Features
Chaos and Pattern – Memoirs of Godfrey Goonetilleke
Reviewed by Leelananda De Silva
Godfrey Goonetilleke is one of the outstanding personalities in the public life of Ceylon/Sri Lanka in the latter half of the 20th century. As a brilliant scholar in English at the university in the late 1940s, he was one of the best known members of the Ceylon Civil Service, after Independence. Leaving the public service in 1972, he had a major role in establishing the Marga Institute. From that time onwards, he worked with many UN agencies especially in Geneva. He came to be considered a leading intellectual on socio-economic development issues.
Godfrey now in his late 90s, has written his Memoirs – “Chaos and Pattern” in three volumes running into over 1,000 pages. The first volume deals with his early life at home and in school, mainly in a rural setting, his university life, and marriage to Bella. The second volume is concerned with his career in the Ceylon Civil Service, from 1950 – 1972. The third volume deals with the founding of the Marga Institute and his emergence as a leading Asian intellectual. At this time, he was associated with various UN agencies in developing, social, and economic policies. At the end, was his key role in setting up the Gamani Corea Foundation.
He was born in 1926, to a rural middle-class bilingual (English and Sinhalese) family. His early education was in several schools in the Kandy region. Godfrey ended up at St. Joseph’s College, Colombo when Fr. Peter Pillai was its rector. Even in those very early years he was developing an interest in English literature. Godfrey mentions that his grandfather established one of the earliest Sinhalese newspapers in the 1880s. This makes me realize that no history of Sri Lankan journalism, English, Sinhalese and Tamil, has yet been written. This is something the local press institutions should consider.
In the late 1940s, Ivor Jennings was the Vice-Chancellor of the university. Godfrey opted to read English under E.F.C. Ludowyk, Professor of English. He relates his university career at some length and his many concerns and interests especially of a philosophical and religious nature. He was undergoing a spiritual and moral crisis and he describes these at length. It was during this period that he met his future wife, Bella. And through this Memoir the loving and lasting relationship with Bella comes out clearly.
Godfrey describes the English Department under Ludowyk, from which he was destined to obtain a first class. One of his contemporaries, Upali Amarasinghe was also a brilliant scholar in English. Godfrey describes the politics of the English Dept at that time, especially concerning the possible appointment of either he or Upali Amarasinghe as a new Asst. lecturer. This was to be followed by either one of them proceeding to Cambridge, on a scholarship to do their PhDs. Ultimately Upali went on that scholarship. Godfrey opted to join the Ceylon Civil Service having passed the CCS Exam. in 1950.
In Volume-2, Godfrey describes his life as a member of the CCS for the next 22 years. He started his career in 1950 and retired in 1972. He had many appointments and handled varied tasks especially in Colombo. Godfrey was not one of those civil servants who served in district administration. He had a short spell in Anuradhapura in the Land Development Department that was not part of the district administration. During these 22 years, he had a variety of tasks to perform and many interests to pursue. Let us look at them briefly.
One of his earliest assignments was to serve as Asst. Secretary to Sri Lanka’s first Prime Minister, D.S. Senanayake. When he was appointed to serve in that office, N.W. Athukorale was the Secretary to the Prime Minister. He was not a member of the CCS. Godfrey’s Civil Service colleagues raised many an eyebrow at this situation. The CCS at that time thought they were superior and that they should not serve under a non-CCS public servant. However, he served in that post to the great satisfaction of Athukorale and himself.
There is a fascinating episode which Godfrey relates. Godfrey had passed on information unwittingly to a university friend, a young woman who was now a journalist. She spoke of that material which concerned another Lake House journalist. The Prime Minister was visibly upset and wanted to know who had released this information. Godfrey admitted talking to Jeanne Pinto. The Prime Minister was courteous, and had a chat with Godfrey, asking him to stay for tea.
He warned Godfrey about talking to journalists. The Prime Minister knew more about Jeanne Pinto than Godfrey. He told Godfrey that she was having an affair with a businessman, Sardha Ratnaweera. Only later did Godfrey know that this was true. The Prime Minister was well known those days for reading police reports which he said was his favourite reading material. Godfrey is the last surviving public servant to have worked with Prime Minister, D.S. Senanayake.
In 1962, the country was shocked by the news that various Army, Navy and Police personnel had attempted to overthrow the government. One of the masterminds behind the coup, was alleged to have been Douglas Liyanage, a member of the CCS, and a close friend of Godfrey. Godfrey’s description of the coup is worth reading. He had the courage to go and meet his friend Douglas Liyanage in remand jail with a couple of his friends like Milton Aponso.
In 1965, the Dudley Senanayake government came to power. One of the Prime Minister’s first tasks was to establish a new Ministry of Planning and Economic Affairs under him. Gamani Corea was appointed as the new Permanent Secretary. Godfrey was brought in to work with him as Director of Plan Implementation. Godfrey’s task was largely to manage the capital budget of the government which was earlier a function of the Ministry of Finance. It was Godfrey’s task, in consultation with others, to decide on the priorities for public investment, and projects to be taken up.
Godfrey relates the difficulties the Ministry faced with other leading government politicians in attaching priorities for public investment. It is the rational development of these priorities that led the government of Dudley Senanayake to achieve an average annual 5% GDP growth rate in the five years between 1965-1970. This part of Godfrey’s Memoirs is essential reading for the new generation of public servants who determine public investment priorities.
Godfrey was engaged in many other tasks in the Planning Ministry. After the change of government in 1970, he continued to work with the new Permanent Secretary, H.A.de S. Gunasekera for another two years. He was engaged in the preparation of a new Five-Year Plan. This five-year plan remained only a publication and was never implemented. In terms of its policies and priorities, it was a far cry from the earlier government’s methodical approach to public investment. I have always wondered how Godfrey could be involved in this kind of so-called socialist policies which had hardly any place for the private sector.
A few months before he left the public service, one of his last tasks was to handle the Dudley Seers Mission to Colombo, to advice on social and economic issues. Dudley Seers was the head of the Institute of Development Studies in Sussex, England. Seers and a team of 20 others was commissioned by the World Employment Programme of the ILO in Geneva, to undertake this study.
When the initial request was made for this inquiry, the Ministry of Planning was under Dr. Gamani Corea, and by the time the mission came in 1971, there was a new government which was not over-excited by this mission. The Five-Year Plan which was being drafted by the government did not take much notice of the Seers Report.
Volume-3 of Godfrey’s Memoirs is arguably the most interesting of the three volumes. Godfrey left the public service in 1972. He and Gamani Corea got actively engaged in the establishment of a brand-new research institute in Sri Lanka. The two of them were the founding fathers of the Marga Institute. Several leading ministers of the government which was a left of centre alliance (the SLFP, the LSSP and the CP) was unhappy with the establishment of Marga.
Felix Dias Bandaranaike, who was the Minister of Public Administration sent out a circular prohibiting public servants of having any dealings with Marga. Dr. Colvin R. De Silva who was a leading LSSP minister and even Bernard Soysa, a leading LSSP figure had reservations about Marga. They believed that socio-economic research should be done with a government institution, and not with an independent body. The more pragmatic, Mrs. Sirimavo Bandaranaike, the Prime Minister was quite happy to go along with the establishment of Marga.
From now on Godfrey had several occupational strands in his life. Apart from building Marga, he was employed by many UN agencies as a consultant. In 1973, Gamani Corea was appointed Secretary General of UNCTAD in Geneva. Godfrey was to work with him closely on trade, commodities, finance and technological transfer issues over the next decade with UNCTAD.
Godfrey had another important strand to his consultancy work. He was also engaged by the World Employment Programme (WEP) based within the ILO in Geneva. The WEP was headed by a notable development scholar Louise Emmerij, and Godfrey worked closely with him. He was also working with UNICEF, the UN Research Institute for Social Development (UNRISD), based in Geneva, with UNDP and UNICEF. He spent a considerable amount of time in Geneva.
He was also involved with the Third World Forum in Geneva, which included some of the leading social scientists of the time. It is obvious that Godfrey came to be a highly regarded member of the top intellectual elite engaged in third world development issues. Godfrey’s combination of leading a research institute of his country and being an advisor to UN bodies to develop their social, economic policies and programmes, made him a leading personality in international development.
Godfrey mentions in his memoirs that he wanted Marga to be closely involved in Sri Lanka’s social, economic and political development, and play an important role in resolving the political issues that were then emerging. His chapters relating to the communal crisis and relations with India are essential reading to present day policy makers. It is clear from Godfrey’s memoirs that the mismanagement of the relationship with India, was a crucial factor in Sri Lanka’s political crisis.
To end on a personal note. In March 1972 the ILO organized a meeting in Geneva to review the three reports of their missions to Ceylon (the Dudley Seers Mission), Columbia and Kenya. Godfrey was invited by the ILO in his personal capacity. I represented the Government of Ceylon. Gamani Corea, then Ceylon’s ambassador in Brussels, was brought in to chair the meeting. This was the first visit for Godfrey and me to Geneva. The next year in 1973, Gamani became Secretary General of UNCTAD and spent the next 11 years in Geneva. Godfrey was a long stay visitor to Geneva during that time. I spent over 12 years n Geneva from 1978 to 1990. This was our Geneva connection.
There is much in this 1,000-page Memoir which cannot be absorbed in a short article.
Features
Ranking public services with AI — A roadmap to reviving institutions like SriLankan Airlines
Efficacy measures an organisation’s capacity to achieve its mission and intended outcomes under planned or optimal conditions. It differs from efficiency, which focuses on achieving objectives with minimal resources, and effectiveness, which evaluates results in real-world conditions. Today, modern AI tools, using publicly available data, enable objective assessment of the efficacy of Sri Lanka’s government institutions.
Among key public bodies, the Supreme Court of Sri Lanka emerges as the most efficacious, outperforming the Department of Inland Revenue, Sri Lanka Customs, the Election Commission, and Parliament. In the financial and regulatory sector, the Central Bank of Sri Lanka (CBSL) ranks highest, ahead of the Securities and Exchange Commission, the Public Utilities Commission, the Telecommunications Regulatory Commission, the Insurance Regulatory Commission, and the Sri Lanka Standards Institution.
Among state-owned enterprises, the Sri Lanka Ports Authority (SLPA) leads in efficacy, followed by Bank of Ceylon and People’s Bank. Other institutions assessed included the State Pharmaceuticals Corporation, the National Water Supply and Drainage Board, the Ceylon Electricity Board, the Ceylon Petroleum Corporation, and the Sri Lanka Transport Board. At the lower end of the spectrum were Lanka Sathosa and Sri Lankan Airlines, highlighting a critical challenge for the national economy.
Sri Lankan Airlines, consistently ranked at the bottom, has long been a financial drain. Despite successive governments’ reform attempts, sustainable solutions remain elusive.
Globally, the most profitable airlines operate as highly integrated, technology-enabled ecosystems rather than as fragmented departments. Operations, finance, fleet management, route planning, engineering, marketing, and customer service are closely coordinated, sharing real-time data to maximise efficiency, safety, and profitability.
The challenge for Sri Lankan Airlines is structural. Its operations are fragmented, overly hierarchical, and poorly aligned. Simply replacing the CEO or senior leadership will not address these deep-seated weaknesses. What the airline needs is a cohesive, integrated organisational ecosystem that leverages technology for cross-functional planning and real-time decision-making.
The government must urgently consider restructuring Sri Lankan Airlines to encourage:
=Joint planning across operational divisions
=Data-driven, evidence-based decision-making
=Continuous cross-functional consultation
=Collaborative strategic decisions on route rationalisation, fleet renewal, partnerships, and cost management, rather than exclusive top-down mandates
Sustainable reform requires systemic change. Without modernised organisational structures, stronger accountability, and aligned incentives across divisions, financial recovery will remain out of reach. An integrated, performance-oriented model offers the most realistic path to operational efficiency and long-term viability.
Reforming loss-making institutions like Sri Lankan Airlines is not merely a matter of leadership change — it is a structural overhaul essential to ensuring these entities contribute productively to the national economy rather than remain perpetual burdens.
By Chula Goonasekera – Citizen Analyst
Features
Why Pi Day?
International Day of Mathematics falls tomorrow
The approximate value of Pi (π) is 3.14 in mathematics. Therefore, the day 14 March is celebrated as the Pi Day. In 2019, UNESCO proclaimed 14 March as the International Day of Mathematics.
Ancient Babylonians and Egyptians figured out that the circumference of a circle is slightly more than three times its diameter. But they could not come up with an exact value for this ratio although they knew that it is a constant. This constant was later named as π which is a letter in the Greek alphabet.
It was the Greek mathematician Archimedes (250 BC) who was able to find an upper bound and a lower bound for this constant. He drew a circle of diameter one unit and drew hexagons inside and outside the circle such that the sides of each hexagon touch the sides of the circle. In mathematics the circle passing through all vertices of a polygon is called a ‘circumcircle’ and the largest circle that fits inside a polygon tangent to all its sides is called an ‘incircle’. The total length of the smaller hexagon then becomes the lower bound of π and the length of the hexagon outside the circle is the upper bound. He realised that by increasing the number of sides of the polygon can make the bounds get closer to the value of Pi and increased the number of sides to 12,24,48 and 60. He argued that by increasing the number of sides will ultimately result in obtaining the original circle, thereby laying the foundation for the theory of limits. He ended up with the lower bound as 22/7 and the upper bound 223/71. He could not continue his research as his hometown Syracuse was invaded by Romans and was killed by one of the soldiers. His last words were ‘do not disturb my circles’, perhaps a reference to his continuing efforts to find the value of π to a greater accuracy.
Archimedes can be considered as the father of geometry. His contributions revolutionised geometry and his methods anticipated integral calculus. He invented the pulley and the hydraulic screw for drawing water from a well. He also discovered the law of hydrostatics. He formulated the law of levers which states that a smaller weight placed farther from a pivot can balance a much heavier weight closer to it. He famously said “Give me a lever long enough and a place to stand and I will move the earth”.
Mathematicians have found many expressions for π as a sum of infinite series that converge to its value. One such famous series is the Leibniz Series found in 1674 by the German mathematician Gottfried Leibniz, which is given below.
π = 4 ( 1 – 1/3 + 1/5 – 1/7 + 1/9 – ………….)
The Indian mathematical genius Ramanujan came up with a magnificent formula in 1910. The short form of the formula is as follows.
π = 9801/(1103 √8)
For practical applications an approximation is sufficient. Even NASA uses only the approximation 3.141592653589793 for its interplanetary navigation calculations.
It is not just an interesting and curious number. It is used for calculations in navigation, encryption, space exploration, video game development and even in medicine. As π is fundamental to spherical geometry, it is at the heart of positioning systems in GPS navigations. It also contributes significantly to cybersecurity. As it is an irrational number it is an excellent foundation for generating randomness required in encryption and securing communications. In the medical field, it helps to calculate blood flow rates and pressure differentials. In diagnostic tools such as CT scans and MRI, pi is an important component in mathematical algorithms and signal processing techniques.
This elegant, never-ending number demonstrates how mathematics transforms into practical applications that shape our world. The possibilities of what it can do are infinite as the number itself. It has become a symbol of beauty and complexity in mathematics. “It matters little who first arrives at an idea, rather what is significant is how far that idea can go.” said Sophie Germain.
Mathematics fans are intrigued by this irrational number and attempt to calculate it as far as they can. In March 2022, Emma Haruka Iwao of Japan calculated it to 100 trillion decimal places in Google Cloud. It had taken 157 days. The Guinness World Record for reciting the number from memory is held by Rajveer Meena of India for 70000 decimal places over 10 hours.
Happy Pi Day!
The author is a senior examiner of the International Baccalaureate in the UK and an educational consultant at the Overseas School of Colombo.
by R N A de Silva
Features
Sheer rise of Realpolitik making the world see the brink
The recent humanly costly torpedoing of an Iranian naval vessel in Sri Lanka’s Exclusive Economic Zone by a US submarine has raised a number of issues of great importance to international political discourse and law that call for elucidation. It is best that enlightened commentary is brought to bear in such discussions because at present misleading and uninformed speculation on questions arising from the incident are being aired by particularly jingoistic politicians of Sri Lanka’s South which could prove deleterious.
As matters stand, there seems to be no credible evidence that the Indian state was aware of the impending torpedoing of the Iranian vessel but these acerbic-tongued politicians of Sri Lanka’s South would have the local public believe that the tragedy was triggered with India’s connivance. Likewise, India is accused of ‘embroiling’ Sri Lanka in the incident on account of seemingly having prior knowledge of it and not warning Sri Lanka about the impending disaster.
It is plain that a process is once again afoot to raise anti-India hysteria in Sri Lanka. An obligation is cast on the Sri Lankan government to ensure that incendiary speculation of the above kind is defeated and India-Sri Lanka relations are prevented from being in any way harmed. Proactive measures are needed by the Sri Lankan government and well meaning quarters to ensure that public discourse in such matters have a factual and rational basis. ‘Knowledge gaps’ could prove hazardous.
Meanwhile, there could be no doubt that Sri Lanka’s sovereignty was violated by the US because the sinking of the Iranian vessel took place in Sri Lanka’s Exclusive Economic Zone. While there is no international decrying of the incident, and this is to be regretted, Sri Lanka’s helplessness and small player status would enable the US to ‘get away with it’.
Could anything be done by the international community to hold the US to account over the act of lawlessness in question? None is the answer at present. This is because in the current ‘Global Disorder’ major powers could commit the gravest international irregularities with impunity. As the threadbare cliché declares, ‘Might is Right’….. or so it seems.
Unfortunately, the UN could only merely verbally denounce any violations of International Law by the world’s foremost powers. It cannot use countervailing force against violators of the law, for example, on account of the divided nature of the UN Security Council, whose permanent members have shown incapability of seeing eye-to-eye on grave matters relating to International Law and order over the decades.
The foregoing considerations could force the conclusion on uncritical sections that Political Realism or Realpolitik has won out in the end. A basic premise of the school of thought known as Political Realism is that power or force wielded by states and international actors determine the shape, direction and substance of international relations. This school stands in marked contrast to political idealists who essentially proclaim that moral norms and values determine the nature of local and international politics.
While, British political scientist Thomas Hobbes, for instance, was a proponent of Political Realism, political idealism has its roots in the teachings of Socrates, Plato and latterly Friedrich Hegel of Germany, to name just few such notables.
On the face of it, therefore, there is no getting way from the conclusion that coercive force is the deciding factor in international politics. If this were not so, US President Donald Trump in collaboration with Israeli Rightist Premier Benjamin Natanyahu could not have wielded the ‘big stick’, so to speak, on Iran, killed its Supreme Head of State, terrorized the Iranian public and gone ‘scot-free’. That is, currently, the US’ impunity seems to be limitless.
Moreover, the evidence is that the Western bloc is reuniting in the face of Iran’s threats to stymie the flow of oil from West Asia to the rest of the world. The recent G7 summit witnessed a coming together of the foremost powers of the global North to ensure that the West does not suffer grave negative consequences from any future blocking of western oil supplies.
Meanwhile, Israel is having a ‘free run’ of the Middle East, so to speak, picking out perceived adversarial powers, such as Lebanon, and militarily neutralizing them; once again with impunity. On the other hand, Iran has been bringing under assault, with no questions asked, Gulf states that are seen as allying with the US and Israel. West Asia is facing a compounded crisis and International Law seems to be helplessly silent.
Wittingly or unwittingly, matters at the heart of International Law and peace are being obfuscated by some pro-Trump administration commentators meanwhile. For example, retired US Navy Captain Brent Sadler has cited Article 51 of the UN Charter, which provides for the right to self or collective self-defence of UN member states in the face of armed attacks, as justifying the US sinking of the Iranian vessel (See page 2 of The Island of March 10, 2026). But the Article makes it clear that such measures could be resorted to by UN members only ‘ if an armed attack occurs’ against them and under no other circumstances. But no such thing happened in the incident in question and the US acted under a sheer threat perception.
Clearly, the US has violated the Article through its action and has once again demonstrated its tendency to arbitrarily use military might. The general drift of Sadler’s thinking is that in the face of pressing national priorities, obligations of a state under International Law could be side-stepped. This is a sure recipe for international anarchy because in such a policy environment states could pursue their national interests, irrespective of their merits, disregarding in the process their obligations towards the international community.
Moreover, Article 51 repeatedly reiterates the authority of the UN Security Council and the obligation of those states that act in self-defence to report to the Council and be guided by it. Sadler, therefore, could be said to have cited the Article very selectively, whereas, right along member states’ commitments to the UNSC are stressed.
However, it is beyond doubt that international anarchy has strengthened its grip over the world. While the US set destabilizing precedents after the crumbling of the Cold War that paved the way for the current anarchic situation, Russia further aggravated these degenerative trends through its invasion of Ukraine. Stepping back from anarchy has thus emerged as the prime challenge for the world community.
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