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Steadying the ship at SLBC after 1977 UNP landslide

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The day after I assumed duties in my new post (as Chairman of the Sri Lanka Broadcasting Corporation and Director General of Broadcasting), I had two unexpected visitors. The first was Mr. Festus Perera, who was now a Deputy Minister. I have already recounted my encounter with him during a flour shortage which occurred when I was Deputy Food Commissioner. He remembered this, and the object of his visit was to wish me well.

I was surprised that he had remembered this for nearly nine years. For a moment, I thought to myself that the same sound memory may have worked to my detriment if I had displeased him during that period. In fact, during a long career, I had worked with or dealt with hundreds of politicians, and I can assure any new entrant to the public service that all of them have long memories. This should not prevent them from doing what is right, which certainly includes refusing some of their requests. What is required is credibility and consistency in whatever you do.

The next visitor was even more unexpected. It was Mr. Gamini Dissanayake the new Minister of Lands and Irrigation and although youthful, a senior member of the UNP and a senior Minister. I really did not know him personally. There were just a few occasions, when I was Secretary to the Prime Minister when he had telephoned me on some matter or other and I had, as with anyone else, diligently done what I could.

Most people thought that Mr. Dissanayake had come to record a programme. This was not so. I was later to learn that he had come completely unannounced, catching everbody by surprise. He walked straight into my room. I was very touched by what he said. He stated that he had just taken oaths and was on his way to his Ministry. when he thought that first he should pay me a visit and see whether I had any problems. He did not even sit, and left reassured that I did not have any problems. To this day, I do not know what made him do this. But this proved to be the beginning of a developing relationship with him in the future.

By common consensus, the Sri Lanka Broadcasting Corporation and the Associated Newspapers of Ceylon or Lake House were expected to be the two most difficult places to control after a change of government. A breakdown of law, order and discipline was expected in both places, and in fact, both places began to live up to these expectations. Within the SLBC I was successful in controlling the situation and restoring peace and order within a few hours of my getting there. The fact that the Commander of the Navy thought it fit to provide me with a machine gun escort was proof enough of the general assessment of the turmoil there.

Unhappily at Lake House, the breakdown of order and the violence were not brought under control for a number of days. Many people were assaulted, some of them women, including the senior and respected journalist Mrs. Roshan Peiris, who had to be warded at Central Hospital, where I went to see her. It was she who had played the important role in trying to bring about a dialogue between the Federal Party and the Government. Paint was thrown at some employees of Lake House, whilst a few were tarred and feathered.

Trouble Shooting

At SLBC peace prevailed until the third day after I assumed duties. On the morning of that day members of the UNP Union, the JSS, came hurrying into my room. They stated that, so far, in accordance with my wishes and instructions they had refrained from doing anything untoward to any political opponent, although, according to them some of them had participated in harassing their members during the time their government was in power. But now, they complained of a serious act of provocation, where an officer of the Corporation, Raja Dharmapala, by name who had stood as an SLFP candidate at the elections and lost, had come in wearing a blue shirt, the party colours of the SLFP.

The JSS members informed me that the whole place was seething with anger and resentment and that any moment violence could break out, beginning with an assault on Dharmapala. This was indeed crass stupidity on the part of Dharmapala. He, more than any should have known the environment and the tense political relations within the SLBC. In the context of events, where he, a defeated candidate, had chosen to come in his party colours, when the Government had changed, not simply, but by obtaining over a five sixth majority in Parliament, was indeed a serious act of provocation.

This was not the time to dwell on the democratic rights of dress and concepts of individual freedoms. The whole place would have blown up, and hospitals, if not the morgue would have found more work. I had to act quickly. I told the JSS to somehow or other help to maintain the peace for half an hour. They left to try, still in anger. I immediately sent for Dharmapala, got him down to my room, and pitched into him.

I told him with what effort and with what difficulty, I had maintained the peace at SLBC, and how his stupidity was threatening to unravel everything. I ordered him to get out of the premises forthwith, and not to come back for a week. He apologized for causing me problems. I told him that my problems were nothing compared to his problems which were now imminent. He said he would leave at once. I told him that it was not that simple, and I had, in my view to first negotiate a safe passage for him. I kept him in my room, until I got the necessary assurances from the JSS. This was not simple, because at one stage promises were given, that he would not be assaulted physically, but some of them said that they could not guarantee that his shirt would not be torn. I had to patiently go on talking until ultimately I obtained a safe conduct for both the person and his shirt.

Discomfort

In those early days of a politically charged atmosphere, there were some issues that came up which caused me considerable discomfort. One such was the decision taken by the Ministry to interdict certain staff on grounds of engaging in political activity, when they were debarred from so doing, according to the rules. Some of the persons to be affected were well known, like the vocalist G.S.B. Ranee Perera, and Newton Gunaratne.

When I heard of this situation, I met the Minister and the Secretary, with the intention of exploring other avenues, and avoiding such a drastic measure. The SLBC was working normally and I did not think that wasting precious time on what may have happened in the past, when there was so much to be done in the future was a wise move. I could see that to an extent the Minister and the Secretary were also caught up in the general climate, and that this was not a measure that they had initiated entirely on their own.

Under the circumstances, after much discussion, the best that could be done was to convert the interdiction into compulsory leave, so that pending a final resolution, they at least got their salary. There was another thing I did. I did not want the letters of compulsory leave served on them as a routine matter by the Administration division. After all, they were our employees, and I felt that it was necessary for me to face them and talk to them personally, and do whatever I could to soften the blow. I spoke to them, advised them, hoped that matters could be sorted out soon, and assured them that I would do whatever was possible to close this chapter early. They thanked me. Some of them told me that they appreciated the fact that I had personally taken the trouble to speak to them which made them feel much better.

Meeting other trade unions

I met all the other trade unions one by one very early. One of the most professional was the Ceylon Mercantile Union (CMU). They were well prepared, spoke to the point and was ever alert to drive a hard bargain. At the same time, they did not quibble. For instance, they protested vehemently at what they referred to as a political transfer, where one of their members had been transferred from one division of the Corporation to another. They talked about injustice and political victimization.

I replied that it was indeed a politically directed transfer; but it entailed no demotion or hardship; and that such transfers had been kept down to a minimum. I then said “You and I have been born and bred in this country, we know the conditions here, and we are practical persons. Are you seriously telling me that in our context, that a government which had swept into power with over a five-sixths majority cannot order the transfer of an officer from one division to another in a public institution?”

They dropped the matter immediately. If an argument had force, they acknowledged it. The same could not be said of any other union. Others were efficient and effective in patches. With them, in many instances an effective argument evoked an emotional response. When they failed to maintain their line during rigorous examination of the merits, they changed track and resorted to emotional appeals and extraneous matters. But all in all most of them were good and well meaning people and I had no major problems with them.

The Board of Directors

The Board of Directors of the Corporation consisted of some interesting people such as Professor Tilak Ratnakara of the Economics Department of the University of Kelaniya and the Ven. Hettimulle Vajirabuddhi. Professor Ratnakara was regarded as an economic pundit of the UNP. He was a decent man but with a strain of idiosyncrasy. There were times he engaged in very fertile flights of fancy and one had to wait until they were exhausted. An interruption during this period led to ill temper. So one switched off and waited until the fuel was burned out.

At other moments, he could be very rational and constructive. Ven. Vajirabuddhi was dark, stocky and powerfully built. I had met him earlier and I have referred to this in an earlier chapter. He was also somewhat mercurial in temperament. He could be quite soft spoken one moment and explosive at another. The other members of the Board had legal and public service backgrounds and were steadier in temperament. One required considerable tact to steer the discussion and arrive at implementable decisions.

A visit to Mrs. Bandaranaike

Just as with the change of government in 1970, I could not take proper leave of my then Minister Mr. M.D. Banda, until much later, I was in the same predicament in relation to Mrs. Bandaranaike. Except for the hurried visit to Horagolla, which I have already referred to, I could not really talk to her. Therefore, one day, after I had settled down in Broadcasting, I told my Minister Mr. D.B. Wijetunge that I needed to go and see Mrs. Bandaranaike, since I had not been able to suitably bid farewell to her. Mr. Wijetunge, willingly gave me permission. Thereafter, I made an appointment and went with my wife to meet her at her residence in Rosmead Place. We were happy to see each other, after all the changes that had occurred. Mrs. Bandaranaike was relaxed and not pressed for time, and we talked for almost two hours. During the course of this conversation, she said that she had received a long personal letter from Mrs. Gandhi which she found greatly encouraging as well as consoling. She wanted me to see it and she went upstairs and fetched it.

The letter clearly showed how close, personal and mutually respectful the relationship between them was. The central portion of this long letter was Mrs. Gandhi’s prediction of the political harassment that Mrs. Bandaranaike would be subjected to and it was based very much on her own experience in India. The letter went beyond generalized prediction into specifics and described in some detail, the manner and mode of probable denigration and political attack.

At the same time, she counseled Mrs. Bandaranaike to remain unshaken, to ride the storm and to fight back. Apart from the intense personal concern displayed, the letter was a telling narration of the uglier side of South Asian politics, where to this day, one sees politics as a source of boosting personal egos and achieving personal and party advantages, rather than true disinterested national service. The fact that much happened, in exactly the way predicted by Mrs. Gandhi was an indication of the rooted deficiencies of our political society.

Attending to issues at the SLBC

I was Chairman and Director-General of Broadcasting only for a period of a little over four months, before I was reassigned. Therefore, a lengthy account of my stewardship in this post would not be necessary. I would however, like to briefly touch upon some salient issues. Firstly, on the management side, I found the organization to lack sufficient vigour. There had developed a looseness dangerously bordering on the careless.

For instance, a Sinhala news reader, who had to do the 6.30 a.m. news bulletin came late by about ten minutes, delaying the station opening, in spite of the fact that a car was sent to her residence to pick her up. She had to be sent on compulsory leave pending an inquiry. A large number of employees had got into the habit of aimlessly walking the corridors. That had to be stopped. There were employees playing carom in the canteen, during office hours. The carom boards had to be taken into custody and released only during the lunch hour and after 5 p.m.

Stern action was promised against anyone smelling of liquor. ‘The Directors of the divisions were enjoined to have a regular monthly meeting with their staff and the minutes of the meetings sent up to me. I met the Directors once a fortnight. I met the Trade Unions representing all parties and groups regularly. Through these meetings we were able to identify a long checklist of items that needed to be worked on and followed up. The list was then prioritized and specific time periods set for completion of action.

In some instances we later found, that implementation was on schedule, but the quality of the implementation poor. Quality checks were then installed. For some reason, the annual administration report of the Corporation had not been written for a number of years. Therefore, the reports and accounts had not been laid before Parliament. The rectification of this situation was begun. All in all, the entire administration and management of the institution had to be toned up and a degree of rigour injected into the system. This process was set in motion.

On the program and quality side too, a great deal of collaborative effort had to be put in. Here, unfortunately, we did not have a free hand. Politics came into contention. During the period of the previous government some radio artistes, especially singers had been sidelined allegedly on political grounds, Now with a five-sixths majority in Parliament they wanted to make up for lost time, and virtually demanded five-sixths of programs. The genre of many of them was Sinhala pop, and although I resisted consistently and continuously creating a serious imbalance in the Sinhala music programs, this happened. This initial surge could not be stopped, although towards my last month in office things were coming more into balance.

Among the varied programme activities, I was particularly interested in a program initiated by Mr. C. de S. Kulatillake on regional customs, dialects, and language peculiarities, including the Veddah language. We did not have television at this time and there was the danger, that with increased urbanization and migration, some of these linguistic and cultural aspects would be lost forever. I therefore, heavily backed Mr. Kulatilleke’s research and recordings and found ways and means of finding extra funds to sustain his program.

(Excerpted from In Pursuit of Governance, autobiography of MDD Pieris)



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Disaster-proofing paradise: Sri Lanka’s new path to global resilience

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iyadasa Advisor to the Ministry of Science & Technology and a Board of Directors of Sri Lanka Atomic Energy Regulatory Council A value chain management consultant to www.vivonta.lk

As climate shocks multiply worldwide from unseasonal droughts and flash floods to cyclones that now carry unpredictable fury Sri Lanka, long known for its lush biodiversity and heritage, stands at a crossroads. We can either remain locked in a reactive cycle of warnings and recovery, or boldly transform into the world’s first disaster-proof tropical nation — a secure haven for citizens and a trusted destination for global travelers.

The Presidential declaration to transition within one year from a limited, rainfall-and-cyclone-dependent warning system to a full-spectrum, science-enabled resilience model is not only historic — it’s urgent. This policy shift marks the beginning of a new era: one where nature, technology, ancient wisdom, and community preparedness work in harmony to protect every Sri Lankan village and every visiting tourist.

The Current System’s Fatal Gaps

Today, Sri Lanka’s disaster management system is dangerously underpowered for the accelerating climate era. Our primary reliance is on monsoon rainfall tracking and cyclone alerts — helpful, but inadequate in the face of multi-hazard threats such as flash floods, landslides, droughts, lightning storms, and urban inundation.

Institutions are fragmented; responsibilities crisscross between agencies, often with unclear mandates and slow decision cycles. Community-level preparedness is minimal — nearly half of households lack basic knowledge on what to do when a disaster strikes. Infrastructure in key regions is outdated, with urban drains, tank sluices, and bunds built for rainfall patterns of the 1960s, not today’s intense cloudbursts or sea-level rise.

Critically, Sri Lanka is not yet integrated with global planetary systems — solar winds, El Niño cycles, Indian Ocean Dipole shifts — despite clear evidence that these invisible climate forces shape our rainfall, storm intensity, and drought rhythms. Worse, we have lost touch with our ancestral systems of environmental management — from tank cascades to forest sanctuaries — that sustained this island for over two millennia.

This system, in short, is outdated, siloed, and reactive. And it must change.

A New Vision for Disaster-Proof Sri Lanka

Under the new policy shift, Sri Lanka will adopt a complete resilience architecture that transforms climate disaster prevention into a national development strategy. This system rests on five interlinked pillars:

Science and Predictive Intelligence

We will move beyond surface-level forecasting. A new national climate intelligence platform will integrate:

AI-driven pattern recognition of rainfall and flood events

Global data from solar activity, ocean oscillations (ENSO, MJO, IOD)

High-resolution digital twins of floodplains and cities

Real-time satellite feeds on cyclone trajectory and ocean heat

The adverse impacts of global warming—such as sea-level rise, the proliferation of pests and diseases affecting human health and food production, and the change of functionality of chlorophyll—must be systematically captured, rigorously analysed, and addressed through proactive, advance decision-making.

This fusion of local and global data will allow days to weeks of anticipatory action, rather than hours of late alerts.

Advanced Technology and Early Warning Infrastructure

Cell-broadcast alerts in all three national languages, expanded weather radar, flood-sensing drones, and tsunami-resilient siren networks will be deployed. Community-level sensors in key river basins and tanks will monitor and report in real-time. Infrastructure projects will now embed climate-risk metrics — from cyclone-proof buildings to sea-level-ready roads.

Governance Overhaul

A new centralised authority — Sri Lanka Climate & Earth Systems Resilience Authority — will consolidate environmental, meteorological, Geological, hydrological, and disaster functions. It will report directly to the Cabinet with a real-time national dashboard. District Disaster Units will be upgraded with GN-level digital coordination. Climate literacy will be declared a national priority.

People Power and Community Preparedness

We will train 25,000 village-level disaster wardens and first responders. Schools will run annual drills for floods, cyclones, tsunamis and landslides. Every community will map its local hazard zones and co-create its own resilience plan. A national climate citizenship programme will reward youth and civil organisations contributing to early warning systems, reforestation (riverbank, slopy land and catchment areas) , or tech solutions.

Reviving Ancient Ecological Wisdom

Sri Lanka’s ancestors engineered tank cascades that regulated floods, stored water, and cooled microclimates. Forest belts protected valleys; sacred groves were biodiversity reservoirs. This policy revives those systems:

Restoring 10,000 hectares of tank ecosystems

Conserving coastal mangroves and reintroducing stone spillways

Integrating traditional seasonal calendars with AI forecasts

Recognising Vedda knowledge of climate shifts as part of national risk strategy

Our past and future must align, or both will be lost.

A Global Destination for Resilient Tourism

Climate-conscious travelers increasingly seek safe, secure, and sustainable destinations. Under this policy, Sri Lanka will position itself as the world’s first “climate-safe sanctuary island” — a place where:

Resorts are cyclone- and tsunami-resilient

Tourists receive live hazard updates via mobile apps

World Heritage Sites are protected by environmental buffers

Visitors can witness tank restoration, ancient climate engineering, and modern AI in action

Sri Lanka will invite scientists, startups, and resilience investors to join our innovation ecosystem — building eco-tourism that’s disaster-proof by design.

Resilience as a National Identity

This shift is not just about floods or cyclones. It is about redefining our identity. To be Sri Lankan must mean to live in harmony with nature and to be ready for its changes. Our ancestors did it. The science now supports it. The time has come.

Let us turn Sri Lanka into the world’s first climate-resilient heritage island — where ancient wisdom meets cutting-edge science, and every citizen stands protected under one shield: a disaster-proof nation.

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The minstrel monk and Rafiki the old mandrill in The Lion King – I

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Why is national identity so important for a people? AI provides us with an answer worth understanding critically (Caveat: Even AI wisdom should be subjected to the Buddha’s advice to the young Kalamas):

‘A strong sense of identity is crucial for a people as it fosters belonging, builds self-worth, guides behaviour, and provides resilience, allowing individuals to feel connected, make meaningful choices aligned with their values, and maintain mental well-being even amidst societal changes or challenges, acting as a foundation for individual and collective strength. It defines “who we are” culturally and personally, driving shared narratives, pride, political action, and healthier relationships by grounding people in common values, traditions, and a sense of purpose.’

Ethnic Sinhalese who form about 75% of the Sri Lankan population have such a unique identity secured by the binding medium of their Buddhist faith. It is significant that 93% of them still remain Buddhist (according to 2024 statistics/wikipedia), professing Theravada Buddhism, after four and a half centuries of coercive Christianising European occupation that ended in 1948. The Sinhalese are a unique ancient island people with a 2500 year long recorded history, their own language and country, and their deeply evolved Buddhist cultural identity.

Buddhism can be defined, rather paradoxically, as a non-religious religion, an eminently practical ethical-philosophy based on mind cultivation, wisdom and universal compassion. It is  an ethico-spiritual value system that prioritises human reason and unaided (i.e., unassisted by any divine or supernatural intervention) escape from suffering through self-realisation. Sri Lanka’s benignly dominant Buddhist socio-cultural background naturally allows unrestricted freedom of religion, belief or non-belief for all its citizens, and makes the country a safe spiritual haven for them. The island’s Buddha Sasana (Dispensation of the Buddha) is the inalienable civilisational treasure that our ancestors of two and a half millennia have bequeathed to us. It is this enduring basis of our identity as a nation which bestows on us the personal and societal benefits of inestimable value mentioned in the AI summary given at the beginning of  this essay.

It was this inherent national identity that the Sri Lankan contestant at the 72nd Miss World 2025 pageant held in Hyderabad, India, in May last year, Anudi Gunasekera, proudly showcased before the world, during her initial self-introduction. She started off with a verse from the Dhammapada (a Pali Buddhist text), which she explained as meaning “Refrain from all evil and cultivate good”. She declared, “And I believe that’s my purpose in life”. Anudi also mentioned that Sri Lanka had gone through a lot “from conflicts to natural disasters, pandemics, economic crises….”, adding, “and yet, my people remain hopeful, strong, and resilient….”.

 “Ayubowan! I am Anudi Gunasekera from Sri Lanka. It is with immense pride that I represent my Motherland, a nation of resilience, timeless beauty, and a proud history, Sri Lanka.

“I come from Anuradhapura, Sri Lanka’s first capital, and UNESCO World Heritage site, with its history and its legacy of sacred monuments and stupas…….”.

The “inspiring words” that Anudi quoted are from the Dhammapada (Verse 183), which runs, in English translation: “To avoid all evil/To cultivate good/and to cleanse one’s mind -/this is the teaching of the Buddhas”. That verse is so significant because it defines the basic ‘teaching of the Buddhas’ (i.e., Buddha Sasana; this is how Walpole Rahula Thera defines Buddha Sasana in his celebrated introduction to Buddhism ‘What the Buddha Taught’ first published in1959).

Twenty-five year old Anudi Gunasekera is an alumna of the University of Kelaniya, where she earned a bachelor’s degree in International Studies. She is planning to do a Master’s in the same field. Her ambition is to join the foreign service in Sri Lanka. Gen Z’er Anudi is already actively engaged in social service. The Saheli Foundation is her own initiative launched to address period poverty (i.e., lack of access to proper sanitation facilities, hygiene and health education, etc.) especially  among women and post-puberty girls of low-income classes in rural and urban Sri Lanka.

Young Anudi is primarily inspired by her patriotic devotion to ‘my Motherland, a nation of resilience, timeless beauty, and a proud history, Sri Lanka’. In post-independence Sri Lanka, thousands of young men and women of her age have constantly dedicated themselves, oftentimes making the supreme sacrifice, motivated by a sense of national identity, by the thought ‘This is our beloved Motherland, these are our beloved people’.

The rescue and recovery of Sri Lanka from the evil aftermath of a decade of subversive ‘Aragalaya’ mayhem is waiting to be achieved, in every sphere of national engagement, including, for example, economics, communications, culture and politics, by the enlightened Anudi Gunasekeras and their male counterparts of the Gen Z, but not by the demented old stragglers lingering in the political arena listening to the unnerving rattle of “Time’s winged chariot hurrying near”, nor by the baila blaring monks at propaganda rallies.

Politically active monks (Buddhist bhikkhus) are only a handful out of  the Maha Sangha (the general body of Buddhist bhikkhus) in Sri  Lanka, who numbered just over 42,000  in 2024. The vast majority of monks spend their time quietly attending to their monastic duties. Buddhism upholds social and emotional virtues such as universal compassion, empathy, tolerance and forgiveness that protect a society from the evils of tribalism, religious bigotry and death-dealing religious piety.

Not all monks who express or promote political opinions should be censured. I choose to condemn only those few monks who abuse the yellow robe as a shield in their narrow partisan politics. I cannot bring myself to disapprove of the many socially active monks, who are articulating the genuine problems that the Buddha Sasana is facing today. The two bhikkhus who are the most despised monks in the commercial media these days are Galaboda-aththe Gnanasara and Ampitiye Sumanaratana Theras.  They have a problem with their mood swings. They have long been whistleblowers trying to raise awareness respectively, about spreading religious fundamentalism, especially, violent Islamic Jihadism, in the country and about the vandalising of the Buddhist archaeological heritage sites of the north and east provinces. The two middle-aged monks (Gnanasara and Sumanaratana) belong to this respectable category. Though they are relentlessly attacked in the social media or hardly given any positive coverage of the service they are doing, they do nothing more than try to persuade the rulers to take appropriate action to resolve those problems while not trespassing on the rights of people of other faiths.

These monks have to rely on lay political leaders to do the needful, without themselves taking part in sectarian politics in the manner of ordinary members of the secular society. Their generally demonised social image is due, in my opinion, to  three main reasons among others: 1) spreading misinformation and disinformation about them by those who do not like what they are saying and doing, 2) their own lack of verbal restraint, and 3) their being virtually abandoned to the wolves by the temporal and spiritual authorities.

(To be continued)

By Rohana R. Wasala ✍️

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US’ drastic aid cut to UN poses moral challenge to world

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An UN humanitarian mission in the Gaza. [File: Ashraf Amra/Anadolu Agency]

‘Adapt, shrink or die’ – thus runs the warning issued by the Trump administration to UN humanitarian agencies with brute insensitivity in the wake of its recent decision to drastically reduce to $2bn its humanitarian aid to the UN system. This is a substantial climb down from the $17bn the US usually provided to the UN for its humanitarian operations.

Considering that the US has hitherto been the UN’s biggest aid provider, it need hardly be said that the US decision would pose a daunting challenge to the UN’s humanitarian operations around the world. This would indeed mean that, among other things, people living in poverty and stifling material hardships, in particularly the Southern hemisphere, could dramatically increase. Coming on top of the US decision to bring to an end USAID operations, the poor of the world could be said to have been left to their devices as a consequence of these morally insensitive policy rethinks of the Trump administration.

Earlier, the UN had warned that it would be compelled to reduce its aid programs in the face of ‘the deepest funding cuts ever.’ In fact the UN is on record as requesting the world for $23bn for its 2026 aid operations.

If this UN appeal happens to go unheeded, the possibilities are that the UN would not be in a position to uphold the status it has hitherto held as the world’s foremost humanitarian aid provider. It would not be incorrect to state that a substantial part of the rationale for the UN’s existence could come in for questioning if its humanitarian identity is thus eroded.

Inherent in these developments is a challenge for those sections of the international community that wish to stand up and be counted as humanists and the ‘Conscience of the World.’ A responsibility is cast on them to not only keep the UN system going but to also ensure its increased efficiency as a humanitarian aid provider to particularly the poorest of the poor.

It is unfortunate that the US is increasingly opting for a position of international isolation. Such a policy position was adopted by it in the decades leading to World War Two and the consequences for the world as a result of this policy posture were most disquieting. For instance, it opened the door to the flourishing of dictatorial regimes in the West, such as that led by Adolph Hitler in Germany, which nearly paved the way for the subjugation of a good part of Europe by the Nazis.

If the US had not intervened militarily in the war on the side of the Allies, the West would have faced the distressing prospect of coming under the sway of the Nazis and as a result earned indefinite political and military repression. By entering World War Two the US helped to ward off these bleak outcomes and indeed helped the major democracies of Western Europe to hold their own and thrive against fascism and dictatorial rule.

Republican administrations in the US in particular have not proved the greatest defenders of democratic rule the world over, but by helping to keep the international power balance in favour of democracy and fundamental human rights they could keep under a tight leash fascism and linked anti-democratic forces even in contemporary times. Russia’s invasion and continued occupation of parts of Ukraine reminds us starkly that the democracy versus fascism battle is far from over.

Right now, the US needs to remain on the side of the rest of the West very firmly, lest fascism enjoys another unfettered lease of life through the absence of countervailing and substantial military and political power.

However, by reducing its financial support for the UN and backing away from sustaining its humanitarian programs the world over the US could be laying the ground work for an aggravation of poverty in the South in particular and its accompaniments, such as, political repression, runaway social discontent and anarchy.

What should not go unnoticed by the US is the fact that peace and social stability in the South and the flourishing of the same conditions in the global North are symbiotically linked, although not so apparent at first blush. For instance, if illegal migration from the South to the US is a major problem for the US today, it is because poor countries are not receiving development assistance from the UN system to the required degree. Such deprivation on the part of the South leads to aggravating social discontent in the latter and consequences such as illegal migratory movements from South to North.

Accordingly, it will be in the North’s best interests to ensure that the South is not deprived of sustained development assistance since the latter is an essential condition for social contentment and stable governance, which factors in turn would guard against the emergence of phenomena such as illegal migration.

Meanwhile, democratic sections of the rest of the world in particular need to consider it a matter of conscience to ensure the sustenance and flourishing of the UN system. To be sure, the UN system is considerably flawed but at present it could be called the most equitable and fair among international development organizations and the most far-flung one. Without it world poverty would have proved unmanageable along with the ills that come along with it.

Dehumanizing poverty is an indictment on humanity. It stands to reason that the world community should rally round the UN and ensure its survival lest the abomination which is poverty flourishes. In this undertaking the world needs to stand united. Ambiguities on this score could be self-defeating for the world community.

For example, all groupings of countries that could demonstrate economic muscle need to figure prominently in this initiative. One such grouping is BRICS. Inasmuch as the US and the West should shrug aside Realpolitik considerations in this enterprise, the same goes for organizations such as BRICS.

The arrival at the above international consensus would be greatly facilitated by stepped up dialogue among states on the continued importance of the UN system. Fresh efforts to speed-up UN reform would prove major catalysts in bringing about these positive changes as well. Also requiring to be shunned is the blind pursuit of narrow national interests.

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