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Weaponising race

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Protest against the killing of Kaba

by Dr Upul Wijayawardhana

In the evening of 22 Sept., 2002, in Streatham Hill in south London, Metropolitan police in pursuit of a vehicle believed to be involved in a ‘firearm incident’ the previous day, cornered it but the driver attempted to speed away by ramming police vehicles, when an armed police officer fired a single shot through the windscreen. The injured young driver named Chris Kaba was admitted to hospital, but he died the following day. Police action appeared to be justified, but the driver happened to be black and no firearm was found in the vehicle or vicinity, there was a massive uproar, branding the incident as an instance of police brutality, with vigils displaying ‘Black Lives Matter’ signs.

Unlike in the US, the British police do not shoot at drivers of whatever colour and thought this was a rare incident, politicians including the former leader of the Labour Party Jeremy Corbyn readily joined the bandwagon of condemnation. The most significant amongst the politicians was the Labour Mayor of London, Sadique Khan, who has purview over the Metropolitan Police. Justifiably lamenting the loss of a young life, he said he understood “the grave concern and the impact of Chris’ death on Black Londoners across our city and the anger, pain and fear it has caused – as well as the desire for justice and change”. The implied blame without any investigations can only undermine the police but that is how politicians behave!

Chris Kaba

Whenever a death occurs due to police action or in police custody, it is mandatory in the UK for the incident to be reported to the Independent Office of Police Conduct (IOPC), this incident being no exception. After an investigation lasting seven months IOPC referred the case to the Director of Public Prosecutions (DPP) to decide whether the officer should be charged with murder. On 20 September 2023 the IOPC issued a press release which concluded with: “Following the completion of our investigation in March 2023, we referred a file of evidence to the CPS, who authorised the murder charge.” Firearm officers of the Met were very unhappy with this outcome, as they felt unprotected in performing their duties however unpleasant they may be, and over 100 officers handed back their firearms.

Charges were filed, when anonymity was lifted and the officer, Martyn Blake pleaded not guilty in March 2024, trial against him starting in Old Bailey on 02 October. After a trial lasting three weeks, a jury of six men and three women took only just over three hours to return the unanimous verdict of not guilty, much to the disappointment and annoyance of the family, who claimed that justice had not been served. Obviously, the jury believed the testimony of the police officer Martyn Blake that he had been compelled to shoot because he genuinely believed that the lives of his fellow officers were in danger as Chris Kaba, when boxed, reversed ramming his vehicle onto to a police vehicle and was attempting to drive away endangering their lives. His contention was that he felt Kaba was using the vehicle as a deadly weapon. Two other police officers testified that they had come to the same conclusion and were about to fire.

The BLM movement was furious with the verdict and its activists said: “No one can be safe while the police can kill with impunity. This verdict is not the end. It only strengthens our resolve. Now is the time to join and fight for a future where justice and accountability are the norm, and no-one is above the law.” A vigil attended by about 150 people was held outside the Old Bailey the same evening.

CCTV footage shows Kaba putting a handgun into his bag after shooting
a man in the thigh in a nightclub in London.

It was reported that Martyn Blake and family had to be taken to a safe house as numerous death threats have been received after the verdict. Metropolitan Police Commissioner Sir Mark Rowley, who was infuriated by the whole process, declared that Mr Blake had paid a huge personal and professional sacrifice in the two years since the shooting and that he had made “a split-second decision on what he believed was necessary to protect his colleagues and to protect London”. Whilst criticising the systems used to hold police officers who take lethal shots to account, he stated: “I worry about the lack of support officers face for doing their best, but most of all, I worry for the public. The more we crush the spirit of good officers, the less they can fight crime – that risks London becoming less safe.”

An interesting turn of events took place on 22 October, the day after the verdict, when the judge lifted restrictions on reporting the past of the victim, which had to be kept away from the jury. It appeared that Kaba had been a prominent member of a dangerous gang in London and was involved in a shooting a week before his death. Video footage released showed Kaba shooting another gang member, a rapper, in a London night club. Three other men have already been convicted over their involvement in this nightclub shooting and are serving long prison sentences. During their trial, Kaba was named by the presiding judge as the gunman, stating that Kaba shot the man once in the leg while on the nightclub dance floor, and once outside as the man tried to escape. Though Kaba died before being charged, he was later named on the charge sheet for that trial.

It transpired later that the family tried their best to prevent this information being released and they have been relatively quiet since. However, what is interesting is the response of politicians. The local MP, a Black lady, who was very critical of the police previously, stating that ‘campaigners are marching for justice for end to racism in policing’, toned down after the verdict stating, ‘Whilst police officers undeniably have a difficult job and work under exceptional pressures, this trial shows that nobody is above the law.’ However, the leader of a large trade union of teachers, who happens to be black, stated that Kaba got the second tier of justice! The most revealing comments come from the Mayor of London, who stated “There’s clearly still a wider lack of trust in the police, particularly within the black community, that needs to be addressed”. He said he was planning to hold the Metropolitan Police to account to ensure that lessons are learnt. Words of the head of the Metropolitan Police seem to have fallen on deaf ears! Sounds familiar: politicians would weaponise anything, race, religion being the commonest, for their advantage.

Whilst Israel, a state created on the basis of race, is massacring in Gaza, thousands of innocent civilians of a different race displaced due to its creation, world leaders turn a blind eye and a deaf ear. Whilst Sri Lanka is continuing to be harassed by the international community for the sin of militarily defeating a ruthless terrorist group, Israel’s fanciful explanations why it is killing so many innocents are readily accepted. What hypocrisy?



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Opinion

The Cream of the Earth: Why Sri Lanka needs a Fruit Consumers Movement

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By Lalin I De Silva

Sri Lanka speaks constantly about hospitals, medicines, food imports, agricultural productivity and the rising cost of living. Yet there is one simple question we rarely ask:

Are we eating enough of the food that our own soil can naturally give us?

Fruit is perhaps one of the finest gifts of the earth to humankind. A ripe mango, banana, papaya, guava or avocado comes to us almost ready to eat. Sunlight, rain, soil, microorganisms, minerals and the labour of a farmer have already done most of the work.

That is why I like to describe fruit as the “cream of the earth.”

This is, of course, not an argument that fruit alone can prevent every disease, or guarantee longevity. Science does not support such exaggerated claims. But there is strong international evidence that regular consumption of fruits and vegetables forms an important part of a healthy diet and is associated with lower risks of several major non-communicable diseases.

Sri Lanka’s own dietary guidance encourages the daily consumption of fruit as part of a balanced diet.

The tragedy is that we live on an island capable of producing an extraordinary variety of fruits, while many families increasingly depend on highly processed foods, sugary drinks and imported snacks.

This deserves national attention.

We Produce — But Do We Connect?

Sri Lanka grows banana, mango, pineapple, papaya, avocado, rambutan, mangosteen, guava, woodapple, beli, pomegranate, durian and many lesser-known indigenous fruits.

Yet our fruit value chain remains fragmented.

The farmer often does not know the final consumer.

The consumer rarely knows the farmer.

Fruit travels through several intermediaries, sometimes suffering poor handling, unnecessary damage and price escalation along the way.

Consumers may not know where a fruit was grown, when it was harvested, whether it was naturally matured or what crop-protection practices were followed.

Meanwhile, a careful farmer, producing exceptional fruit, may receive almost the same farm-gate price as someone producing an inferior product.

That is not value-chain management.

It is precisely this disconnect that a new citizen-led initiative could begin to address.

25 Districts — 25 Consumer Societies

A proposal now emerging is to establish a Pure Sri Lankan Authentic Healthy Fruit Consumers Society in each of Sri Lanka’s 25 districts.

The concept should not become another organisation full of titles, meetings and ceremonial functions.

Its purpose must be practical.

Each district society could bring together consumers, growers, doctors, nutritionists, horticulturists, schools, universities, retailers, hotels, processors and young entrepreneurs.

The first task would be to understand the district itself.

What fruits are grown?

Where are they grown?

When are they available?

Which traditional varieties are disappearing?

Where can consumers purchase genuinely good fruits?

Where are the post-harvest losses?

What do farmers need?

What do consumers actually want?

From this information, each district could eventually develop its own Fruit Map.

Twenty-five district maps could then become a National Fruit Map of Sri Lanka.

From Anonymous Fruit to Traceable Fruit

Imagine buying a mango and scanning a QR code.

You could see the district, grower, variety, approximate harvest date and production information.

You could perhaps even provide feedback on taste.

That may sound futuristic, but the technology already exists.

The problem is not technology.

The problem is that our food system was never designed to connect the person who grows the fruit with the person who eats it.

Traceability could change that.

The principle is simple:

Know your farmer. Know your fruit.

Let the Consumer Lead

For decades, agriculture has largely been driven from the production side.

“How much can we produce?” has been the dominant question.

A healthier agricultural economy should begin with another question:

What does the consumer need, value and trust?

If thousands of consumers deliberately demand fresh, safe, flavorful and traceable Sri Lankan fruit, the message travels backwards through the entire value chain.

Retailers respond.

Farmers respond.

Nurseries respond.

Researchers respond.

Investors respond.

Government eventually has to respond.

That is the real power of an organised consumer movement.

Start With Children

Perhaps the most powerful campaign message could be remarkably simple:

Two Fruits a Day.

Imagine a Sri Lankan child coming home from school and asking:

“What are our fruits today?”

Imagine every school having a small fruit garden.

Imagine children being able to identify 10 Sri Lankan fruits, understand their seasons and know where they are grown.

Such behavioral change cannot be achieved merely by issuing circulars from Colombo.

It must become part of family culture.

Kandy Could Begin

Kandy would be a logical district in which to pilot the concept.

Its climatic diversity, surrounding agricultural communities, educational institutions, hotels, markets and strong plantation heritage provide an excellent testing ground.

A successful Kandy model could then be adapted—not blindly copied—across the other 24 districts.

The objective should ultimately be much larger than selling more fruit.

It is about reconnecting soil, farmer, food, consumer and health.

Sri Lanka does not need to invent every solution from outside.

Sometimes the answer may already be hanging from a tree beside us.

We simply have to recognise its value.

Know Your Farmer. Know Your Fruit. Live Well.

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Opinion

‘Outpost of Empire’

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Review

by Colleen Figg, Editor
and Reviewer – Amazon, New Voices Publishing

“Fernando echoes Macbeth with the line, “There is judgment here.” It captures the question running through the novel: can anyone participate in corruption and remain untouched by it? Beneath this satire is a dark story about power and the danger of believing, that someone else will always pay the price.”

Shavindra Fernando’s Outpost of Empire is a political novel set in the fictional country of Lackadasia. At its heart is a strong idea: an exploration of world politics, terrorism and the ways in which powerful countries manipulate smaller ones. Fernando is clearly writing about political issues that matter deeply to him.

The names immediately establish the book’s satirical character. Lackadasia, Burgherbugaria and the various Klowns suggest a world in which the people and places are exaggerated, but the issues beneath the exaggeration are recognisable. The playful language allows Fernando to approach terrorism, religious conflict and political corruption from an unusual angle.

Henry Stockwell is a central character: an ambassador who arrives in Lackadasia presenting himself as a friend of the country. He believes he understands how power works and treats the country, its politicians and its people as pawns on his personal chessboard. In his arrogance, he never doubts that he controls events rather than being controlled by them. This confidence makes him a compelling figure and in him, we explore the workings of political influence and the potential traps contained therein.

As the story develops, Fernando reveals a political world where causes are adopted when they are useful, people are exploited and discarded, and the truth becomes whatever those in power need it to be. Ordinary people suffer the consequences of decisions made far beyond their reach or knowledge, while those making those decisions continue to justify their actions. Even the people who help keep this world running may not be as important or as safe as they imagine.

Stockwell brings this idea into focus. He recognises corruption in others and willingly takes part in it himself, yet he cannot see that he might also suffer its consequences. Ultimately, he thinks his position will keep him safe. He is intelligent enough to understand the game, but not insightful enough to grasp the limits of his place within it. This blindness gives the novel a strong sense of irony.

The satirical approach gives Fernando room to criticise political hypocrisy without turning the novel into a direct political argument. By using fictional countries and exaggerated names, he creates some distance from specific governments and events while still making the larger targets of the book clear. The humour does not take away from the seriousness of the subject; instead, it makes the cruelty and self-interest beneath the political performance stand out more sharply.

Near the end, Fernando echoes Macbeth with the line, “There is judgment here.” It captures the question running through the novel: can anyone participate in corruption and remain untouched by it? Beneath this satire is a dark story about power and the danger of believing that someone else will always pay the price.

I came away feeling that Outpost of Empire is a valuable and thought-provoking book, particularly in today’s political and social climate. It has a distinctive voice, and the questions it raises about power, responsibility and foreign interference remain relevant far beyond the fictional borders of Lackadasia.
About the Author

Shavindra Fernando has worked as a reporter. He read English & Classics at the University of Peradeniya in Sri Lanka, and took International Relations & Ethnic Politics as a Reuter Fellow at the University of Oxford in England. The Vague Poetess (1999)was his first novel.

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Opinion

Speaker’s dilemma

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The Opposition, in its wisdom (or perhaps stupidity), has submitted yet another No-Confidence Motion (NCM) against the Speaker of Parliament. Perhaps it hopes to score some brownie points in the eyes of the public, which is hardly indifferent to such developments. Yet, knowing full well that the motion is unlikely to succeed, the exercise may well prove futile — akin to banging one’s head against a solid rock.

Nevertheless, the nearly fifty allegations levelled against the Speaker, whether justified or mere mudslinging, cannot simply be brushed aside. Such allegations may well have a bearing on the individual concerned, particularly where it matters most — his conscience — and few would dispute that possibility.

From a protocol standpoint, the Speaker occupies one of the highest positions in the country, ranking third in the hierarchy of state. He consequently belongs to the uppermost echelons of public life, with acquaintances and associates extending across a wide spectrum of society, including diplomats and other distinguished personalities. Such a position carries with it not merely prestige and privilege, but also an onerous responsibility to uphold the dignity and integrity of the office.

As the guardian of Parliament, the Speaker is expected to maintain standards of conduct, impartiality and discipline that are beyond reproach.

Whether the allegations are justifiable or not may be of little consequence to members of the ruling party, who will undoubtedly defend their colleague to the hilt. Nevertheless, the stigma arising from such allegations may prove difficult to erase, particularly in the eyes of his family, close associates and, ultimately, the voters who placed their trust in him. Of course, it is common knowledge that politics can be a dirty game and that, as Lord Acton famously observed, “power tends to corrupt, and absolute power corrupts absolutely.”

Yet, nothing could be more devastating than a person losing his own soul in the process. On the one hand, stepping down could be construed as an admission of responsibility for the allegations levelled against him. On the other, allowing the No-Confidence Motion (NCM) to proceed could expose him to further public scrutiny and potentially inflict lasting damage on his character, dignity and reputation. Thus, he finds himself caught between two unenviable choices, each carrying consequences that may extend far beyond the immediate political fallout.

The Speaker is therefore confronted with a classic Hobson’s choice, with neither option likely to be without consequences. After all, in politics, there are no permanent friends or enemies—only permanent interests.

WILLIAM

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