world: if they cannot see it or touch it, it does not exist. Early education helps them to move toward symbolic thought. When a toddler realises that the sound “ball” stands for that round, bouncy thing in the corner, they have decoded a symbol. Teachers and parents need to facilitate this by connecting physical objects to labels constantly. This is why “Show and Tell” is a staple of early education, as it gently compels the child to use symbols, words or actions to describe a tangible object to others, who might not even see it clearly.
2. The Multi-Modal Nature of Symbols
Because language is “symbolic,” it does not matter how exactly it is expressed. The human brain treats spoken words, written text, and sign language with similar neural machinery.
Many educators advocate the use of “Baby Signs” (simple gestures) before a child can speak. This is powerful because it proves the child has the thought (e.g., “I am hungry”) and can use a symbol like putting the hand to the mouth, before their vocal cords are physically ready to produce the word denoting hunger.
Writing is the most abstract symbol of all: it is a squiggle written on a page, representing a sound, which represents an idea or a thought. Early childhood education prepares children for this by encouraging “emergent writing” (scribbling), even where a child proudly points to a messy circle that the child has drawn and says, “This says ‘I love Mommy’.”
3. Symbolic Play (The Dress Rehearsal)
As recognised in many quarters, play is where this theory comes to life. Between ages 2 and 3, children enter the Symbolic Play stage. Often, there is object substitution, as when a child picks up a banana and holds it to his or her ear like a telephone. In effect, this is a massive intellectual achievement. The child is mentally “decoupling” the object from its physical reality and assigning it a symbolic meaning. In early education, we need to encourage this because if a child can use a block as a “car,” they are developing the mental flexibility required to later understand that the letter “C” stands for the sound of “K” as well.
4. Language as a Tool for “Internal Thought”
Perhaps the most fascinating fit is the work of psychologist Lev Vygotsky, who argued that language eventually turns inward to become private speech. Have you ever seen a 4-year-old talking to himself or herself while building a toy tower? “No, the big one goes here….. the red one goes here…. steady… there.” That is a form of self-regulation. Educators encourage this “thinking out loudly.” It is the way children use the symbol system of language to organise their own thoughts and solve problems. Eventually, this speech becomes silent as “inner thought.”
Finally, there is the charming thought of the feasibility of conversing with very young children in two or even three or more languages. In Sri Lanka, the three main languages are Sinhala, Tamil and English. There are questions asked as to whether it is OK to talk to little ones in all three languages or even in two, so that they would learn?
According to scientific authorities, the short, clear and unequivocal answer to that query is that not only is it “OK”, it is also a significant cognitive gift to a child.
In a trilingual environment like Sri Lanka, many parents worry that multiple languages will “confuse” a child or cause a “speech delay.” However, modern neuroscience has debunked these myths. The infant brain is perfectly capable of building three or even more separate “lexicons” (vocabularies) simultaneously.
Here is how the “symbolic expression of thought” works in a multilingual brain and how we can manage it effectively.
a). The “Multiple Labels” Phenomenon
In a monolingual home, a child learns one symbol for an object. For example, take the word “Apple.” In a Sri Lankan trilingual home, the child learns three symbols for that same thought:
* Apple (English)
* Apal
(Sinhala – ඇපල්)
* Appil
(Tamil – ஆப்பிள்)
Because the trilingual child learns that one “thought” can be expressed by multiple “symbols,” the child’s brain becomes more flexible. This is why bilingual and trilingual children often score higher on tasks involving “executive function”, meaning the ability to switch focus and solve complex problems.
b). Is there a “Delay”?
(The Common Myth)
One might notice that a child in a trilingual home may start to speak slightly later than a monolingual peer, or they might have a smaller vocabulary in each language at age two.
However, if one adds up the total number of words they know across all three languages, they are usually ahead of monolingual children. By age five, they typically catch up in all languages and possess a much more “plastic” and adaptable brain.
c). Strategies for Success: How to Do It?
To help the child’s brain organise these three symbol systems, it helps to have some “consistency.” Here are the two most effective methods:
* One Person, One Language (OPOL), the so-called “gold standard” for multilingual families.
Amma
speaks only Sinhala, while the Father speaks only English, and the Grandparents or Nanny speak only Tamil. The child learns to associate a specific language with a specific person. Their brain creates a “map”: “When I talk to Amma, I use these sounds; when I talk to Thaththa, I use those,” etc.
*
Situational/Contextual Learning. If the parents speak all three, one could divide languages by “environment”: English at the dinner table, Sinhala during play and bath time and Tamil when visiting relatives or at the market.
These, of course, need NOT be very rigid rules, but general guidance, applied judiciously and ever-so-kindly.
d). “Code-Mixing” is Normal
We need not be alarmed if a 3-year-old says something like: “Ammi, I want that palam (fruit).” This is called Code-Mixing. It is NOT a sign of confusion; it is a sign of efficiency. The child’s brain is searching for the quickest way to express a thought and grabs the most “available” word from their three language cupboards. As they get older, perhaps around age 4 or 5, they will naturally learn to separate them perfectly.
e). The “Sri Lankan Advantage”
Growing up trilingual in Sri Lanka provides a massive social and cognitive advantage.
For a start, there will be Cultural Empathy. Language actually carries culture. A child who speaks Sinhala, Tamil, and English can navigate all social spheres of the country quite effortlessly.
In addition, there are the benefits of a Phonetic Range. Sinhala and Tamil have many sounds that do not exist in English (and even vice versa). Learning these as a child wires the ears to hear and reproduce almost any human sound, making it much easier to learn more languages (like French or Japanese) later in life.
As an abiding thought, it is the considered opinion of the author that a trilingual Sri Lanka will go a long way towards the goals and display of racial harmony, respect for different ethnic groups, and unrivalled national coordination in our beautiful Motherland. Then it would become a utopian heaven, where all people, as just Sri Lankans, can live in admirable concordant synchrony, rather than as splintered clusters divided by ethnicity, language and culture.
A Helpful Summary Checklist for Parents
* Do Not Drop a Language:
If you stop speaking Tamil because you are worried about English, the child loses that “neural real estate.” Keep all three languages going.
* High-Quality Input:
Do not just use “commands” (Eat! Sleep!). Use the Parentese and Serve and Return methods (mentioned in an earlier article) in all the languages.
* Employ Patience:
If the little one mixes up some words, just model the right words and gently correct the sentence and present it to the child like a suggestion, without scolding or finding fault with him or her. The child will then learn effortlessly and without resentment or shame.
by Dr b. J. C. Perera
MBBS(Cey), DCH(Cey), DCH(Eng), MD(Paediatrics), MRCP(UK), FRCP(Edin), FRCP(Lond), FRCPCH(UK), FSLCPaed, FCCP, Hony.
FRCPCH(UK), Hony. FCGP(SL)
Specialist Consultant Paediatrician and Honorary Senior Fellow, Postgraduate Institute of Medicine, University of Colombo, Sri Lanka
Features
SIMPSON’S … set to carve a distinct sonic identity
It is, indeed, encouraging to see our local artistes working on new formats, where their music is concerned.
Variety is the spice of life, they say, and I do agree, especially when it comes to music.
Blending modern synth textures, ambient layers and soulful undertones, the group SIMPSON’S is set to carve a distinct sonic identity within Sri Lanka’s contemporary music landscape.
Their vision, they say, is not simply to produce songs, but to create emotional atmospheres – experiences that elevate, energise and resonate, both locally and beyond.
This four-piece outfit came into the scene, less than two years ago, and they are already making waves with their debut single ‘Balaporottuwak’ (Hope).
The song, I’m told, marks the beginning of a new sound, and at the forefront of ‘Balaporottuwak’ is the group’s lead vocalist and guitarist, Ryo Hera, who brings a rich cultural heritage to the stage.
As a professional Kandyan Wes dancer, Ryo’s commanding presence and textured vocals bring a distinct energy to the band’s sound.
‘Balaporottuwak’

Ryo Hera: Vocals for ‘Balaporottuwak’
is more than just a debut single – it’s a declaration of intent. The band is merging tradition and modernity, power and subtlety, to create a sound that’s both authentic and innovative.
With this song, SIMPSON’S is inviting listeners to join them on an evolving musical journey, one that’s built on vision and creativity.
The recording process for ‘Balaporottuwak’ was organic and instinctive, with the band shaping the song through live studio sessions.
Dileepa Liyanage, the keyboardist and composer, is the principal sound mind behind SIMPSON’S.
With experience spanning background scores, commercial projects, cinematic themes and jingles across multiple genres, Dileepa brings structural finesse and atmospheric depth to the band’s arrangements.
He described the recording process of ‘Balaporottuwak’ as organic and instinctive: “When Ryo Hera opens his voice, it becomes effortless to shape it into any musical colour. The tone naturally adapts.”
The band’s lineup includes Buddhima Chalanu on bass, and Savidya Yasaru on drums, and, together, they create a sound that’s not just a reflection of their individual talents, but a collective vision.

Dileepa Liyanage: Brings
structural finesse and
atmospheric depth to the
band’s arrangements
What sets SIMPSON’S apart is their decision to keep the production in-house – mixing and mastering the song themselves. This allows them to maintain their unique sound and artistic autonomy.
“We work as a family and each member is given the freedom to work out his music on the instruments he handles and then, in the studio, we put everything together,” said Dileepa, adding that their goal is to release an album, made up of Sinhala and English songs.
Steering this creative core is manager Mangala Samarajeewa, whose early career included managing various international artistes. His guidance has positioned SIMPSON’S not merely as a performing unit, but as a carefully envisioned project – one aimed at expanding Sri Lanka’s contemporary music vocabulary.
SIMPSON’S are quite active in the scene here, performing, on a regular basis, at popular venues in Colombo, and down south, as well.
They are also seen, and heard, on Spotify, TikTok, Apple Music, iTunes, and Deezer.
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