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SL upholds democratic values amidst global turmoil – President

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President Wickremesinghe at the inaugural session of First National Student Parliament met at the Presidential Secretariat on March 26. Secretary of the Ministry of Education Wasantha Perera is also in the picture

President Ranil Wickremesinghe has said that despite the adverse impact of world wars and internal conflicts, Sri Lanka has steadfastly upheld its democratic value of ensuring the functioning of both the government and the Opposition without interruption.

“Only two countries in the entirety of Asia and Africa have achieved this feat: Sri Lanka and Mauritius. In Europe, only Great Britain, Ireland, Switzerland, and Sweden have consistently upheld democracy. The majority of countries that now advocate for democracy fell under the rule of Adolf Hitler,” the President said addressing the inaugural session of First National Student Parliament met at the Presidential Secretariat on March 26.

Wickremesinghe told student parliamentarians that they might find it worthwhile to explore ways and means of sustaining this system. Moreover, there could be individuals here with a keen interest in politics. I am confident that the National Student Parliament will serve as a foundation for nurturing such interests,” he said.

“Democracy in our country evolved gradually during the colonial era. The establishment of the Legislative Assembly in 1833 marked a significant milestone, although no voting took place on that occasion. Instead, the governor appointed several Lankans for the assembly. It wasn’t until 1912 that a Lankan was given the chance to elect a Member of Parliament. However, women were not granted voting rights at that time. Approximately five thousand individuals, primarily based on property and education, were eligible to vote.

In 1931, Sri Lanka achieved universal suffrage, making history as the first country in Asia where both men and women over the age of 21 were granted the right to vote. Subsequently, under the Donoughmore system, Sri Lanka acquired seven ministerial roles, three ministries were initially held by English. Over time, Lankans assumed these positions. The council also appointed seven committees, each with its chairperson, functioning akin to ministries. Notably, political parties were absent during this period. Amidst World War conditions, all non-military affairs were delegated to Sri Lanka as it engaged with Britain, America, and the Soviet Union.

Following the Soulbury Constitution, we attained freedom. The very building you are currently in was constructed for the convening of the Constituent Assembly. Both the Senate and the House of Commons were also housed in this location.

Upon Sri Lanka’s transition to a republic in 1972, this institution evolved into the National State Council. In 1977, I commenced my tenure in the National Assembly. Four individuals who served in the National Assembly remain active members of Parliament to this day. Former President Mahinda Rajapaksa and Vasudeva Nanayakkara were elected in 1970, while R. Sampanthan and I also entered Parliament in 1977. The year 1977 marked the country’s adoption of the executive presidential system. Subsequently, following our relocation to the new Parliament premises in 1982, this edifice was re-purposed as the President’s Office.”

The National Student Parliament comprises two representatives elected from each of the zonal student parliaments established in 100 regions, spanning across the nine provinces of the island, selected based on receiving the highest number of votes.

In an election conducted on March (26) by the Election Commission under the auspices of the Co-curricular Guidance and Counselling Branch of the Ministry of Education, the National Student Parliament appointed individuals to various positions, including speaker, prime minister, deputy speaker, ten ministers, and ten deputy ministers.

Secretary to the President Saman Ekanayake, Secretary of the Ministry of Education Wasantha Perera, Assistant Director of the Presidential Secretariat Major Nadika Dangolla, Chief of Staff and Deputy General Secretary of the Parliament, Chaminda Kularatne, Assistant Secretary General of the Parliament, Hansa Abeyratne, Additional Secretary to the Prime Minister, Harsha Wijewardena, former Chairman of the Election Commission, Mahinda Deshapriya, along with additional secretaries, provincial secretaries, principals, and teachers were present at this event.



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Unions resist tripartite EPF management plan

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… warn of dire consequences

A group of trade unions and civil society groups has requested President Anura Kumara Dissanayake to abandon his government’s controversial plan for the proposed tripartite management of the EPF.

The group has told the President: “We strongly object to the government’s plan to transfer the EPF to a tripartite board—jointly promoted by the Employers’ Federation of Ceylon (EFC), International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the International Labour Organisation (ILO)—and to increase the investments of those funds within private equity and debt markets.

“While the EFC and the government jointly project this plan as a ‘modern governance framework’, it poses a serious threat to the EPF’s financial stability, fiduciary conduct, and returns to workers’ life savings, with severe consequences for broader macroeconomic stability. Rather than replacing the corruption existing in the public sector, this tripartite framework paves the way for a corporate takeover of the EPF. Through this, the fund is exposed to unlawful business practices such as insider trading using internal information of EPF investments, conflicts of interest and corporate bailouts of unstable private companies.

“Sri Lanka’s corporate sector has a tremendously negative track record, which you alluded to during your victorious election campaign in 2024. This was recently unravelled by the multi-billion-dollar illicit capital flight through trade misinvoicing, which your administration is now actively working to curb in the imports sector.

“The recent banking sector fraud exceeds Rs. 13 billion; widespread corporate tax evasion destabilised the fiscal position (Sri Lanka Auditor General’s Department Annual Reports) and consequently inflated the tax burden on the general public. The EFC has found it convenient to remain silent about these crimes, possibly assuming that their silence would preserve their social standing. Considering this inherent corruption within Sri Lanka’s corporate sector and its disregard to the living standards of the general public, there is no realistic basis to integrate corporate interests to actively manage the EPF. The corporate sector of Sri Lanka has not developed sufficiently on technical and ethical grounds to safely entrust the largest retirement savings pool in the country. The EPF is a captive fund that has no mechanism for the owners to divest if the management is corrupt. This further increases the possibility of corporate fraud when the management of the fund is jointly held with the corporate sector.

“Furthermore, during the recent public discussion with trade unions, Deputy Minister of Finance Dr. Anila Jayantha pointed out that the domestic debt restructuring (DDR) would inflict a loss of Rs. 600 billion to the EPF. Our independent calculations—formally submitted as an affidavit to the Supreme Court approved by the Federation of University Teachers’ Associations in 2024—reveal that nominal loss alone is Rs. 634.4 billion. When factoring in foreclosed reinvestment returns, the true loss skyrockets to Rs. 1,711 billion, wiping out 48% of the fund’s projected gross income for the 2023 – 2028 period. Under the pretext of safeguarding the banking system, this colossal robbery preserved high yields on government bonds held by commercial banks and high-net-worth individuals, subsequently reaping them astronomical profits. Now, the exact same plunder is rearing its head again disguised as a tripartite committee.”

“The main arguments supporting our resistance and viable alternatives for optimising EPF management directly under the Central Bank of Sri Lanka (CBSL), are outlined below.

“Objections to the government’s tripartite proposal:

1. The “International best practice and conflict of interest fallacies”

The government holds that tripartite management of pension funds is the “international best practice” and that there is a “conflict of interest” in CBSL managing the EPF. They are key pillars justifying government’s tripartite proposal.

These two positions are shockingly misleading given that four of the five largest pension funds in the world, in Norway, Japan, the U.S., and Singapore, are managed directly by state bodies or central banks. Therefore, ‘international best practice’ in pension fund management is the exact opposite of what the government and the IMF are proposing. We hence reject these baseless positions.

2. Corporate captivity and bailouts

It is clear that the EFC is desperately pushing for this proposal at a time of global uncertainty, to cushion the effects of the crisis and maximise gains. Under corporate influence within the proposed tripartite board, the private conglomerates can use the multi-trillion-rupee EPF to continue their unstable commercial operations without having to risk their own capital or savings to do so. This will severely erode the financial stability of the EPF and its returns.

3. Risk of front running

“Because the EPF is a colossal fund, its investment decisions can alter asset prices. This creates immense monetary value for the information generated by its investment decisions. Corporate representatives on the proposed tripartite board will be perfectly positioned to use this information to trade ahead of the EPF (front-running), buying assets cheaply and dumping them onto the EPF at inflated prices for guaranteed corporate gain, resulting in a reduction of returns to the EPF.

4. Unavoidable loopholes

“Presence of a separate group of investment analysts, trade union representatives and government officials within the proposed tripartite structure cannot prevent pre-market corporate access to EPF’s investment decisions. Investment proposals made by the analysts has to be first approved by the proposed tripartite committee, making it impossible to prevent corporate access to insider information on EPF investments.”

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Two arrest warrants issued for Gnanasara thera

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Galagoda Aththe Gnanasara

The Colombo High Court and Court of Appeal yesterday issued arrest warrants for the Bodu Bala Sena general secretary Galagoda Aththe Gnanasara in a case involving an alleged statement insulting Islam.

The arrest warrants were issued on Tuesday and Wednesday. The Court of Appeal issued an open warrant two weeks after the court rescinded the presidential pardon granted to the thera when he was serving a six-year term for contempt of court.

The Appeals Court also imposed a travel ban on the monk and ordered that the Controller General of Immigration and Emigration be informed of the restriction.

The case was taken up before Colombo High Court Judge Buddhika C. Ragala. Gnanasara Thera was not present when the case was called.

A medical report was submitted stating that Thera was unwell, while his sureties also failed to appear before court. His counsel, Asoka Weerasuriya, told court that his client wished to bring the case to an early conclusion and that representations had been made to the Attorney General in that regard.

However, after considering the submissions, the High Court judge said he was not satisfied with the medical report submitted on behalf of the accused. The court also noted the failure of the sureties to appear.

The judge subsequently ordered that Gnanasara Thera be arrested and produced before court.The Attorney General filed the case under provisions of the Penal Code, alleging that remarks made by Gnanasara Thera concerning the Holy Quran amounted to an insult to Islam.

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CA dismisses GR’s writ petition against arrest

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Gotabaya

A two-member bench comprising Court of Appeal President Justice Rohantha Abeysuriya and Justice Sarath Dissanayake yesterday (1) dismissed a writ petition filed by former President Gotabaya Rajapaksa seeking judicial intervention to prevent his arrest under the Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA) in connection with the ongoing investigations into 2019 Easter Sunday terror attacks.

The writ petition was rejected in limine.

In the petition, the former President cited Inspector General of Police Priyantha Weerasooriya, Criminal Investigation Department (CID) Director Shani Abeysekera, the Officer-in-Charge of the CID’s Special Investigations Unit and the Attorney General as respondents. The ex-President sought the court intervention after the arrest of former head of the State Intelligence Service (SIS) retired Maj. Gen. Suresh Sallay over the Easter Sunday attacks.

Since then , former Director of Directorate of Military Intelligence (DMI) has been named as a suspect.

Earlier, the Fort Magistrate’s Court imposed a travel ban on him in relation to investigations stemming from allegations made by Asad Moulana in the Channel 4 documentary on the Easter attacks.

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