Features
A 20-year reflection on housing struggles of Tsunami survivors
Revisiting field research in Ampara
by Prof. Amarasiri de Silva
The 2004 Indian Ocean tsunami, also known as the Boxing Day tsunami, triggered by a magnitude 9.1 earthquake off the coast of Sumatra on 26 Dec., 2004, had a catastrophic impact on Sri Lanka. It is estimated to have released energy equivalent to 23,000 Hiroshima-type atomic bombs, wiping out hundreds of communities in minutes. The tsunami struck Sri Lanka’s eastern and southern coasts approximately two hours after the earthquake. The eastern shores, facing the earthquake’s epicenter, bore the brunt of the waves, affecting settlements on the east coast. The tsunami displaced many families and devastated villages and communities in the affected districts of Sri Lanka. Although Boxing Day is associated with exchanging gifts after Christmas and was a time to give to the less fortunate, it brought havoc in Sri Lanka to many communities. It resulted in approximately 31,229 deaths and 4,093 people missing. In terms of the dead and missing numbers, Sri Lanka’s toll was second only to Indonesia (126,804, missing 93,458, displaced 474,619). Twenty-five beach hotels were severely damaged, and another 6 were completely washed away. More than 240 schools were destroyed or sustained severe damage. Several hospitals, telecommunication networks, coastal railway networks, etc., were also damaged. In addition, one and a half million people were displaced from their homes.
Ampara district was a hard-hit district, where more than 10,000 people died. A Galle bound train from Colombo, carrying about 1,700 passengers visiting their ancestral homes and villages, on the Sunday after the Christmas holidays, was struck by the tsunami near Telwatta; most of them were killed.
About 8,000 people were killed in the northeast region, which the LTTE controlled at the time. The Ampara district was a hard-hit district, with more than 10,000 people dying and many more displaced. In sympathy with the victims, the Saudi Arabian government established a grant to construct houses to assist 500 displaced families in Ampara in 2009. The Saudi Envoy in Colombo presented the house keys to President Mahinda Rajapaksa in 2011 for distribution to tsunami victims in the Ampara district. However, due to the protests by local majoritarian ethnic groups, the government intervened, and a court ruling halted the housing distribution to the victims, mandating that houses be allocated according to the country’s population ratio. The project includes residential units and amenities such as a school, a supermarket complex, a hospital, and a mosque, making it unique for Muslim people. Saudi government ambassador Khalid Hamoud Alkahtani engaged in discussions with the Sri Lankan government to sort out the issues and agreed to give the houses to the respective victims.
Immediate Recovery
The immediate relief work was initiated just after the disaster, and the government had financial and moral support from local people and countries worldwide. As most displaced people were children and women, restoring at least basic education facilities for affected children was a high priority. By mid-year, 85 percent of the children in tsunami-affected areas were back in school, which showed that the relief programme in school education was a success.
Relief efforts for households included the provision of finances to meet immediate needs. Compensation of Rs.15,000 (US$150) was offered for victims towards funeral expenses; livelihood support schemes included Payment of Rs.375 (US$3.75) in cash and rations for each member of a family unit per week, a payment of Rs. 2,500 (US$25) towards kitchen utensils per family. These initial measures were largely successful, though there were some problems with a lack of coordination, as witnessed. (See Map 1)
The most considerable financing needs were in the housing sector. The destruction of private assets was substantial (US$700 million), in addition to public infrastructure and other assets. Loss of current output in the fisheries and tourism sectors—which were severely affected—was estimated at US$200 million and US$130 million, respectively.
2004 tsunami-impacted zone. (Image courtesy Reliefweb)
Strands of Hope: Progress Made for Tsunami-Affected Communities of Sri Lanka
By mid-June 2005, the number of displaced people was down to 516,000 from approximately 800,000 immediately after the tsunami, as people went home—even if the homes in question were destroyed or damaged—and were taken off the books then. At first, an estimated 169,000 people living in schools and tents were mainly transferred to transitional shelters/camps—designed to serve as a stopgap between emergency housing and permanent homes. This transitional shelter was only supplied to affected households in the buffer zone.
By late August 2005, The Task Force for Rebuilding the Nation (TAFREN) estimated that 52,383 transitional shelters, accommodating an estimated 250,000 tsunami-affected people, had been completed since February 2005 at 492 sites. Those transitional housing programme shelters were expected to be completed with 55,000 by the end of September 2005. This goal seems more than achievable. I did not find evidence to show that it has been achieved.
I did my field research in Ampara district with support from UNDP Colombo, the Department for Research Cooperation, and the Swedish International Development Cooperation.
My research shows that the tsunami affected families in Muslim settlements along the East Coast had a severe housing problem for two reasons.
• First, the GoSL has declared that land within 65 meters of the sea is unsafe for living due to possible seismic effects, and people are thus prohibited from engaging in any construction in that beach area. This land strip is the traditional living area of the Muslims, particularly the fisher folk. Families living along the narrow beach strip have not been offered alternative land or adequate compensation to buy land outside the 65-metre zone.
• Second, the LTTE has prohibited Muslims from building houses on land purchased for them by outside agencies on the pretext that it belongs to the Tamils.
The GoSL established several institutions as a response strategy for post-tsunami recovery after the failure of P-TOMS. The Task Force for Rebuilding the Nation (TAFREN), the Task Force for Relief (TAFOR), and the Tsunami Housing Reconstruction Unit (THRU) were the lead agencies created through processes involving private and public sector participation. In November 2005, following the election of President Mahinda Rajapaksa, the Reconstruction and Development Agency (RADA)was set up. This became an authority with executive powers following the parliamentary ratification of the RADA Act in 2006. RADA’s mandate was to accelerate reconstruction and development activities in the affected areas, functionally replacing all the tsunami organizations and a significant part of the former RRR Ministry. According to RADA, the total number of houses built so far (as of May 2006) in Ampara is 629, while the total housing units pledged is 6,169. At the time of the research (March to June 2006), no housing projects were completed in a predominantly Muslim area.
Compensation for damaged houses was not based on a consistent scheme. As a result, some families received large sums, while others did not get any money. In some instances, those who collected compensation were not the affected families. The Auditor General, S.C. Mayadunne, noted that Payment of an excessive amount, even for minor damages, is due to the payments being made without assessing the cost of restoring the houses to normal condition. (For example, Rs. 100,000 had been paid for minor damages of Rs. 10,000) … Payments made without identifying the value of the damaged houses, thus resulting in heavy expenditure by the government (For example, a sum of Rs. 250,000 had been paid for the destruction of a temporary house valued at Rs. 10,000) (Mayadunne, 2005, p. 8). That compensation was not paid according to an acceptable scheme, which led to agitation among the affected people and provided an opportunity for political manipulation. The LTTE and the TRO requested direct aid for reconstruction work in LTTE-controlled areas. The poor response of the GoSL to this demand was interpreted as indifference on its part towards ethnic minorities in Ampara. Meanwhile, the GoSL provided direct support for tsunami-affected communities in southern Sri Lanka, where the majority were Sinhalese, strengthening this allegation.
Land scarcity in tsunami-affected Ampara and disputes over landownership in the area were the main reasons for not completing the housing programmes. The LTTE contended that the land identified for building houses by the GoSL or purchased by civil society organisations for constructing such houses belongs to the Tamils, an ideology based on a myth of their own, a Tamil hereditary Homeland—paarampariyamaana taayakam’ (Peebles, 1990, p. 41). Consequently, housing programmes could not be implemented at that time.
The land question in the Eastern Province has a history that dates back to 1951 when the Gal Oya Colonisation scheme was established. According to the minority version of this history, in a report submitted by Dr. Hasbullah and his colleagues, it shows that the colonists were selected overwhelmingly from among the Sinhalese rather than the Muslims and Tamils, who were a majority in Ampara at that time, and, as a result, the ethnic balance of Ampara District was disrupted. However, conversely, B.H. Farmer reported in 1957 that Tamils, especially Jaffna Tamils, were ‘chary’ and did not have a ‘tradition of migration,’ which was the apparent reason for less Tamil representation among the colonists of Gal Oya. According to Farmer, up to December 31, 1953, between five and 16 percent of the colonists were chosen from the Districts of Batticaloa, Jaffna and Trincomalee, predominantly Tamil. Contradictory evidence (with a political coloring following the recent rise of ethnicity in this discourse) reports by Dr. Hasbullah that 100,000 acres of agricultural land in the East have been ‘illegally transferred from Muslims to the Tamils’ since the 1990s. The Tamils, however, believe that the land in the Eastern Province is part and parcel of the Tamil Homeland. This new political ideology of landownership that emerged at that time in the ethnopolitical context of the Eastern Province has intensified land (re)claiming in Ampara by Muslims and Tamils.
According to Tamil discourse, the increase in the value of land in Ampara over the past two decades has led to rich Muslims purchasing land belonging to poor Tamils, resulting in ethnic homogenization in the coastal areas of the District in favor of the Muslims. ‘Violence against Tamils was also used in some areas to push out the numerically small Tamil service caste communities’ as Hasbullah says. In a situation with an ideological history of land disputes, finding new land for the construction of houses for Muslim communities affected by the tsunami posed a challenge at that time.
In the face of this challenge, Muslims in Ampara sought assistance from Muslim politicians and organisations that willingly came forward to assist them. The efforts made by these politicians and civil society organisations to erect houses for tsunami-affected Muslim families were forcibly curtailed by the LTTE. Consequently, a proposed housing program for Muslims in Kinnayady Kiramam in Kaththankudi was abandoned in 2005. Development of the four acres of land bought by the Memon Sangam in Colombo for tsunami victims of Makbooliya in Marathamunai was prohibited in 2005. Similar occurrences have been reported in Marathamunai Medduvedday. Mrs. Ferial Ashraff, at that time Minister of Housing and Common Amenities, wanted to build houses in Marathamunai, Periyaneelavanai DS division (Addaippallam), the Pandirippu Muslim area, and in Oluvil–Palamunai, but the LTTE proscribed all such initiatives.
The Islamabad housing scheme in Kalmunai Muslim DS division and the construction of houses by Muslim individuals in Karaithivu were banned, and threats were issued by the LTTE and a Tamil military organisation called Ellai Padai (Boundary Forces). Because the GoSL and the intervening agencies could not resolve the housing problem, the affected communities became disillusioned and lost confidence in the GoSL departments, aid agencies, and international NGOs. Much effort and resources were wasted in finding land and designing housing programmes that have not materialised. Some funds pledged by external agencies failed to materialise, causing harm to low-income families. Efforts to provide housing for tsunami-affected people in the Ampara District at that time highlighted their vulnerability to LTTE threats and the power politics of participating agencies. Regarding housing and land issues, the Muslim people of Ampara adopted two approaches to address their challenges. First, in some cases, they reached a compromise with the LTTE, agreeing that upon completion of a housing project, a portion of the houses would be allocated to the Tamil community under LTTE supervision.
For instance, this approach proved successful in the Islamabad housing programme, which was halfway complete as of the time of the research (March–June 2006). Similarly, a housing scheme in Ninthavur followed a comparable compromise with the LTTE. According to Mohamed Mansoor, the then President of the Centre for East Lanka Social Service, 22 of the 100 houses were to be allocated to the Tamil community upon completion. This allocation was deemed reasonable because Muslims owned 80 percent of the land in the area, while Tamils owned 20 percent. At the time of the author’s fieldwork, approximately 30 houses had been completed at this site. I don’t know what happened afterward.
The second approach adopted by the people was to build houses in the areas they had lived in before the tsunami, despite construction being prohibited within 65 meters of the sea. Muslims in Marathamunai knew they would not be allocated any land for housing and sought funds from organisations such as the Eastern Human Economic Development to construct homes on their original plots. The affected individuals have made efforts to urge their leaders to engage with the TRO and the LTTE to reclaim the funds borrowed by Muslim people and organisations to purchase land. The four-acre plot that the Memon Society had acquired for housing development was sold to a Tamil organisation for Rs. 1,000,000 (roughly USD 10,000) and was one such land in question.
The national political forces operating in Ampara have deprived the poor (Muslim) fisher folk of their right to land and build houses in their villages. These communities have resorted to non-violent strategies involving accepting the status quo without questioning it and fighting for their rights. The passivity among the poor affected families is a result of them not having representation in the civil society organisations in the area. These bodies are run by elites who do not wish to contest the GoSL rule of a 65-metre buffer zone or LTTE land claims. The tsunami not only washed away the houses and took the land of the poor communities that lived by the sea, but it also made them even poorer, more marginalised, and more ethnically segregated.
Here, 20 years later, it is time that justice was done to the Muslim families in the Ampara district who were severely hit by the tsunami. It is also a significant and timely commitment made by President Dissanayake to offer 500 houses to the Muslim tsunami victims. Such a promise is overdue and essential, as these marginalised communities have desperately needed a voice and action in their favour for over 20 years. Delivery of such homes to the victims would be an important step in restoring social harmony and the dignity and livelihoods of those affected by the tragic incident.
by Geewananda Gunawardana
It is encouraging that the piece on agnotology and ethnicity (The Island December 4, 2024) elicited an erudite discourse (‘Ethnicity and genetics – A non-racial academic response’ and ‘Ethnicity – a synonym for confusion,’ The Island December 11 and 16, 2024, respectively) concluding that ethnic divisions have no biological basis. However, we cannot overlook the fact that humans have an evolutionary tendency to belong to a group, clan, or cult for survival purposes; we are social animals. Not having fangs, claws, venom, or any other protective anatomy, tribalism is the way humans have chosen to defend themselves. Unfortunately, the same evolutionary force makes us blind to the hazards of this habit. Throughout human history, this vulnerability has been exploited by story tellers of all stripes and spots to bring us under their fold and fatten themselves. We Sri Lankans tend to fall for such stories at an alarming rate with grave consequences. That is the focus of agnotology: the investigation of our weakness in believing stories, or the resulting culturally induced ignorance, and its effects on our society. It goes beyond ethnic relations.
One thing must be made clear, there is no point in continuing endless academic discourse and hoping for problems to go away. What is necessary is to find ways to reduce and finally eradicate culturally induced ignorance, or the habit of adhering to baseless, false stories that are harmful or counterproductive, and put them into action.
It is a fact that unlearning is much harder than learning. Therefore, it is best if we can stop learning such baseless, fake stories in the first place. The unpleasant truth is that it can be too late for some segments of society as such stories are deeply engraved in their minds. They will reject the facts, and we have no choice but to look beyond their objections. Therefore, the best remedy is to stop our children from learning culturally inherited myths, beliefs, and practices that disrupt harmony, waste valuable resources, and stop us from joining the 21st century. We must tell them the truth that they are poems, myths, and beliefs, etc., and they should not be accepted as undisputable truths. We must train the younger generation to think critically and have the skill to separate facts from fiction, instead of being blind followers. If the Buddha could say that about his teaching, why cannot we say the same about fabricated stories with hidden agendas?
It is inevitable that there will be a deafening outcry that such actions will ruin our proud culture and heritage. There is absolutely no need to let that happen; we can continue culturally and religiously important activities intelligently if we knew their true meaning and that we are not manipulated by some storyteller for their benefit. We must give our children the facts and train them to make sensible decisions rather than blindly following rituals. Even Buddhism teaches us that following rituals blindly is a barrier to liberation.
We have paid dearly for inflaming ethnic division. Let us not forget that the civil strife had cost the nation more than twice the current debt. Should we continue to spread questionable theories that try to prove one is superior to the other or one arrived before the other and has a larger claim to the land? Is it necessary to impress children by glorifying the battle between Dutugamunu and Elara that happened two thousand three hundred years ago? Or, is it more important to convince them that divided we will continue to wallow in misery?
Let us not forget that whether it is the iron age or the 21st century, the root cause of these evils is the elite that manipulate these stories to their benefit. We managed to sideline the old elite, the establishment, or the aristocracy, but there is a new elite trying to raise its ugly head: the so-called academic elite. Please do not jump to conclusions. There is no need to explain again when elite becomes a dirty word but let us be clear that there is an honourably learned community that provides a valuable service to the country. We value them. It is the fake academics that we must be weary of. Let us admit that it is the cream of the cream that enters our public universities. Whether they exhibit additional letters before or after their names or not, we must bear in mind that they are the smartest lot the country has produced. Whether the country reaps the investment made in them or not is a different issue.
Those who could not get in are not necessarily inferior, it is just that the others did better; and if they can afford it, they continue their education in private institutions here or abroad. Unfortunately, this is where elitism raises its ugly head; we want meritocracy for good reasons, but did everyone get an equal opportunity to collect such merits? We have a habit of giving more weight to foreign degrees, a residue of elite veneration, without verifying the quality of the granting institution or the veracity of their claims. It is no secret that it is possible to buy a degree in some countries. Even worse, I know firsthand an individual who worked as a checkout clerk at a pharmacy chain abroad and paraded as a doctor back at home! However, in this internet age, there is no need to be ignorant, to be gullible and believe their stories; few questions and a quick search of the web can verify their claims, and stop the emergence of a new elite, the bad kind. Let us ask not what letters they have added to their names but ask what they have done or can do to solve problems (my apologies to JFK).
We shamelessly propagate many stories that originated in the iron age without ever questioning their relevance to the 21st century. The ugliest of them is the caste system. We must question the value, or the purpose of following a social stratification system started by nomadic farmers from the central Eurasian Steppes to safeguard their feudal system four thousand years ago. Once again, it was their elite that deceived the humble peasants and took advantage. Imagine starting a similar system by treating descendants of computer programmers differently from those of civil engineers, for example. Force them to have different naming systems, prevent intermarriages, live in segregated enclaves, and assume one is above the other. It is a disgrace that we keep this system and go to the extent of forming separate voting blocks.
Another antiquated practice we hang onto is astrology, which started in Mesopotamia. They used the cyclic movement of celestial bodies as a calendar to plan their agricultural activities. Their geocentric models of the cosmos did not allow them to realise that the seasonal changes are the result of the tilt in earth’s rotational axis and varying distance to the sun. This ignorance made them elevate seasonal changes to acts of divinity. It is true that the gravitational force of the moon causes tides, but how can nuclear furnaces that are light years away impact human lives on earth? Science has yet to discover any such forces or find any evidence that astrological predictions have any basis. There are billions of people who lead healthy successful lives in this world without ever following astrology. Instead of astrology, let us teach the children astronomy, so that they will understand that climate change is not a hoax.
The Age of Reason along with scientific revolution started in the 17th century helped humanity get rid of baseless beliefs and myths that were used by the elite to retain power. Unfortunately, we seem to have missed that revolution and are still trapped in the past. That is no accident either: the elite had done their part to limit our access to knowledge. The underlying reasons that resulted in the widespread tuition business that sells knowledge are good examples. The disparity in the quality of public schools between urban and rural areas is another; do the elite send their children to rural schools? According to one report, over eight hundred rural schools had been closed permanently by 2023. The school dropout rate due to poverty is estimated to be about 30 to 35 percent. Is there any doubt that quality education is only for the elite?
Not only that many practices we engage in have no real value, but they also funnel our precious resources to nefarious activities. Unfortunately, these stories are so deeply engraved in our collective psyche that we do not have the will to challenge them. That is the power of storytelling, and its role in shaping our destiny. This is particularly ironic for one important reason. The goal of the ‘Age of Reason’ and the ancient tradition that most Sri Lankans venerate, protect, and give their lives to preserve have the same goal: understanding the natural world and humanity’s place in it through reason: knowing reality. Unfortunately, instead of following that guidance, we have shrouded that timeless truth we inherited with practices based on beliefs, myths, and mysticism. We have legitimized many primitive practices such as rituals centered on appeasing deities, demons, ghosts, clairvoyant reading, and other numerous spirits bringing them under the umbrella of that venerated tradition and blinding ourselves to truth.
We fail to see that communicable diseases are caused by germs and not by angry spirits, and the absurdity of appeasing higher powers for cures instead of using proven medications. The facts of a simple biological event such as reaching puberty are often buried under rituals; the associated taboos impact females from participation in education and in the work force and, at times, risk their health. The period poverty is discussed in high circles, but does it help the needy? These practices teach our children to leave their destinies at the mercy of mystic superpowers instead of taking control of their lives themselves. There lies the biggest obstacle to prosperity. These are all difficult subjects to deal with, but we must initiate a dialogue on the information gap at a minimum if we must move the country forward.
There are many more practices and beliefs that hamper our progress. Hopefully, we will have the courage and wisdom to have that discussion, someday. Until then, we can do one thing at home: let us tell our children the truth. If our practices have artistic, cultural, and economic values, let us tell them so without wrapping them in mysticism. Let us teach them poems for their literary value but not as historical facts. Let them know that history is written by the victors and often gives the writer’s perspective. Let us teach them the value of rational thinking and help them join the 21st century along with the rest of the world. Let us have no doubt that a prosperous country can be built only on fact-based information that is objective, and not on opinions, beliefs, or assumptions inherited from the dark ages. Let elimination of such culturally acquired ignorance be our new year resolution.
“The bad news is time flies. The good news is you’re the pilot.”
Cassandra quotes below a poet she never could enjoy – Alfred Lord Tennyson (1809 – 1892). He was 1st Baron Tennyson and Poet Laureate during much of Queen Victoria’s reign. To her he sounds pompous but his Ring Out Wild Bells is a simple poem and she found it apt at this time. Two stanzas of the poem go thus:
Ring out the want, the care, the sin, / the faithless coldness of the times;
Ring out, ring out my mournful rhymes/But ring the fuller minstrel in.
Ring out false pride in place and blood, /The civic slander and the spite;
Ring in the love of truth and right, /Ring in the common love of good
.I am certain you reader will guess the implied meaning Cass has in mind when quoting these lines. Yes and a loud YES; Sri Lanka is ringing out the bad, ugly, mean, corrupt, pompous pride and bloated egos of those who ruled us. The majority of us have hope in our hearts and look forward to an all-round improvement in how the country is governed. We also are sure the new people at the head of government and state are very different from those Big Wigs of this year before October and down the years, who so drastically dragged the country down to the very depths of deprivation and bankruptcy.
Tennyson rings out the want, the care, the sin; the faithless coldness of the times.
Yes, the times of waiting days in queues for essentials is over. Some may remind Cass it was Ranil W, who did away with queues by taking the right economic decisions. Yes, partly, but during his time as Prez he could have done much more to ease the lot of not only the poorer segment of Sri Lanka’s population but all who suffered. And this while 90 odd persons were advising him and running around in luxury cars while we suffered deprivation.
There certainly was ‘faithless coldness’ during times past when decisions were taken to please the very small minority of the rich at the expense of the rest of Sri Lankans. Coldness we associate with Prez Gotabaya and ‘false pride in place and blood’ during the years Mahinda R was Prez with his favoured persons doing just as they please, not caring one jot for those they made to suffer. Cold unconcern. Coldness is attributed to Ranil W. Comes to mind Keheliya Rambukwella and Lohan Ratwatte, the former importing medical drugs that were ineffective or lethal; the latter strutting in prisons at night with a thigh exposing woman friend. The list of crimes is very long.
Tennyson calls for a ringing in of love of truth and right and common love. AKD, Harini, Vijitha Herath and others of the NPP are ringing in truth and honesty; right government ensuring people’s rights; and intending to end the evils of corruption, nepotism, favouritism and family bandyism of concern only for the wellbeing of families.
A sense of empathy and concern for the country and its people by those in power is definitely in the air, which was never present, except as far back as when DS Senanayake, Dudley Senanayake and John Kotelawala were in power. Kotelawela showed concern in his own brusque way. They were not self-centered and we do not expect our new leaders to be this, even to the slightest degree.
Cassandra’s summation on the state of the country and people’s perceptions is optimistic. The country will sure improve and Ministers in the Cabinet will work to improve the country and its people, not themselves. When honesty, commitment and selflessness are apparent in political leaders, lesser ones too will follow. Thus, we could expect bureaucrats who serve the country with honesty and dedication.
Accidents and apparent incompetence
We are glad the Police have taken due note of the far too many road accidents and have started preliminary findings to arrive at the root of the serious trouble. As the Editor of this newspaper commented in his editorial on this subject, common causes of road accidents are incompetent drivers; road unworthy vehicles; buses plying competitively for fares; and drivers and bus conductors addicted to drugs or intoxicating drinks and being at the wheel under either influence. Also, their being over-worked with far too long spells driving. All these can be remedied. Strict supervision of drivers and vehicles; bus owners being law abiding; the Police taking preventive and punishing action; and punishment meted being severe.
Cassandra experienced the crass incompetence and, perhaps, the debilitating influence of drugs on a driver of a motorbike. She was informed by a friend that a parcel was being delivered to her by one of the delivery services now having good business during this season of gift giving. The delivery man was to be expected around 8.30 pm, the friend said. Cass waited till 9.30, her equanimity fast disappearing and her ire rising. She phoned her friend who contacted either the delivery service or the courier. She was promised he would be at her door in 20 minutes. The clock hands showed 10.30 pm. The driver contacted her. She gave him detailed directions to her home, which even an idiot could follow.
No delivery. She phoned the delivery man, thrice. Each time she heard the motorcyclist ask people directions to Cass’ abode and they gave very accurate directions. But the man could not follow them. She called him. He was just a couple of yards away but at a cross roads, which he should never have been in. Directions were given – simple, easy to follow and unambiguous. No man, no parcel. She sent her domestic to the end of the lane leading to her place. Man finally appears at 11.45. Cass was beyond throwing a tantrum and closer to a stroke or heart seizure.
She was sure, though inexperienced in dealing with druggies, that this driver was under the influence of a drug which dulled his senses to near zero. Her Man Friday tells her that young men are recruited from places far distant from Colombo and do not know its roads and streets. No excuse at all. Glaring faults of employers are non-caring and greed for profit at any cost. Fault of employees: sheer incompetence and immorality in being under the influence of drugs or drink while on the job.
This anecdote is to highlight possible-to-be-remedied faults of businesses. Even government offices had don’t-care-less employees. That will change, and sure must already have changed. Thankfully, Prez AKD gave govt employees a strong pep talk: do your job or you will be made to quit.
Cass ends this Friday’s optimistic Cry with wishing each of her readers a very happy New Year with much less burdens to bear and life improving with hope and anticipation. Gratitude to those who govern us can be given again, replacing the disdain and dislike, hate too, felt earlier. A New Year to the country we love so much of increasing prosperity, equal rights to all and peace!
Features
Navigating the Dragon’s Den: Sri Lanka’s strategic balancing act ahead of President AKD’s visit to China
by Professor Chanaka Jayawardhena
President Anura Kumara Dissanayake is scheduled to embark on a state visit to China early next year, following his recent diplomatic success in India. As Sri Lanka rebuilds from the ashes of an economic meltdown, this visit will serve as a pivotal moment, shaping not just bilateral relations but also the island’s broader economic and geopolitical trajectory. While the allure of Chinese investments may offer short-term relief, the stakes are high: the decisions made during this visit could either cement Sri Lanka’s recovery or deepen its vulnerabilities.
The Economic Promise: Opportunity at the Doorstep
China’s economic might is undeniable. As the world’s second-largest economy and a leading investor in developing nations, China has demonstrated a remarkable ability to deploy vast sums of capital into infrastructure projects and industrial ventures. For Sri Lanka, a nation grappling with limited fiscal space, Chinese investment could unlock opportunities in critical sectors such as energy, transport, and manufacturing.
The Hambantota Port stands as a testament to the scope of Chinese involvement in Sri Lanka. Despite initial controversies, the port has emerged as a strategic hub, offering potential for revenue generation and job creation. However, the same cannot be said for the Mattala Rajapaksa International Airport, often dubbed the “world’s emptiest airport.” While envisioned as a key logistical and passenger hub, the airport has yet to realise its potential, serving as a reminder that infrastructure investments must align with realistic demand projections and comprehensive planning. Addressing this gap should be a priority during discussions with Chinese counterparts, ensuring that such projects contribute meaningfully to Sri Lanka’s economic landscape.
Additionally, enhanced trade relations with China offer significant upside. As Sri Lanka seeks to diversify its export portfolio, targeting China’s vast consumer base could invigorate key industries such as apparel, seafood, and tea. Establishing favourable trade agreements during this visit could pave the way for sustainable economic growth, moving beyond aid and debt reliance.
The Geopolitical Tightrope
The geopolitical stakes for Sri Lanka are both immense and intricate, requiring delicate balancing between its key regional partner, India, and the opportunities presented by China. India remains Sri Lanka’s closest neighbour and has historically shared deep cultural, economic, and security ties with the island nation. India’s contributions during Sri Lanka’s economic crisis, including emergency financial aid, are a testament to its enduring commitment. However, India also views any expansion of Chinese influence in Sri Lanka with heightened concern, perceiving it as a potential security threat within its sphere of influence in the Indian Ocean region.
President Dissanayake must walk a fine line during his visit to China, ensuring that the agreements forged do not alienate India or exacerbate regional tensions. While pursuing Chinese investments, Sri Lanka must communicate its intentions transparently to India, emphasising that its engagement with China is rooted in economic pragmatism rather than any geopolitical alignment. Joint initiatives with India, such as collaborations in regional trade and maritime security, can serve as confidence-building measures to assuage Indian apprehensions.
China, on the other hand, presents unparalleled economic opportunities. Investments in infrastructure, manufacturing, and renewable energy could provide Sri Lanka with a much-needed economic boost. However, Sri Lanka’s leadership must remain vigilant to avoid the pitfalls of overdependence on China, as evidenced by the debt crises faced by other nations engaged in the Belt and Road Initiative. The priority must be projects that not only bolster the local economy but also preserve national sovereignty.
To emulate the success of nations like Vietnam, Sri Lanka can adopt a “bamboo foreign policy”—firmly rooted in its national interests yet flexible in adapting to the complexities of great power politics. Vietnam’s ability to maintain economic ties with China while cultivating strategic partnerships with the United States, Japan, and ASEAN countries offers a valuable model. Sri Lanka, too, must engage other global players, ensuring a diversified set of partnerships that prevent over-reliance on any single nation.
Moreover, Sri Lanka’s policymakers must focus on ensuring that the benefits of Chinese investments accrue to Sri Lanka itself, rather than serving external strategic interests. This includes rigorous scrutiny of project proposals, transparent procurement processes, and an unwavering commitment to prioritising projects that yield tangible economic returns for the Sri Lankan people.
The challenge lies in balancing these dynamics while maintaining Sri Lanka’s sovereignty. A comprehensive, long-term vision that places Sri Lanka’s national interests at the forefront is essential. Investments should align with the country’s development goals, fostering economic resilience and reducing external vulnerabilities. Ultimately, the success of this balancing act will determine whether Sri Lanka can emerge as a stable and independent player in the region or remain a pawn in the larger geopolitical chessboard.
Potential Pitfalls: Lessons from the Region
Sri Lanka’s impending engagement with China is fraught with risks, many of which have been experienced by other nations. Laos, for instance, has faced severe debt distress due to over-reliance on Chinese loans for infrastructure projects under the BRI. Similarly, Zambia’s excessive borrowing from China has resulted in contentious renegotiations and fears of asset seizures. These examples underscore the importance of scrutinising loan terms and prioritising projects that deliver tangible economic returns.
Another potential pitfall is the erosion of sovereignty. Nations that over depend on Chinese investments often find themselves compromising on key policy decisions, whether in trade, security, or governance. Sri Lanka’s leadership must ensure that economic agreements do not come at the expense of national autonomy.
Moreover, transparency is critical. Corruption in procurement processes and project implementation has plagued many BRI initiatives, undermining public trust and long-term viability. President Dissanayake’s government, which has earned public confidence for its anti-corruption stance, must maintain rigorous oversight over any agreements signed during this visit.
Charting a Vision for the Future
While the immediate focus of President Dissanayake’s visit will likely centre on securing economic investments, the government must adopt a comprehensive vision that extends beyond short-term gains. This vision should encompass three key pillars:
=Economic Sustainability:
Sri Lanka must prioritise investments that align with its long-term development goals. This includes focusing on renewable energy projects that reduce reliance on fossil fuels, thereby lowering energy costs and improving environmental outcomes. Digital infrastructure development, such as expanding broadband access, can drive innovation and attract high-value industries, while skill development initiatives can prepare Sri Lanka’s workforce for the demands of a modern economy. By diversifying its economic base, Sri Lanka can reduce its vulnerability to global economic shocks and ensure sustainable growth.
=Geopolitical Balance:
As Sri Lanka engages with China, it must simultaneously deepen partnerships with other nations, including India, our immediate neighbours in the SAARC region and the rest of both the western world along with the global south. Strengthening ties with India, its closest neighbour, ensures regional security and cooperation, while partnerships with any country with the means can provide access to alternative sources of investment and technology. A multilateral approach will mitigate the risks of over-dependence on any single nation and enhance Sri Lanka’s global standing. By actively participating in regional forums and initiatives, Sri Lanka can position itself as a bridge between competing powers, leveraging its strategic location to attract diverse opportunities.
=Social Cohesion:
The benefits of Chinese investments must be equitably distributed to avoid exacerbating social inequalities. Infrastructure projects should include components that directly impact local communities, such as job creation and skill development programmes.
Transparent planning and community engagement are essential to ensure that large-scale projects do not displace vulnerable populations or create environmental degradation. By fostering inclusivity and addressing the needs of all segments of society, the government can build public trust and strengthen social stability, which is vital for long-term development.
A Positive Path Forward
President Dissanayake’s forthcoming visit to China represents both a challenge and an opportunity. By adopting a cautious yet ambitious approach, Sri Lanka can harness the economic potential of Chinese investments while safeguarding its sovereignty and geopolitical balance. The lessons from countries like Vietnam, Laos, and Zambia serve as valuable guideposts, highlighting both the promise and perils of engagement with global powers.
Sri Lanka’s recovery journey is far from over, but the foundations for a brighter future are being laid. The government’s ability to navigate this complex landscape with transparency, vision, and pragmatism will determine whether the nation can emerge stronger, more resilient, and truly independent. As the president steps into the dragon’s den, the world will be watching—and so will the people of Sri Lanka.
(Views expressed in this article are personal.)
(The writer is Professor of (Chair) of Marketing, University of Surrey, UK. Linkedin: https://uk.linkedin.com/in/marketingchanaka, Email: Chanaka.j@gmail.com
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