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National People’s Power (NPP) government has stabilized the economy over the past four months – President
President Anura Kumara Disanayake stated that the National People’s Power (NPP) government has stabilized the economy over the past four months that has instilled confidence in the country’s ability to move toward a prosperous future.
He further noted that the government has achieved numerous economic victories, increased state revenue, and resumed several stalled development projects initiated with foreign assistance, thereby signaling economic stability to the nation.
President Disanayake made these remarks on Friday (21) during the parliamentary debate on the third reading of the budget.
He asserted that those who attempt to disrupt this national progress for political gain will ultimately be rendered irrelevant in politics. He emphasized that the only path available to all politicians in the country today is to align with and support the government’s development agenda.
Additionally, the President stated that the era of media-driven politics has come to an end, arguing that if such an approach were still effective, the current government would not have come to power. He described the present administration as a political movement that remains engaged in continuous dialogue with the people.
Reflecting on past opportunities to rebuild the nation that was squandered, President Disanayake stressed that neither he nor his government would let the current opportunity slip away. He reiterated that their mission will only conclude once the country has been fully rescued from its current challenges.
President Anura Kumara Disanayake stated that neither he nor any minister in the government harbours personal ambitions; instead, their only aspiration is the well-being of the country and its people. He firmly assured that this vision will be realized and invited all members of the opposition to be active participants in the nation’s journey toward success, rather than being remembered in history as obstacles to progress.
Further elaborating on his views, the President remarked:
“This is one of the longest budget debates held in Parliament in recent times. Previously, adequate time was not allocated for such discussions, but we ensured a full-length debate. During this discussion, various points were raised; some out of pain, others out of anger. Some of these concerns were valid. We are not surprised by expressions of pain or anger. When lands in Hanthana are lost, pain is inevitable. It is saddening. The documents related to this matter are available at the Presidential Secretariat. We understand the frustration and outrage. However, we must also be prepared to embrace what is beneficial and reject what is not.
We are a political movement that firmly believes the country’s economic system must undergo a decisive transformation and we are actively working toward that goal. Moreover, we clearly understand how to implement this transformation. If the economy were in a strong and crisis-free state, this shift could happen swiftly. However, given the dire economic situation, the transformation must be carefully planned and executed over time.
Therefore, we fully understand the concerns being raised. For a long time, this country has followed economic policies that have failed to serve its people. Now, we are taking decisive steps to establish an economy that benefits both the country and its citizens. To achieve this transformation, our first priority is to stabilize the economy. An economy burdened by multiple crises cannot withstand sudden, large-scale changes. A vehicle with broken wheels cannot make sharp turns; first, the wheels must be fixed. That is why we are systematically working to steer the economy forward with careful planning.
We inherited a state that was officially declared bankrupt, not just officially, but in reality as well. There was a massive gap between the country’s revenue and expenditure. While the expected total revenue was LKR 4,999 billion, debt interest payments alone required LKR 2,950 billion. Additionally, LKR 1,352 billion was needed for public sector salaries and LKR 442 billion for pension payments. This meant that from the total revenue of LKR 4,990 billion, LKR 4,744 billion was immediately spent on interest, salaries and pensions, leaving only LKR 246 billion. An economy in such a dire state cannot be turned around overnight.
Furthermore, the country is burdened with a significant amount of debt and a collection of state institutions that incur massive annual losses. Last year, the Sri Lanka Rupavahini Corporation recorded a loss of LKR 256 million, with outstanding debt amounting to LKR 1,834 million. The Sri Lanka Broadcasting Corporation reported a loss of LKR 152 million, while its debt stood at LKR 1,603 million. The Independent Television Network (ITN) had a debt of LKR 1,476 million. Lanka Sugar Company carried a debt of LKR 11,165 million, the State Plantation Corporation owed LKR 3,216 million, Milco (Pvt) Ltd had a debt of LKR 15,090 million and SriLankan Airlines was burdened with nearly LKR 340 billion in debt.
With such conditions, the revenue generated by the state was barely sufficient to cover the fundamental expenditures I previously outlined. The country we inherited was one with highly concentrated and insufficient revenue. Additionally, the segment of society contributing to the national economy was extremely small. For instance, 90% of Sri Lanka’s export income is generated by just 10% of exporters. Similarly, approximately 69% of the revenue collected by the Department of Inland Revenue comes from around 600 tax files.
Moreover, we had become a bankrupt state in the eyes of the world; a country unable to secure loans and one where trust in the banking system had collapsed. Therefore, our first and foremost responsibility was to stabilize the economy. Without economic stability, we were not prepared to undertake any major transformations. History has shown that every economic shift attempted without first achieving stability has resulted in negative consequences.
When we took over the government, Sri Lanka was already engaged in a four-year Extended Fund Facility (EFF) program with the International Monetary Fund (IMF). We were faced with two choices: either to continue with this program or to abandon it. While many expected us to walk away from the IMF agreement, we did not fall into that trap. We knew that given the fragile state of the economy, even a small misstep on our part could lead to severe economic repercussions. As a government, our primary responsibility in restoring a collapsed economy was to ensure that we did not make even minor mistakes.
Accordingly, our first priority was to establish economic stability in the country. Today, no one can claim that Sri Lanka lacks economic stability. I must emphasize that we worked tirelessly to achieve this stability. As a key milestone in this effort, on December 21 of last year, our country was officially declared free from bankruptcy. Until that point, we were a state that had defaulted on its debt. However, we have now transitioned to a country that, while not currently repaying its debt, has reached an agreement on its repayment. We have secured an extension until 2028 to begin settling our outstanding debts.
As a bankrupt nation, our country suffered immense damage. Consequently, many development projects that were dependent on foreign aid came to a halt. However, after Sri Lanka was freed from bankruptcy, the respective countries have decided to resume these projects. This is a clear indication of the country’s growing stability.
Additionally, with the visit of Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi to Sri Lanka on April 5, work on the Sampur power plant is set to commence. Similarly, within the next two months, a new solar power plant in Siyambalanduwa and a 50-megawatt wind power plant in Mannar will begin operations.
We have successfully steered the country from economic instability to stability. We have restored confidence among businesses, investors and international financial institutions regarding Sri Lanka’s financial standing. Today, the exchange rate has remained stable at approximately LKR 300 per USD for the past three years; an achievement that had not been seen in recent history.
Furthermore, Sri Lanka has transitioned from being a high-risk debtor nation to one with reduced debt risk. Trust in the banking system has been reinstated and interest rates have been brought down to single digits. By mid-year, we anticipate achieving positive inflation growth. In the past two months, the highest recorded remittance inflow from migrant workers in recent history was received, signifying growing confidence in the country’s economic stability.
Additionally, Sri Lanka has seen a significant influx of tourists. As of March 17, over 610,000 tourists had arrived in the country. We can confidently predict that this year will see the highest number of tourist arrivals in Sri Lanka’s history.
In Parliament, we have often observed discrepancies between estimated and actual revenue figures. However, in 2024, the Department of Customs met the estimated revenue target. We initially projected an income of LKR 356 billion from the Inland Revenue Department, but by March 17, the actual revenue had reached LKR 438 billion. Similarly, in January, the Customs Department’s revenue surpassed its estimated target.
Furthermore, we are striving to generate revenue that exceeds our projected income for this year. Achieving economic stability is crucial for the country, as substantial transformations in the economy cannot be realized without first securing such stability. In the past, private entrepreneurs lacked confidence in the nation’s economic landscape. Progress cannot be made without fostering trust among key economic stakeholders. The economy cannot be managed based on mere intuition; rather, we rely on data, analytical assessments, and conclusions drawn from those analyses to steer the country’s economic direction.
The decision to permit motor vehicle imports is a highly sensitive one, and we are continuously reviewing it to ensure we achieve our intended objectives.
You are free to engage in political discourse as much as you wish, but we earnestly request that false information, which could destabilize the economy, not be disseminated. Individuals identified as economic experts must ensure their statements are responsible, as reckless claims can create significant instability in the financial markets. Stabilizing the economy is not solely the government’s responsibility; it is a collective duty that we must all fulfill as citizens and public representatives.
We may engage in political debates, but I must once again appeal that false and damaging economic information not be spread. In a well-functioning economy, such statements may not have severe consequences. However, at a time when we are carefully navigating an economic recovery, it is critical not to create unnecessary doubt. If you have concerns, let us discuss them. Do not irresponsibly propagate unverified claims. This is a moment when we must all act responsibly to stabilize the economy.
At the same time, we cannot allow the lives of our citizens to stagnate until economic stability is fully achieved. We are systematically implementing measures to boost local production while also providing necessary relief to safeguard the livelihoods of the general public. Accordingly, we have increased the fertilizer subsidy from Rs. 15,000 to Rs. 25,000 and, in a recent Cabinet decision, allocated an additional Rs. 15,000 for excess crops cultivated in paddy fields. Furthermore, we have enhanced compensation for harvest losses. We will never abandon our duty to support the people.
We have allocated a Rs. 6,000 allowance for 1.6 million schoolchildren to purchase books and supplies. These programs are being implemented despite the economic challenges we face. Additionally, we have increased the allowance for kidney patients from Rs. 7,500 to Rs. 10,000 and raised the elderly allowance from Rs. 3,000 to Rs. 5,000. Moreover, we have increased the pensions of retirees by Rs. 3,000. We remain committed to the welfare of our citizens.
We have taken steps to increase the Mahapola scholarship from Rs. 5,000 to Rs. 7,500 and the student allowance from Rs. 4,000 to Rs. 6,500. Additionally, we have decided to provide an allowance of Rs. 5,000 for orphaned children and deposit Rs. 3,000 into their fixed savings accounts. Furthermore, when an orphan, particularly a young girl, residing in a state institution reaches the age of marriage, we have allocated Rs. 1 million for the construction of a house. We take full responsibility for the welfare of these children. We have also increased the daily meal allowance for preschool children from Rs. 60 to Rs. 100.
Regarding salary increases for public sector employees, we focused on two key issues. There was a prevailing trend of skilled government officials leaving the country, and simultaneously, we struggled to attract individuals with specialized expertise and competence to the public sector. Despite financial challenges, we recognized the necessity of implementing a meaningful salary increase for public sector employees.
This was an unanticipated increase in basic salaries. We implemented this increase based on a scientific approach, alongside enhancements to other allowances. We also made adjustments to previously unaddressed salary scales to ensure tangible improvements. However, if future adjustments to this framework are deemed necessary while safeguarding core principles and integrity, we are prepared to take action. Our ultimate goal is to establish an efficient and well-functioning public sector.
What, then, is the opposition doing today? Even if I were to assume the presidency today, I would still be entitled to a parliamentary pension—a fact I was previously unaware of. However, upon learning of it, I immediately submitted a request to Parliament to forgo this pension. A Member of Parliament who becomes President receives both the parliamentary pension and the presidential salary. In the past, such benefits were distributed at will. Similarly, when an MP is appointed as a Minister, they receive both a ministerial salary and a parliamentary salary. However, we have decided that our ministers and deputy ministers will only receive the MP salary.
If we are to transform this country, the political system must change. Accordingly, we are expediting the introduction of a bill to abolish parliamentary pensions. We are also swiftly amending the Presidents Entitlements Act and presenting it to Parliament. In the near future, we will introduce several key bills that all members of Parliament should unite to support. Furthermore, MPs will no longer receive duty-free vehicle permits, and we uphold the policy that a Member of Parliament should receive an official vehicle only during their tenure.
We have also reduced the number of Cabinet Ministers to 21, with Deputy Ministers appointed accordingly. Ministers are no longer provided with official residences. Establishing political stability in the country is essential, and when ministers and politicians lead by example through sacrifices, public servants must also be prepared to follow suit. Instead of engaging in superficial debates over dignity and pride, we must focus on substantive progress.
We have paid special attention to the issue of unemployed graduates and are ensuring that job placements follow a proper policy framework. We have identified 15,300 vacancies in the public sector, and the relevant committee has approved the filling of these positions. As a result, we plan to recruit 30,000 individuals into government positions, ensuring that the process is carried out transparently and systematically. However, we must avoid unnecessary over-recruitment, and I urge all members of Parliament to exercise restraint in this regard. We recognize the importance of public service, but the financial burden of maintaining the public sector is extremely high. Therefore, we are proceeding with a carefully planned approach.
If our government were merely to continue the existing system, governance would be far easier. However, the people elected us to bring about meaningful reforms for the nation’s progress.
In this endeavor, the business community plays a critical role. Everyone must pay taxes fairly, and we are committed to enforcing the law against tax evasion. At the same time, we assure that every rupee collected in taxes will be safeguarded and utilized responsibly. We also plan to introduce special incentives for taxpayers.
We must rebuild public trust in the nation’s tax system. We are fostering a new political culture to achieve this. When people are confident that their tax contributions are managed transparently and efficiently, they will willingly comply. In the past, taxpayers hesitated because they saw their contributions being misused. We are committed to changing this perception and restoring trust in the system.
Moreover, professionals must contribute to national development. The government must ensure that essential services are provided without imposing additional costs on the people. Corruption weakens the public sector and hinders economic growth. Corruption is an economic crime, and we will take strict measures to address it. The state must be reformed. We must eliminate the deeply rooted culture of corruption within the government apparatus.
We are also committed to creating a more investment-friendly environment within the country, introducing an Investment Protection Act. Additionally, we are in the process of amending the Strategic Development Projects Act to ensure that tax concessions are granted based on national requirements rather than personal affiliations. This legislation will be presented to Parliament promptly.
Furthermore, we anticipate significant reforms in the education sector and have initiated a project to streamline the school system. By expanding vocational training and educational pathways, we aim to transform the education system in a way that secures a brighter future for the country’s children.
We are implementing necessary relief measures to support small and medium-scale entrepreneurs while also planning a substantial transformation in the agricultural sector. A major initiative is underway to develop a port-centric maritime economy, and with the assistance of the Asian Development Bank, we are expediting the construction of the Kerawalapitiya Container Terminal.
Through these measures, we strive to stabilize the national economy and guide the country towards its future goals. It is essential that we all come together and strengthen this journey as we move forward.
[PMD]
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Thailand’s divisive ex-PM is out of jail, but is the Thaksin era over?
For a man who spent most of the past 20 years in exile, and the past eight months in jail, the figure of former prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra still looms large over Thailand.
His release from prison at the age of 76 after serving part of a one-year sentence for corruption and abuses of power during his terms as prime minister from 2001 to 2006, was headline news in Thailand.
Hundreds of supporters wearing red cheered as Thaksin emerged from Bangkok’s Klong Prem jail on Monday, wearing a white shirt and short cropped hair.
Thaksin told reporters soon after his release that he was in good health and was “relieved”.
He was greeted outside Bangkok’s Klong Prem prison by family members, including his daughter and protege, former prime minister Paetongtarn Shinawatra.
Thaksin’s party Pheu Thai’s insistence that from now on he will remain in the background could not stop feverish media speculation over what role he might still play in Thai politics.
This is hardly surprising.
From the moment he swept to power in January 2001 Thaksin, a brash, self-made billionaire, has sought to reshape his country, winning devoted supporters and bitter opponents in equal measure. His parties kept winning elections, even after he was deposed by a coup in September 2006, but fear of his vaunting ambition in the powerful royalist establishment led to multiple court rulings against his allies, years of violent street clashes, and another coup in 2014.
Yet he refused to step back. He continued to run his party from abroad, and, after an apparent “grand bargain”, his conservative opponents allowed him to come home in 2023, to direct it once it was back in government again.
His continued popularity was evident outside the prison where his supporters had gathered.
One of them – Maysa Lombuarot – had driven 700km (435 miles) to see him released.
“Today I brought him 20kg of lychees. I know he likes them. Now that he’s free, I want him to eat something good,” she told the BBC, adding that she hoped he would continue his political career.
“I want him to help the country, to help the people who are suffering so much right now… only he can deliver what he promised,” she said.
And Thaksin does seem incapable of taking a back seat, whatever he may say about spending more time with his grandchildren.
This time, though, it really could be different.
Thaksin was jailed ;ast September, after the Supreme Court ruled that the six months he spent in a police hospital after his return to Thailand had been a ruse to avoid serving his sentence.
This verdict followed the collapse of the Pheu Thai-led coalition government less than two weeks earlier, when the Constitutional Court dismissed his daughter Paetongtarn as prime minister over a leaked phone conversation she had had with the Cambodian leader Hun Sen over how to handle the border dispute between the two countries. Once again, the powerful, conservative courts were determining his party’s fate, as they have so often in the recent past.
While Thaksin was behind bars, Pheu Thai had its worst-ever result in the February general election. It was pushed down to third place behind the reformist People’s Party, and eclipsedby the conservative Bhumjaithai party, which benefited from a surge of nationalist sentiment after the border war with Cambodia. Pheu Thai has been forced to accept being a junior coalition partner in the new government.
“Thaksin emerges from prison to a new political environment”, says political analyst Ken Lohatepanont.
“Pheu Thai has been sidelined as just a mid-sized party. You can never count Thaksin out, but the challenge that he and his Party face is of a different magnitude to those he has faced in the past. Pheu Thai will have to decide whether a public comeback for Thaksin will boost the party, or whether the party might be better served by placing the spotlight on their newer generation leaders.”

The jury is still out in Thailand over why the “grand bargain” with royalist forces which had allowed Thaksin to end his long exile in 2023 collapsed so quickly.
Had the conservatives always intended to use the courts to cripple the governments his party led? His first choice of prime minister was also dismissed by the courts on a seemingly trivial pretext.
Or were they provoked into moving against him by his refusal to stay in the background, his determination to drive his party’s agenda and to explore new and controversial areas of business?
Either way, the mistrust between Thaksin and Thai conservatives is now probably insurmountable. Even if he does still hanker after a prominent political role, he will almost certainly be barred from getting one.
The past 25 years in Thailand could reasonably be called “the Thaksin era”. That era is almost certainly over.
[BBC]
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Andy Flower fined for ‘use of an audible obscenity’ during Mumbai Indians clash
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Royal Challengers Bengaluru eliminate Mumbai Indians and go top after tense finish
A two-paced, up-and-down pitch in Raipur was the stage for one of the most enthralling contests of IPL 2026, and it ended in the most dramatic of last-ball finishes, with Royal Challengers Bengaluru (RCB) breaking a two-match losing streak to go to the top of the table. In doing so they ended the playoffs hopes of not just Mumbai Indians (MI), their opponents on the night, but also Lucknow Super Giants (LSG).
In the end, the finish defied explanation. With RCB needing two to win off the last ball, Rasikh Salam clipped a near-yorker from Raj Bawa back towards the bowler. Bawa fumbled, the ball dribbled into the mid-on region, and when Ryan Rickelton collected the throw and broke the wicket at the keeper’s end, Rasikh had just made his ground, diving to complete the second run.
Perhaps the only explanation was that two players did not deserve to be on the losing side. One was Bhuvneshwar Kumar. He took three wickets in a bewitching new-ball spell, then returned to take out MI’s top scorer at a crucial moment in the death overs, and then, batting at No. 10 with nine runs required from three balls, hit Bawa for a gloriously timed six over the leaping sweeper cover fielder. It was Bhuvneshwar’s first six in the IPL since 2016.
The other was Krunal Pandya. Promoted to No. 5 with RCB 39 for 3 in the sixth over, Krunal took charge of the chase, finding ways to hit boundaries even as everyone around him struggled to middle the ball, and hitting sixes while fighting cramps, and eventually scored 73 off 46 balls.
From the start it was evident that hard lengths would be extremely difficult to negotiate on this pitch. From these lengths, the ball stuck and jumped on some occasions, bringing the leading edge into play, and at other times it skidded and kept low.
After RCB opted to bowl in their first match at their second home for the season, Bhuvneshwar struck in the first over with a hard-length ball. It hit high on Rickelton’s bat as he looked to punch over mid-off, and all he managed to do was hit it to the fielder.
But there was more to Bhuvneshwar’s magic on the night than merely his use of the pitch. His second wicket came off one of the great balls of his IPL career: a knuckle-ball outswinger that made Rohit Sharma reach for the drive, which he edged to the keeper. Next ball, he went back to a traditional good length and closer to the stumps, and found late, late swing to get Suryakumar Yadav nicking to slip for a golden duck.
MI were 28 for 3 in three overs.
With the pitch behaving as it did, Naman Dhir and Tilak Varma began an old-school rebuild, knowing that even 180 would be an excellent total. And they set up perfectly for that final push, putting on 82 off 57 balls.
But RCB dismissed both just when they were looking dangerous. Dhir had just struck Rasikh for a pair of pleasing back-foot fours through the off side when a shooter did him in. Then, in the 18th over, Bhuvneshwar dismissed Tilak, who played on while looking for the scoop over short fine leg. It took away one of MI’s most dangerous death-overs hitters with two overs remaining; they only scored 11 runs off those two overs, as Josh Hazlewood and Rasikh kept extracting misbehaviour from hard lengths.
Virat Kohli had been out for a duck in RCB’s previous game, the victim of a peach from Prince Yadav. On Sunday he was out for a golden duck; this time he looked to impose himself on a wide outswinger from Deepak Chahar, but ended up mishitting it to mid-off.
Chahar was erratic – he conceded 14 in his first over, with Jacob Bethell putting him away for back-to-back fours off his first two balls – but continued to bowl good balls. In his second over, he sent down a jaffa that squared up Devdutt Padikkal and nicked him off, straightening after angling into the left-hander from round the wicket.
Then, in the final over of the powerplay, RCB lost their third wicket; this time, Corbin Bosch made full use of a pitch made for his strengths. He banged it in short, got the ball to hurry and cramp Rajat Patidar on the pull, and the top-edged ballooned to the keeper.
The fourth-wicket partnership of 55 was a study in contrasts. Bethell did not hit another boundary after the two he’d hit off Chahar at the start of his innings, and struggled to pierce the field while limping to a run-a-ball 27. At the other end, Krunal exuded a sense of certainty right from the time he pulled Bosch for six off just the third ball he faced.
His handling of spin was particularly crucial to how the chase unfolded. He used his reach to sweep and slog whenever the chance presented itself, and this may have made Suryakumar Yadav – standing in in the continued absence of Hardik Pandya with a back issue – hesitate to use Raghu Sharma, the legspinner MI had brought on as their Impact Player. Instead, he turned to Bawa’s military medium; his first over went for just eight runs, but Krunal and Jitesh Sharma took his second over, the 14th of RCB’s innings, for 16 runs.
That left RCB needing 57 off 36 balls.
Jitesh, coming into this game with an average of 8.00 for the season, played an important cameo, 18 off 12 including an eye-catching back-foot punch off Jasprit Bumrah in the 15th over, and a hooked six off Bosch in the 16th.
Just as the contest seemed to be tilting RCB’s way, though, Bosch hit back with two wickets in two balls. Jitesh sliced him into deep point’s hands, and Tim David fell for a first-baller, toe-ending an attempted pull to the keeper, undone by a ball that stopped on him. MI gained more control as Chahar conceded just six off the 17th over, using his slower bouncer expertly.
With 30 to get off the last three, and with Bumrah to bowl one of those three, the 18th over became crucial. And AM Ghazanfar nearly became a hero, inducing a mishit from Krunal only for Naman Dhir and Tilak Varma – converging from deep midwicket and long-on respectively – to mess up a possible relay catch via miscommunication.
Krunal was actively cramping at this stage, but he somehow found the reserves within him to hit two sixes off the next three balls, falling to the floor in agony after completing his shots. A third six off the final ball of the over would have left RCB needing 12 off 12, but this time Tilak judged and executed the running, juggling catch perfectly at long-on.
This meant Bumrah bowled the 19th to two new batters. And neither Romario Shepherd nor Rasikh had much of an answer to his mix of hard lengths and yorkers; only three came off the over, of which one was a leg bye.
It was the perfect assist. All that remained was for the final-over bowler to finish it off. But the three seamers had bowled out, and Suryakumar wasn’t going to use a spinner. So it was Bawa who stepped up, and he did a decent job under the circumstances; he overstepped once, and there were three wides, but these were the result of sticking to a wide-line plan. And Shepherd struggled against his round-the-wicket angle, losing shape while trying to muscle the ball, and he eventually fell off the third legal ball of the over, leaving Nos. 9 and 10 to score 10 off three balls.
On most days, you would back the bowling team to close it out. On this day, Bhuvneshwar was an irresistible force.
Brief scores:
Royal Challengers Bengaluru 167 for 8 in 20 overs (Jacob Bethell 27, Devudutt Padikkal 12, Krunal Pandya 73, Jitesh Sharma 18; Deepak Chahar 2-33, Corbin Bosch 4-26, A M Gazhanfar 1-33, Raj Bawa 1-39) beat Mumbai Indians 166 for 7 in 20 overs (Rohit Sharma 22, Naman Dhir 47, Tilak Verma 57, Will Jacks 10, Raj Bawa 16; Bhuvneshwar Kumar 4-23, Josh Hazelwood 1-33, Rasik Salam 1-42, Romario Shepherd 1-18) by two wickets
[Cricinfo]
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