Features
Parliament and the question of sovereignty
By Uditha Devapriya
Conversations lay down the foundation for consensus, they provoke discussion and enable debate. One Text Initiative’s (OTI) session on strengthening parliamentary fiscal sovereignty through the Committee System, held last Thursday, October 16, at Water’s Edge, opened such a debate and discussion. While it’s still hard to think of consensus over matters like fiscal sovereignty, the issue remains relevant enough. At its core is whether Parliament should take up responsibility for the country’s economy and resist capture by the Executive. The Committee system is one of many systems if not the main such through which one can enhance Parliamentary autonomy. Indeed, it may be the best.
Debates over Executive accountability and Parliamentary sovereignty rest on the concept of separation of powers. Formulated by Montesquieu, but practised in some form long before his theorisation, it lies at the heart of political debates in Sri Lanka. To what extent in Sri Lanka’s Legislature sovereign and to what extent has it been captured by the Executive? Are binaries between these two arms arbitrary or valid? The OTI session asked these questions, and though it didn’t answer all of them, it left much room for reflection.
Given that we are in the middle of an economic crunch, I think it behoves us to look at the issue from not one or two but as many perspectives as possible. This is especially so since the Legislature represents a midway point between the other two arms of the State: unlike the Judiciary, it is an elected body, and unlike the Executive, it does not concentrate power or confer it on a select group of people. Depending on who is in power, the Parliament can epitomise the best or worst of both worlds. Its barometer is the confidence of the public. If it loses that, it loses its raison d’etre. And there is no greater gauge of public confidence than the economy. This is why fiscal sovereignty is so important.
The One Text Initiative session began with a presentation by Dr Nishan de Mel. Citing the Constitution, Dr de Mel observed, correctly, that Parliament has outsourced its powers, particularly over financial matters, to third parties. He traced this issue to three distinct but interrelated problems: an informational (lack of awareness among parliamentarians and, by extension, the public), a behavioural (subverted incentives stemming from Executive capture of Parliament), and a structural (lack of ability and knowledge, expertise, and experience) one. These three problems have made it possible for external players to not just subvert but also take over the Parliament’s functions.
De Mel’s concerns are valid, and I believe they have a profound bearing on the current IMF programme. Though I remain a critic of IMF policies and prescription, I do admit that long before other think-tanks, de Mel pointed out that Sri Lanka should draw up its own reform programme before going to the IMF. At a forum organised by the Chamber of Commerce in December 2021 – a month or two before the economic crisis hit the country – he bluntly observed that “You do not get the credit officer to write the plan.” At the heart of this issue is a lack or crisis of credibility – a potential fourth pillar de Mel could have included in his presentation – both in terms of the public’s perception of the Legislature and in terms of the international community’s dealings with that not-so august body.
Yet instead of forcing Parliament to become more accountable to the people in economic matters, this lack of credibility has actually fuelled its tendency to outsource or “farm out” – de Mel’s words – to external institutions. The whole point of parliamentary sovereignty is its accountability to the people. This is especially so given that the Legislature is the most representative body of the State, giving space to both the majority and minority. There is no point having a Parliament if economic matters are decided by other parties, particularly those outside the country. The Parliament itself has Committees which look into these matters, which probe them, which reinforce bipartisanship. But rather than strengthening them, we have become content in resorting to those other institutions.
We are confronted with two dilemmas here. On the one hand, the Parliament reflects a composition which has not changed since 2020. It no longer reflects the popular will it once indubitably had. Moreover, it has displayed gross incompetence in economic matters. I am not thinking only in terms of policy here, but also in terms of optics, a fitting example of which would be the recent fiasco involving Professor Ranjith Bandara.
That lack of credibility has fed into a crisis of confidence within the Legislature, which in turn has compelled the ruling party to rely on what third parties rather than the Opposition says on economic policy issues. On the other hand, the government is using its engagement with third parties, the IMF in particular, to justify its continued hold on power.
In that sense, it isn’t just Executive capture of the Legislature which we should talk about or be worried about, it’s also Legislative capture of the Executive. The nexus between these two institutions has grown over the last few decades, though recent developments, like the Supreme Court ruling on MP Naseer Ahamed, has gone some way in restoring accountability to Parliament. Yet we cannot deny that, in terms of financial matters and fiscal sovereignty, the Legislature’s own incompetence has made Executive overreach easy: a point that almost all MPs who spoke at the OTI session, including Harsha de Silva and Charitha Herath, noted. That raises a crucial question: if the Parliament of its own accord has become a handmaiden of the Executive, who else can we blame but the parliamentarians themselves?
My own take here is that civil society in Sri Lanka, in Colombo, is much too concerned with how the Executive has intruded into the Legislature to think about how the Legislature has ingratiated itself before the Executive and external parties. We should prevent too much overlap between these institutions, but we must also realise that overlaps of this sort are a two-way street. In that sense Harsha de Silva’s polite riposte to de Mel’s presentation – that there is a rift between theory and practice – seems apt, if not valid. Accordingly, if fiscal or economic sovereignty has eroded in here, it is not because powerful forces have usurped it from less powerful ones, but because the less powerful have ceded it to the more powerful. The fault, as Shakespeare once wrote, lies not in our stars, but in ourselves.
The writer is an international relations analyst, independent researcher, and freelance columnist who can be reached at udakdev1@gmail.com.
Features
‘The devil is in the details’ in West Asian peace
It is obviously too early for an outpouring of joy over the seeming cessation of hostilities between the main antagonists in West Asia. While the prospect of there being a measure of calm in the region is being welcomed by considerable sections of the international community, what is ‘on the table’ currently is only a Memorandum of Understanding between the US and Iran to give peace a chance. The hard part in the peace effort remains to be achieved.
In the Middle East of today we have one of the most complex conflicts to break out in modern international politics and the observer would be naive in the extreme to expect a facile and early closure to the tangle. Yet, for the sake of the world’s publics who have been hurting badly in the prolonged hostilities one could only hope that the US-Iran MoU that is expected to be signed by the sides on Friday would lead eventually to a substantive peace. The world’s thanks are due to Pakistan in this connection for its sustained support in the peace drive.
While the sides have agreed to a ceasing of hostilities in the most general terms and have reached accord on the facilitation of uninterrupted oil and gas supplies to the rest of the world, for instance, the ‘devil will prove to be in the details’ in an envisaged comprehensive peace settlement. It is these details that would make or break peace if the negotiations go on in earnest.
Nevertheless, the details would need to be worked out consensually in a spirit of compromise with an eye to the greater good of the world community. Realpolitik or a narrow focus on solely the national interest among the protagonists, for example, would need to give way to a measure of humanity that would encompass within it a consideration of the overall well being of the world. In other words, it is statesmanship that would crucially matter.
The next few weeks would establish whether humanists are ‘asking for far too much’ when they broach the questions at issue in these terms. Yet it is essentially self interest and national security considerations of the first importance that drove the conflict from even prior to February this year and these questions would need to be taken up and resolved to the satisfaction of the US and Iran in the main if some headway is to be made towards a durable settlement.
The nuclear issue would prove to be the proverbial Gordian Knot. From a realistic viewpoint, Iran could not be expected to be without a potential nuclear deterrent in the face of perceived nuclear threats emanating for it from the West and Israel. In the short term, Iran would need to possess this deterrent to a measure, within a mutually agreed international legal framework maybe, until wide agreement is reached on the nuclear tangle. Specifically, Iran’s immediate threat perceptions with regard to her nuclear-powered rivals would need to be defused during initial negotiations.
Ideally it is a world free of nuclear weapons that must be aimed at but since this goal cannot be achieved in the near or medium terms, unfolding negotiations would need to ensure Iran’s absolute security in a world of powers that continue to swear by the nuclear deterrent, if it is to give up the suspected latter capability.
However, it is to the degree to which the present nuclear powers divest themselves of this capability that Iran could be put at ease on this score. Accordingly, it is nothing short of a complete elimination of nuclear weapons from the world that could dissuade keenly security conscious states from developing nuclear weapons of their own with a mass destruction capability.
This is the number one dilemma the international community needs to grapple with going forward and it is to the extent to which it resolves it that a nuclear weapons free world could be envisaged. No doubt, an uphill challenge.
Compelling Israel to support the present negotiatory process constitutes another grueling challenge for the US. Currently the Iranian position essentially is that a Middle East peace is inseparable from a normalization of the security situation in Lebanon. That is, the present Israeli attacks on the Hezbollah presence in Lebanon must cease if a comprehensive peace is to be realized in West Asia.
However, Israel is showing no signs of drawing back from its attacks on Hezbollah strongholds in Lebanon since the security of the Israeli state is being seen as threatened by the militant group. Co-opting Israel into the negotiatory effort therefore would turn out to be a matter of paramount concern for the US.
Moreover, elements in the rightist administration in Israel are seeing the current peace efforts as a ‘sell out’ to the enemies of Israel. They would have none of it. It is left to be seen how the US would be managing these virtual storm centres in the diplomatic process that could very well bring down the overall purported peace drive.
A recent pronouncement by US Vice President J.D. Vance points to yet another problem area in the US’ current peace overtures. He said that, ‘Regional peace and stability includes stopping the funding of terrorist organizations.’ He was obviously referring to the support extended by Iran to Hezbollah when he mentioned ‘terrorist organizations’ but he has given fresh life to the age-old conundrum of ‘Who is a terrorist?’ by these words.
To the Netanyahu government the Hezbollah and other militant organizations fighting Israel are ‘terrorists’ but from the viewpoint of the Iranian regime they are ‘freedom fighters’. This seemingly insurmountable definitional issue would not only stubbornly bedevil the peace effort but could even figure in bringing about its collapse, unless judiciously handled.
Thus, it’s the thorny details that need to be watched to keep the West Asian peace process afloat, once it gets going in earnest. There is no doubt that US President Trump would be receiving a considerable amount of support from the G7 in this historic peace undertaking and his personal appeals to the grouping currently meeting in France for continuous support are likely to elicit a positive response from it.
Likewise, Trump would need to appeal to also the BRICS countries if almost total global support is to be garnered for the peace drive in West Asia. BRICS’ solidarity with the US and the West is likely to carry considerable weight with Iran and other Eastern actors who are key to a sustained peace drive in the Middle East.
Features
Sri Lanka’s elephant paradox: Govt. counts tourism dollars while playing a dangerous numbers game: Expert
At a time when Sri Lanka is enjoying a resurgence in wildlife tourism, with elephants remaining the undisputed stars of the country’s national parks and one of its most marketable natural assets, elephant conservationist Supun Lahiru Prakash has sounded a stark warning: the nation is in danger of losing the very species that helps attract millions of tourism dollars while sustaining some of the island’s most important ecosystems.
Supun says repeated claims by authorities that Sri Lanka’s elephant population is increasing, despite the absence of a final survey report and amid continuing elephant deaths, risk creating a misleading narrative that could undermine conservation efforts and encourage retaliation against elephants.
According to Supun, the issue is not merely about numbers. It is about political priorities, scientific credibility and the future of one of Sri Lanka’s most iconic species.
“Repeatedly claiming that the elephant population is increasing appears to be an attempt to hide the Government’s inability to manage the rising annual elephant death rate and the complications of human-elephant conflict,” Supun said.
For decades, the Sri Lankan elephant has been a symbol of the country’s rich natural heritage. It is the centrepiece of wildlife tourism, drawing visitors from across the globe to national parks such as Yala, Udawalawe, Minneriya, Kaudulla and Wilpattu. International wildlife documentaries, tourism campaigns and social media promotions frequently place elephants at the heart of Sri Lanka’s nature tourism brand.
Yet, according to Supun, the country’s conservation policies do not reflect the value of the species.
“On one hand, the Government is enjoying increasing tourism revenue, and elephants remain one of Sri Lanka’s most important wildlife attractions. On the other hand, narratives are being promoted that could encourage retaliation against the very species that contributes significantly to the country’s tourism industry,” Supun said.
According to the First Countrywide National Survey of Elephants conducted in 2011, Sri Lanka had 5,879 elephants. However, official statistics show that 4,167 elephants died between 2012 and 2024.
Supun stressed that these figures represent only the deaths officially recorded by the Department of Wildlife Conservation.
“In a context where more than 70 percent of the country’s elephant population reported in 2011 has died within 13 years, it is difficult to accept claims that the population has increased,” Supun said.
The conservationist pointed out that elephants have the longest gestation period among land mammals and that scientific studies have reported increasing interbirth intervals among female elephants together with high calf mortality.
“When such biological realities are taken into consideration, claims of a dramatic increase in elephant numbers become difficult to understand,” Supun said.
Supun believes that repeated references to increasing elephant populations risk fuelling public hostility towards elephants, particularly among farming communities already affected by crop raids and property damage.
“Such claims can create the impression that elephant populations are exploding and thereby promote retaliation against elephants as well,” Supun said.
According to Supun, Sri Lanka’s elephant crisis cannot be understood solely through population estimates. The real issue lies in the country’s failure to address human-elephant conflict through long-term, science-based solutions.
Sri Lanka continues to record among the highest levels of human-elephant conflict in the world. Every year, hundreds of elephants and dozens of people lose their lives as competition for land and resources intensifies.
Despite the scale of the crisis, Supun says authorities continue to rely on strategies that have repeatedly failed.

Lahiru Prakash
These include driving elephants into protected areas, strengthening electric fences to confine them there and allocating additional manpower to maintain fencing systems.
Supun was also critical of several proposals that emerged from district-level discussions on conflict mitigation, including the sowing of paddy and corn using Air Force drones and the planting of fruit orchards within protected areas.
“Such proposals fail to address the real ecological and social dimensions of the conflict,” Supun said.
While welcoming reports that the Government intends appointing a national-level mechanism to tackle human-elephant conflict, Supun said the challenge required intervention at the highest level of government.
“Given the gravity, complexity and geographical spread of human-elephant conflict, appointing any committee other than a Presidential Task Force is not useful,” Supun said.
He argued that a Presidential Task Force chaired by either the President or the Secretary to the President would be better positioned to overcome the bureaucratic delays and institutional fragmentation that have hindered previous efforts.
Supun also stressed the urgent need to restore and protect elephant corridors and home ranges that allow elephants to move safely across landscapes.
He cited the Koholankala elephant corridor in Hambantota as one example where removing obstacles could help reduce conflict while improving habitat connectivity.
At the same time, Supun questioned policies that permit the allocation of forest lands in areas identified by environmental assessments as crucial elephant ranges and movement corridors.
“The opening of elephant corridors and the protection of elephant home ranges must be carried out scientifically and consistently if they are to succeed,” Supun said.
Beyond tourism, Supun emphasised the ecological importance of elephants.
“Elephants are ecosystem engineers. Through their feeding habits and movements, they help maintain habitats that support numerous other species. In many ways, they create safer and healthier environments for wildlife,” Supun said.
According to Supun, protecting elephants means protecting entire ecosystems and the biodiversity upon which Sri Lanka’s wildlife tourism industry depends.
“By protecting elephants, we are also protecting the biodiversity that makes Sri Lanka one of the world’s premier wildlife tourism destinations,” Supun said.
As Sri Lanka seeks to expand tourism earnings and strengthen its reputation as a wildlife destination, Supun believes the country faces a defining choice: continue with policies that have failed to stem elephant deaths and human-elephant conflict, or embrace a science-based conservation strategy that safeguards both people and wildlife.
Without a fundamental shift in policy and political will, Supun warned, Sri Lanka risks losing not only one of its most iconic species but also the ecological and economic benefits that elephants continue to provide.
“The suffering of both farmers and elephants will only intensify unless meaningful action replaces rhetoric,” Supun said.
By Ifham Nizam
Features
Top Model of the World 2026
Back-to-back victory for Colombia
Katherine Castaño of Colombia claimed the Top Model of the World 2026 crown, securing a historic back-to-back victory for her country. Angelica Sanchez of Puerto Rico was named first runner-up, and Eunice Deza of the Philippines finished as second runner-up.
Katherine was crowned by outgoing titleholder Natalia Garizabal Vera of Colombia.
Several special category awards, and subsidiary titles, were also presented during the Top Model of the World 2026 pageant.
These awards recognised excellence in modelling, peer support, and regional representation.
Primary Subsidiary Titles

Sri Lanka’s Netalie Withanage: Top 16 at
the grand finale
Miss Globe 2026: Valentina Tabares (Ecuador) — Awarded to the contestant who perfectly balances fashion modelling with traditional beauty queen qualities.
Queen of Europe 2026: Mia Danielle Williams (United Kingdom) — Given to the highest-ranking candidate from a European nation.
Special Awards Recognition
Audience Iconic Award: Charly (Dominican Republic) — Won via the official public online vote, granting her a fast-track direct entry into the Top 6.
Exotic Model of the World: Angel Emeka (Nigeria) — Awarded for exceptional editorial presence and strong runway performance.
Best Body Award: Thailand — Voted directly by fellow contestants at the Flow Spectrum Hotel. The highest-ranking runners-up for this category included Zambia, South Africa, Colombia, and Ghana.

Angelica Sanchez (Puerto Rico): 1st Runner-up
Final Placement
Winner: Katherine Castaño (Colombia)
1st Runner-Up: Angelica Sanchez (Puerto Rico)
2nd Runner-Up: Eunice Deza (Philippines)
Top 6 Finalists: Included contestants from the Dominican Republic, Romania, and Germany.
The pageant, known for focusing on professional modelling careers over just beauty, brought together 36 models from around the globe for two weeks of runway, photoshoots, and cultural events.
Sri Lanka’s Netalie Withanage walked among 36 of the world’s best and powered her way into the Top 16 at the grand finale.
-
News6 days agoCIABOC summons Yoshitha over his participation in British Navy training programme
-
News3 days agoRelease of 2025 O/L results likely to be delayed
-
Sports3 days agoTharanga set for high-profile javelin clash in Ostrava
-
News6 days agoJustice Minister responds to social media claims he represented Easter Sunday ringleader
-
Features4 days agoPolitics of protected species
-
News3 days agoTheft of USD 2.5 mn from Treasury: CoPF accused of complicity in NPP cover-up
-
News5 days agoCommonwealth lawyers urge Lanka to uphold rule of law
-
News2 days agoBeijing Capital Airlines to resume flights to Colombo signalling boost to tourism



