Editorial
Only delivery can save govts.
Monday 27th January, 2025
Daisy Achchi’s estate is in the news again. A son of former President Mahinda Rajapaksa has been arrested over an issue related to it. A bag of gems belonging to Daisy Achchi received much publicity during the Yahapalana government (2015-2019), whose allies including the JVP dismissed her claims about how she inherited her property as a tall tale, but the Rathu Sahodarayas’ own assertion that they are leading the good life thanks to the generosity of some undisclosed well-wishers is no less absurd. They and their unnamed benefactors remind us of orphan Pip and his huge fortune, in the classical Dickensian bildungsroman, Great Expectations.
The JVP/NPP leaders speak ad nauseam about the market values of some former Presidents’ official residences and their imputed rents. Former President Mahinda Rajapaksa has said he would leave the state-owned house he is occupying if a written request/directive is made to that effect. So, all that the NPP administration has to do to see the back of him is to send him a letter, requesting/directing that the house at issue be handed over or a rent commensurate with the government valuation of the property be paid. That is the proper way to set about the task. The NPP should stop labouring under the delusion that the VIP housing issue will help it distract the public from its incompetence, numerous U-turns and broken promises and arrest the decline in its popularity.
There are still long lines of fully-loaded container trucks around the Colombo Port, awaiting Customs clearance; importers and truckers are up in arms against inordinate delays. Shortages of rice and coconuts persist with the prices of those commodities remaining in the stratosphere, but large-scale millers are buying paddy currently being harvested, at unconscionably low prices, much to the resentment of the farming community, who voted for the JVP-led NPP, enabling it to savour power. Rice growers’ appeals for a guaranteed price for their produce have gone unheeded. Usually, governments wait until the big-time millers who help them in numerous ways finish purchasing paddy to introduce a minimum price. Private buses have knocked down the highway segment of the Clean Sri Lanka initiative, so to speak. The NPP government has apparently given up its efforts to have former Central Bank Governor Arjuna Mahendran extradited from Singapore to stand trial here over the Treasury bond scams. It has made a mockery of its election pledge to solve the passport crisis overnight; it has said the problem will not be over until August 2025. The country is reportedly beginning to experience a salt shortage as well!
It is said that everything that King Midas touched turned to gold. We have had governments, whose touch turned everything into an unholy mess. Prominent among those bungling, blundering dispensations were the Yahapalana government, which made a dog’s breakfast of national security, and the Gotabaya Rajapaksa (GR) government, which became a metaphor for chaos itself. The incumbent NPP administration has also got into the same rut as its predecessors, with its leaders talking incessantly without delivering results. Interestingly, after the UNP and the SLFP-led UPFA fell out in late 2018, and the then President Maithripala Sirisena made an all-out yet abortive attempt to dislodge the UNP-led Yahapalana rump, the JVP propagandists famously said that when a clown got into a palace, instead of becoming a king, he turned the palace into a circus. They said so during the GR administration as well. The NPP government will have its opponents using that slogan against it unless it gets its act together.
If the current regime is not to face the same fate as the Yahapalana regime and/or the GR government, it will have to stop the ongoing political dog and pony show and knuckle down to the formidable tasks it undertook in its election manifestos. The GR administration failed and lost popular support although it mustered a two-thirds majority in Parliament. The NPP ought to learn from the failure of the Yahapalana government, which it backed to the hilt, to retain popular support by means of rhetoric, gimmicks and show trials which were intended to create an illusion of justice and justify politically-motivated arrests. What marked the beginning of the end of that UNP-led government was a setback it suffered in the 2018 local government (LG) polls.
The NPP administration has a lot of concerns weighing on it. Above all, it will have to face the LG elections slated for April 2025 while its popularity is on the wane, with many issues remaining unsolved. It has also been facing setbacks in the co-operative society elections.
Editorial
Remarketing rejects
Wednesday 29th January, 2025
The SLPP is girding up its loins for the upcoming local government (LG) polls. Its National Organiser Namal Rajapaksa yesterday launched the SLPP LG Councillors’ Forum, in Colombo, and among those present on the occasion were those who made an immense contribution to the SLPP’s downfall.
The fact that the Opposition has prevailed over the ruling NPP in cooperative society elections during the past several weeks, signalling a shift in public sentiments, seems to have boosted the morale of the SLPP. The SJB and the UNP are also upbeat about their performance in the cooperative society elections, the results of which are popularly believed to indicate which way political winds blow at the grassroots level. The NPP has sought to put a bold face on the situation, but it is holding rallies with President Anura Kumara Dissanayake in attendance, in the areas where it has suffered setbacks in the cooperative society elections, according to the Opposition.
Psephologists may be wary of extrapolating the cooperative society election results to other polls, but the NPP’s poor performance in the grassroots-level contests indicates growing public disillusionment with the incumbent government. The NPP leaders are doing more of what they did during their opposition days in a bid to retain popular support, instead of exercising state power they are wielding to deliver on their promises. They are bellowing rhetoric and making more promises.
Paddy farmers are up in arms, unable to sell their produce at reasonable prices. People have to wait in long queues to obtain passports and some varieties of rice. The Opposition is in overdrive to capitalise on public resentment towards the government and recover lost ground.
However, the mere sight of a bunch of unpopular, if not notorious, characters in the garb of ex-local council members has the potential to put off voters. Therefore, the biggest challenge before the SLPP is to repackage and remarket such unsavoury individuals in the upcoming LG polls. Namal himself opted out of the last general election and returned to Parliament via the National List, and it will be a Herculean task for him to enable the SLPP to improve its electoral performance in the foreseeable future.
One may recall that the former LG members of the SLPP were also responsible for the downfall of the Gotabaya Rajapaksa government. They assaulted a group of peaceful anti-government protesters at Galle Face Green in May 2022. Their savage attack on the protesters who were insulting and trying to oust President Gotabaya Rajapaksa and Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapaksa was akin to the fatal blow the proverbial pet monkey delivered to his royal master in his sleep with his own sword, in an attempt to kill a mosquito.
Aragalaya had run out of steam, and protesters were fatigued when the SLPP goons went on the rampage, triggering a spate of retaliatory attacks, which left scores of houses belonging to SLPP politicians gutted and led to the resignation of Prime Minister Rajapaksa immediately afterwards. The Galle Face attack paved the way for the JVP-led NPP’s meteoric rise in national politics.
Accusing President Dissanayake of having had Mahinda Rajapaksa’s official residence overvalued for political reasons, a former SLPP MP said yesterday that their houses burnt down in 2022 should have been estimated in a similar manner. They are lucky that they were not asked to disclose how funds had been raised for the construction of those palatial houses when compensation was paid.
It is only wishful thinking that the SLPP will be able to turn itself around by nominating its former local councillors who were involved in the Galle Face attack and other such activities, to contest the upcoming LG polls. People cannot be expected to re-elect those characters simply because they are resentful and have given a knock to the NPP in the co-operative society elections, sending a warning about their dissatisfaction.
Editorial
Fish or cut bait
Tuesday 28th January, 2025
It looks as if the JVP-NPP government considered the occupation by three former Presidents of state-owned houses as the biggest problem facing the country. Hardly a day passes without President Anura Kumara Dissanayake mentioning the values of those houses and their imputed rentals and asking the former Presidents to vacate them. He renewed his call, on Sunday, while addressing an NPP rally in Anuradhapura.
Gone are the days when politicians retired penniless in this country. Today, politics has become an El Dorado for the practitioners thereof; power and influence they wield are pathways to wealth and personal gain rather than a means of public service. So, it defies comprehension why retired politicians should be looked after by the state. However, the withdrawal of any entitlements of the former Presidents must be in accordance with the law.
The housing matter in question could have been handled better. The government could have used its two-thirds majority in Parliament to change the Presidents Entitlements Act and do away with the former Presidents’ perks and privileges once and for all, or it could have offered alternative accommodation to the former Presidents and made a polite request in writing that they vacate the houses they are occupying. After all, former President Mahinda Rajapaksa has said he will leave the Wijerama residence if a written request is made to that effect. However, the government has, true to form, opted for a political circus, which, it may have believed, would help distract the public from unresolved burning issues and its unfulfilled election pledges.
One cannot but agree with President Dissanayake that the state-owned houses occupied by former Presidents are too large for them. The government has said the official residence of Rajapaksa has about 35,000 sq. ft, and the floor area of former President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga’s house is about 15,000 sq. ft. Similarly, one would like to know the cumulative square footage of the buildings the JVP destroyed in the late 1980s. Former President Maithripala Sirisena has revealed that the JVP burnt down 245 out of 545 agrarian service centres countrywide together with storage facilities belonging to the Paddy Marketing Board, during its second uprising. What is the total value of those buildings and other such state assets destroyed by the JVP?
In the run-up to last year’s elections, the JVP/NPP pledged to abolish the perks and privileges of the former Presidents and the pensions of the MPs. So, one can argue that President Dissanayake is duty bound to carry out that promise. But why isn’t he so keen to fulfil other election pledges? More importantly, the question is why the JVP, which is against the provision of state-owned houses to former Presidents, did not make an issue of the State looking after the family of JVP leader Rohana Wijeweera, who plunged the country into bloodbaths twice.
Wijeweera was responsible for the destruction of tens of thousands of lives and public properties worth billions of rupees; he and his party almost succeeded in making the economy collapse so much so that the then President Ranasinghe Premadasa offered to come blindfolded for discussions with the JVP leaders to find a negotiated solution. Eventually, Wijeweera met his match in Premadasa and died a painful death while in custody. The State did not provide for the families of the political leaders killed by the JVP for defending democracy. Following Vijaya Kaumaratunga’s assassination, his wife, Chandrika and their two children were not looked after by the State. They had to flee the country. One can argue that the JVP must pay the rent for the house where Chandrika is currently residing and let her stay there; that is the least it can do by way of atonement for its sins.
Minister Sunil Handunnetti has gone on record as saying that President Dissanayake is now wielding the same executive powers as President J. R. Jayewardene, who bragged that the only task he could not accomplish was to make a man a woman and vice versa. President Dissanayake also controls Parliament, where his party has a two-thirds majority. So, he can change the Presidents Entitlements Act, which he has taken exception to, instead of complaining in public. Let the government be asked to fish or cut bait.
Editorial
Pensions, perks and privileges
Last week’s parliamentary proceedings proved combative with both the government and the emasculated opposition hurling allegations at each other triggering much heat in the chamber. Observers must therefore be excused for wondering whether arrangements now being made to conduct the long postponed local government elections followed by provincial council polls have enervated political players months after last year’s presidential and parliamentary elections. The NPP/JVP cannot be happy about its performance at recent cooperative elections and opposition parties must be anxious to demonstrate they are not total write-offs as last year’s polls suggested.
Subjects over which angry words were exchanged ranged between luxury Colombo residences being provided to former presidents at taxpayer expense and other privileges enjoyed by government functionaries paid for by the exchequer. The news also broke last week that, on a decision of the House Committee, the elected representatives of the people will no longer be fed sumptuous heavily subsidized meals in the parliament restaurant. Prices will be cost reflective, no less than the president has said. It was reported that MPs will henceforth have to pay Rs. 2,000 for breakfast, lunch and afternoon tea at the parliament restaurant against Rs. 450 in the past.
We need hardly labour the fact that there is deep seated public resentment about ministers and parliamentarians being pampered at public expense. Former prime minister, Sir. John Kotelawela, once famously said “handa athey thiyanakan bedaganilla” (as long as the spoon is in your hand, serve yourself!). The ruling elite has been doing just that over the years. The present regime has earned brownie points, probably translating to votes, for its determination to end or at least trim this state of affairs hopefully for all time.
President Anura Kumara Dissanayake, appearing on a television talk show a few nights ago, repeated the promise that pensions for parliamentarians will be abolished although there is no word yet about when this would be done. The KT Chitrasiri report of a committee headed by a retired Supreme Court judge on perks and privileges conferred on politicians, past and present, is in but has not yet been published. But it is known or widely believed that the first steps are being taken regarding the Colombo mansions provided to former presidents is a result of these recommendations.
The present scheme of pensions to parliamentarians is an abomination. A minimum five years of parliamentary service entitles the beneficiary to a lifetime’s pension which will continue to be paid to a surviving spouse, also for life. These pensions are non-contributory. This is quite in contrast to what prevails where government servants are concerned. A public servant must work for 30 years to qualify for a full pension. While both public servants and MPs enjoy non-contributory pensions, government employees must contribute to what is called the Widows and Orphans Pension Scheme (W&OPS) for their families to benefit from their pensions after their death. MPs enjoy that without payment. Also there is no minimum retirement age for parliamentarians unlike in the public service. MPs continue in office until they are defeated or decide not to seek re-election without loss of pension benefits.
While there is no reason to disbelieve the president’s assurance that MPs pensions would be abolished, the question is when? A very large number of pensionable parliamentarians were defeated or decided not to run at the last election as they saw their chances of re-election either as slim or non-existent. We are told that those who became entitled to parliamentary pensions following the last election are already being paid. Where public servants are concerned, it is always not that easy for pension payments to begin soon after retirement. They have to wait for months and years sometimes to be paid as papers from various offices, schools and departments where they served in different parts of the country must be collated to begin such payments. This difficulty will not arise where parliamentarians are concerned. Nevertheless withdrawing privileges, especially from long time beneficiaries, is not as easy as granting them.
Last week’s parliamentary proceedings as well as press reports revealed that three former presidents, Chandrika Kumaratunga, Mahinda Rajapaksa and Maithripala Sirisena enjoy state-owned residences in Colombo. Gotabaya Rajapaksa and Hema Premadasa have given up such homes they once occupied – Mrs. Premdasa for many years after the assassination of her husband. Mind-boggling government valuations running into millions per month of these perks have been bruited around by the president and others in the ruling hierarchy. CBK is already on record saying she’s spent a fortune, raised by selling her own property, refurbishing and maintaining her official residence. This seems not to be the case where MR is concerned; at least he has not claimed to have done so.
MR’s mouthpieces are on record saying he would go if he’s asked to go. This neither appears to have been done nor has he been asked to pay the true value of the property he occupies. Rajapaksa is entitled to a third of his pension – about Rs. 30,000 – if he is not provided suitable accommodation by the state. While acolytes say there are plenty of people to provide MR with a home if he needs one, the cabinet spokesman says “don’t wait to be asked, just go.” All this, of course, is useless talk. Ministers did occupy state owned mansions over the years. So also did (and do) many state officials. Are valuations placed on state-owned residences they occupy and are they asked to pay commensurate rent?
The present ministers don’t occupy state-owned residences unlike their predecessors where some even built swimming pools for themselves and one installed a lift for his elderly mother. The prime minister, we know, lives in her own home and not at Temple Trees. The president too does not live in government owned premises. Duty free vehicles for MPs, also a past abomination, will be no more. We remember a JVP MP of the past bringing her own buth packet to parliament. But we have not heard of anybody refusing a parliamentary pension he/she was entitled to and wonder whether a single individual has drawn not one but two parliamentary pensions in the past!
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