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Editorial

Sanath Nishantha

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The death on Thursday of State Minister Sanath Nishantha on the Katunayake expressway when his luxury sports utility vehicle (SUV) crashed headlong into the back of a container carrier in the early hours of the morning generated the predictable publicity in the evening news bulletins of the various television stations and Friday’s newspapers.

What caused the accident which killed Nishantha and his police security guard and injured his driver has not been definitively revealed as this is being written. There was a later report that the driver who had not been seriously hurt has been arrested and a statement recorded. He had allegedly been driving at a very high speed when the crash occurred. This raises questions on police inaction over dangerously driven VIP vehicles.

Nishantha apparently had attended two weddings in Kurunegala and Chilaw and was on his way back to his official residence in Colombo when the accident happened. His family had attended the function at Kurunegala while he had gone without them to Chilaw. Thursday evening’s television news provided extensive coverage of the accident including images of the clearing of the wreckage from the scene and condolence visits by President Ranil Wickremesinghe and former President Mahinda Rajapaksa among others to Nishantha’s Colombo residence.

Rajapaksa spoke glowingly of the late state minister saying his death was a great loss to the party and to the nation. Readers may remember that it was Nishantha who settled an unpaid electricity bill incurred on the occasion of Namal Rajapaksa’s wedding.

The body lay at a funeral parlour in the city prior to their removal for interment at Aratchikatuwa, the home base of the Puttalam district parliamentarian who was serving his second term in the legislature. He had previously served as a provincial councilor and been a member of a local body. Many members of the ruling party and others paid their respects. The late Nishantha, incidentally, was one of the many ruling party politicians whose homes/offices were attacked and destroyed after a mob from ‘Temple Trees’ set upon the Aragalaya protesters on Galle Face.

It has been alleged that he was one of the leaders of this attack. His political history is replete with many violent incidents and various social media references to his demise were less that complimentary. This angered some of his political colleagues prompting them to say such references were proof of the need to have some controls over social media.

On the flip side were other points of view with a former member of the Human Rights Commission, Ambika Sathkunanathan, taking to Instagram to claim many connections between public reaction to the politician’s death (such as cheering, references to karma etc.) and impunity, lack of respect for the rule of law and the inability of people to obtain redress for abuse of power and rights violations.

“In societies where the state and politicians are predators and public institutions do not function to serve the public, when someone who has abused power, used violence and acted with impunity suffers a loss or is killed, people see that as punishment and/or justice,” she said. Some readers would remember there was lighting of firecrackers celebrating President Premadasa’s assassination, a clear indication of certain social values that persist in this country.

The vacancy in the legislature caused by the death of the state minister will not go to the Sri Lanka Podu Jana Peramuna (SLPP) but to Wimal Weerawansa’s breakaway group which contested the last parliamentary election under the SLPP banner. This is on account of the number of preferential votes polled by Jagath Priyankara who topped the preference vote count of unelected candidates in the Puttalam district.

ITAK/TNA

Last week’s election of a new leader of the Ilankai Thamil Arasu Katchi (ITAK) which leads the Tamil National Alliance (TNA), widely regarded as the most formidable of the Tamil political formations, saw the defeat of front runner Mathiaparanam Abraham Sumanthiran, PC, MP, by fellow Jaffna district parliamentarian T. Shritharan who soon after his victory visited the LTTE cemetery triggering unease about a possible return to Tamil extremism.

Although what was originally slated to be a three-cornered contest, eventually became a battle between Shritharan and Sumanthiran and the finish was not even close with the former winning comfortably. The third candidate who withdrew fom the race threw his weight behind the winner whose supporters say had the backing of a formidable section of the Tamil diaspora.

Sumathiran, an accomplished civil, constitutional and human rights lawyer, first entered the legislature through the National List of his party but was later able to secure election from the Jaffna district. Demonstrating considerable political and debating skills, he is among the outstanding frontbenchers of the incumbent legislature. Academic Dayan Jayatilleka who is a respected political analyst, said in a column last week that he had hoped that Sumanthiran, “a sophisticated post-war parliamentarian” he was rooting for, would have won the race – “but that’s democracy and the autonomous choice of a community.”

The new leadership of the TNA in an election year assumes special importance. President Ranil Wickremesinghe has been working towards achieving minority support for his candidature and has established contact with the diaspora. When President JR Jayewardene first stood for election as president, Mr. Kumar Ponnabalam also ran finishing fourth behind Hector Kobbekaduwa and Rohana Wijeweera but ahead of Dr. Colvin, R. de Silva. Kobbekaduwa won a considerable number of Jaffna votes attributed to the high prices that onions and chillies commanded during Mrs. Bandaranaike’s United Front government when scarcities were endemic.

Whether there would be a Tamil candidate this time round or whether the Tamil parties would back a main contender is yet an open question. The JVP is throwing considerable effort to organize itself in the North and East. These are yet early days and how events will play out remains to be seen.



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Editorial

Chokepoint chokehold

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Oil prices are surging again. The global benchmark, Brent crude, has surpassed USD 108 per barrel, and West Texas Intermediate has risen to USD 102 per barrel for the first time since May. They are expected to rise higher, making the global economy scream. At this rate, most countries, including Sri Lanka, will have to tighten restrictions on fuel consumption and increase prices.

US President Donald Trump and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu obviously did not bargain for the unfolding situation, when they plunged head first into attacking Iran. They claimed to have decapitated Iran after killing its spiritual leader and destroying some key military installations. They overestimated their military prowess and hoped to bomb Iran into submission in a matter of days, but now all signs are that the US is heading for another military imbroglio. If only Trump and Netanyahu had heeded Sun Tzu’s advice, in The Art of War, that in a conflict one must know one’s enemy as well as oneself.

It was obvious from the very beginning that defeating Iran would not be a walk in the park for the US and Israel, and unforeseen circumstances would upend the dynamics of the conflict, but they were impervious to reason.

Iran has apparently shifted from merely threatening US naval forces to targeting American warships, including an aircraft carrier. Recent reporting describes this as a significant escalation, with the US claiming that it has either intercepted or evaded Iranian missiles. But the US vessels are far from invulnerable.

In what could be considered another dramatic turn of events, Iran-aligned Houthis have captured Mocha, a port city in Yemen. They have since been sighted advancing along the Red Sea coast to strategic islands. They are on a mission to seize control of the Bab el-Mandeb Strait. The Houthis have declared that the strategic strait is safe for all shipping companies except for Saudi vessels. Saudi Arabia, the world’s largest oil exporter, has become heavily dependent on this strategically vital sea passage, due to the closure of Hormuz Strait, which has affected about 20% of global oil exports.

The Houthis have said their military action is defensive and in response to Saudi attacks on their interests, but it will lead to a further escalation of the conflict as they have demonstrated their ability to disrupt shipping through the Bab el-Mandeb Strait. The US now has another big problem to contend with, and the unfolding Red Sea development may cost American taxpayers billions of dollars if Trump decides to intensify attacks on Houthi targets.

Iran has already shifted the West Asia conflict to the global economic front effectively by closing the Hormuz choke point, and the Houthis’ control over Bab el-Mandeb will stand it in good stead, but the closure of such chokepoints has the potential to deal a crippling blow to the world economy. The developing world will be the worst affected.

Trump’s over-optimism knows no bounds. He has stated that the Iran war will end after the US midterms due in November, but the deadlines he set in the past were not met. The Republican Party led by him is expected to suffer a huge electoral setback in November owing to his handling of the Iran conflict and domestic issues.

The Iran war is reported to have exacerbated a shortage of US missile defence weaponry, and the Department of Defence has reportedly made several deals to increase missile production urgently, but sophisticated missiles cannot be churned out overnight; it takes several years to produce some types in sufficient quantities to meet military requirements. It is believed that this kind of depletion of munition inventories could ‘constrain US military options for years and leave American troops, bases and allies more exposed in case of attacks’.

Meanwhile, the West Asia conflict has drastically changed global power dynamics. It may be too early to predict how long Iran will be able to hold out against US aggression, whether the US can continue offensive action amidst munition and economic constraints, and what the outcome of the current conflict will be, but one thing is clear; the American allies in West Asia as well as elsewhere must be demoralised perhaps to the extent of questioning their own wisdom of relying on Washington for their protection, when the best that Washington can hope for in the ongoing war with a non-nuclear power appears to be a Pyrrhic victory.

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Editorial

Underworld going great guns

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Saturday 12th September, 2026

Killings are reported with monotonous regularity in this country. Two children were killed in a grenade attack on a house in Dehiwala in the early hours yesterday. Their father, who sustained serious injury in the attack, is receiving treatment in hospital. The attackers came, lobbed the grenade and fled in a trishaw. The police have blamed an underworld gang for the attack, claiming that the attackers had mistaken the victims’ house for the residence of an associate of a rival drug dealer.

Whenever a shooting incident occurs, the police promptly attribute it to gang rivalries. True as their claims may be, the fact remains that the underworld has demonstrated its ability to strike anywhere at will. Nobody is safe. When the members of dangerous criminal gangs become targets of assassins, the vulnerability of law-abiding citizens goes without saying. The government and the police insist that their operations against underworld gangs have weakened crime syndicates considerably. If so, how is it possible that criminal gangs are operating so freely?

Crime syndicates have emerged so powerful that they even intimidate the lay custodians of holy shrines dedicated to the guardian deities of this country. They threaten to attack religious processions. One may recall that two months ago a drug dealer, known as Kanjipani Imran, operating from overseas, threatened to kill the Basnayake Nilame of the Devinuwara Devale if the annual perahera of the shrine included the popular kavadi segment without the participation of a group of dancers banned by the Devale authorities on disciplinary grounds. Imran demanded that the ban be lifted so that the dancers loyal to him could perform in the procession. The Basnayake Nilame refused to give in despite repeated threats. The police decided to have the kavadi dance scrapped in view of underworld threats and announced their decision. They claimed they had been compelled to do so as there were complaints of indecent exposure against sarong-clad kavadi dancers. No sooner had they made that announcement than they had to make an about-turn under government pressure, allowing all kavadi groups, including the one backed by Imran, to participate in the perahera. Thus, Kanjipani Imran had the last laugh.

Previous governments had their favourites in the underworld and shielded them. The J. R. Jayewardene government had criminals, such as Gonawala Sunil and Kalu Lucky, to do its dirty work. Kalu Lucky threw stones at the Supreme Court judges’ houses at the behest of his political masters who were resentful over some apex court judgements. The Ranasinghe Premadasa government shielded the likes of Soththi Upali. Beddegana Sanjeewa worked for the Chandrika Kumaratunga government, and the Mahinda Rajapaksa government had an underworld army led by notorious criminals like Julampitiya Amare and Wambotta. It is being asked in some quarters why Kanjipani Imran has not been arrested overseas and brought back. Even Makandure Madush, known as Sri Lanka’s Napoleon of Crime, was arrested in Dubai and brought here in 2019.

Frequent incidents of violence that snuff out lives may arise from fierce turf wars among drug dealers, as the police claim, but they pose a serious threat to public security. Hence the need for stringent action to prevent them. Informants are also among the victims of underworld violence. It is incumbent upon the police to redouble their efforts to neutralise the underworld.

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Editorial

A flight of fancy

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Friday 11th September, 2026

President Anura Kumara Dissanayake’s recent announcement that the government would set up 50 new universities came while university teachers were urging the government to solve a host of issues affecting their institutions. The Federation of University Teachers’ Associations (FUTA) lost no time in responding to the President’s grand plan.

FUTA Secretary Senior Lecturer Charudatta Ilangasinghe stressed that the government should focus on maintaining, funding, and improving the existing 17 state universities. Several key Opposition figures and opinion makers have also questioned the feasibility and prioritisation of establishing 50 more universities.

FUTA staged a protest the other day to pressure the government into addressing the structural problems affecting the university system. It is doubtful whether the government took any notice of the FUTA trade union action. Power blinds rulers to ground reality and drives them to bulldoze their way through.

The JVP-NPP government ought to get its priorities right. True, it cannot be held responsible for the current university crisis, which is not of recent origin. But it will have to take urgent steps to address the problems besetting the state universities. Previous governments let their political agendas take precedence over the wellbeing of the university system. They increased university admissions without adequately expanding academic staff and infrastructure. There is no gainsaying that university intakes should be increased for the benefit of students, but there should be a corresponding increase in resource allocations if universities are to function efficiently. FUTA has warned that university admissions based on the 2025 GCE A/L results could be delayed by one to two years until the enrolment of two previous batches.

All state universities in this country are being pushed beyond their capacity. Rising student numbers have placed enormous pressure on the already inadequate academic and physical resources. In 2025, FUTA pointed out that the annual student intake had steeply increased from around 25,000 in 2015/2016 to about 45,000, causing a severe strain on the entire university system. According to media reports quoting FUTA, state universities are operating with only about 6,800 permanent academics though there is a requirement of 12,000–13,000 teachers. FUTA has stated that PhD holders are unwilling to work for the current salaries, which are heavily taxed. Universities are among the state institutions worst affected by the human capital flight.

Among the burning issues highlighted by FUTA over the years are chronic staff shortages, brain drain, funding constraints and insufficient remuneration, lack of infrastructure and research, challenges to university autonomy and academic freedom, deterioration of the quality of higher education, and the misdirection of education reforms. Successive governments have sought political solutions to serious structural problems affecting the state university system.

As we pointed out in a previous comment, students in other Asian countries typically complete their first university degrees before they turn 21–24 years, but Sri Lankan students, particularly those in the state university system, often graduate in their mid-20s, with 24–26 years being a commonly observed range, according to the OECD (Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development) data. The late entry of Sri Lankan graduates into the workforce has economic, political and social consequences, and, above all, the delayed graduation places Sri Lankan graduates at a disadvantage in the global job market. This sorry state of affairs is basically due to cumulative institutional delays involving, among other things, the GCE A/L examination, university admissions, disruptions caused by strikes, irregular academic calendars, a shortage of academic and non-academic staff, student protests and university closures.

Modern universities are more than centres of academic excellence. They are central to the development of nations; they not only educate graduates in the conventional sense of the term but also generate new knowledge, skills and innovations, driving modern economies. The OECD has identified higher education as a key source of advanced skills in many countries, universities being the main providers of basic research that underpins innovation.

It is hoped that the government will put its grandiose plan to set up 50 universities on hold and intensify its focus on equipping the existing 17 seats of higher learning to meet current and future challenges.

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