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Is the Phenomenology of Sinhala-Buddhism Reactionary?

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by Kumar David

Phenomenology is more than ideology. Its origin is identified with Hegel who described it as “The coming into being of knowledge”. I use it here as something which is permeated with culture and the mind of a society. Sinhala-Buddhism (SB) in Sri Lanka (obviously a phenomenon unique to our country) has far reaching historical roots; it is a social and cultural construct and has great political force at the present time. Catholicism in late-Medieval Spain, Italy and parts of Eastern Europe, and now in Central and South America, Islam in the Middle East, Pakistan, Malaysia Afghanistan and Indonesia and Judaism in Israel are also phenomenologies (this spelling is correct; to hell with WORD-7’s Auto-Correct). I don’t think the term can be used for One-Party States (Soviet Union or today’s China) for a number of reasons that I do not have space to discuss here. In any case my discourse today is limited to Lanka.

I will argue that:-The near universal belief among the Sinhalese that Lanka is the original land of the Sinhala people and all other ethnicities are here on sufferance is incorrect. That the acts of omission and commission against minority communities are rooted in SB phenomenology and the consequences have been deleterious.

The inability of every SB state before and after Independence to provide physical security for the Tamils is the fundamental reason for the rise of the LTTE and for the 30- year civil war.

The first point is the easiest to prove. DNA analysis in the last decade of the inhabitants of Lanka and Southern India have proved conclusively that the Sinhalese and the inhabitants of the Coromandel Coast (India’s South West Coast), southern India inhabited by Cholas and Pandya and the Malayali (Kochchi) are much mingled. The DNA admixture is sometimes in excess of 50%.

The Sinhalese and the Tamils are well and truly mixed. Furthermore in the last 80,000 years (ice age) sea levels rose and fell dramatically and the Island and South-Eastern India were a connected landmass even 10,000 years ago over which thousands would have walked one way and the other. Primitive inhabitants of the island and of southern India obviously met and mated with delight and gusto. Until recent times when colonial occupation, and even more recently Moorish and Malay-Indonesian migration brought about changes, a Sinhala- Tamil achcharu persisted. This conclusion is a no-brainer.

Professor Leslie (RALH) Gunawardena was this country’s finest historian. I had the privilege of knowing him well when I was Junior Sub-Warden at the time he was Senior Sub-Warden of Akbar-Nell Hall in Peradeniya. He did sometimes attempt to explain to me the central thesis of his ground breaking book “The People of the Lion”.

He explained that Sinhala-Buddhism differentiated itself as a distinctive phenomenology in the sense I used the term previously only in the middle Anuradhapura period in the Fifth Century AD. And this occurred under the influence of the Buddhist clergy which had become an influential power broker in the capital city. But there is something far more important for present times in this event; it happened with the influence and under the suzerainty of state power!

This influence, to a greater or lesser degree, changed with the advance and retreat of colonialism and European scholarship but the role of the state in SB-ism has persisted. What fascinates me is that even today SB-ism is a phenomenological manifestation of state power. As I said at the very beginning phenomenology is more than ideology. It permeates the culture and state of mind of a society.

The second point in my list is that SB ideology or phenomenology has been bad for the minorities, especially the Tamils. Do I need to expand on this? Language policy (Sinhala Only and the Constitution’s Chapter on Buddhism making it a de-facto state religion, standardisation in university admissions, the verdict on the Kodeswaran case, the little sympathy for Tamils killed in the civil war and for the “disappeared” etc. pertain to the Ceylon Tamils) but the grave injustices done to the Up-Country Tamils must not be overlooked.

D.S and the Sinhala leaders of the 1930s and 1940s deprived the Up-Country Tamils of citizenship simply because they voted for the left in constituencies where candidates from their own community did not contest. What criminality! Then Sirima drowned the Up-Country Tamils in a vale of tears when under the aegis of the Sirima-Shastri Pact she expelled from Sri Lanka people whose ancestors had lived here for generations. Not many countries have indulged in such immoral behaviour. I do not need to press home the point since most Sinhalese admit this as fact but simply shrug their shoulders. There is little sympathy for the “other” in SB ideology.

It is my third point that I wish to spend a little time on because even progressive minded Sinhalese do not quite grasp its importance; they intellectualise it. It my view that the fundamental reason that a civil war of such depth and ferocity engulfed this nation is not a Tamil commitment to a separate state nor Prabaharan’s megalomania. It was murder, rape and physical injury. In Tamil eyes JR is an incarnation of evil. How else can one describe a Head of State who not only permits but actually incites his troops to let hooligans rape and plunder and stands by when monks lead thugs to murder and burn? JR’s antipathy to Tamils in not news; in 1983 he not only permitted violence but actually incited it.

I have had students and know people whose mothers have been murdered or raped before their very eyes. Raped in front of the family! In such cases what charm can fill her melancholy; what ‘tears’ can wash her ‘fears’ away? It is not my intention to wax eloquent, leave that to Oliver Goldsmith, [https://camiscamino.weebly.com/the-words/when-lovely-woman-stoops-to-folly-poetry-analysis]

My point is that the after-effects of physical outrage are indelible. Post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) a mental health condition triggered by a terrifying event I guess is something similar. In the case where the family emigrates the pain may wash off in a generation or two, but such families are only a few. In the majority of cases in Colombo and the North anger and humiliation will fester. This why I must repeat that the fundamental reason a civil war of such intensity engulfed the nation is not a Tamil commitment to a separate state nor Prabaharan’s megalomania. It was physical violence; as in Serbia the rape of Nanjing and the railway leading to Auschwitz, the emotion persists for a long time. Certainly more than one generation.

Can anything be done to help it subside, to mollify it? My suggestions may sound tart and trivial but I can’t think of anything more meaningful. Those who have suffered loss of property or personal injury should be compensated. Some people may feel squeamish about accepting blood-money but I think all will take it eventually. The year I983 was 40 years ago and Emergency-58 was even before that: See

[https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tarzie_Vittachi]

The newspapers are replete with articles, grumbling, grumbling and scolding but with no concrete programme or plan for the way forward. The main offenders are well known but politeness I guess restrains people from naming them; but not so in private communications complaining about personages who go on and on for 3,000 and 3,500 words repeating themselves; the Rajapaksas are rogues on a gigantic and international scales, Ministers and MPs are the same on a domestic scale, the Field Marshal is clueless, Ranil can’t be trusted on democracy, what is the NPP/JVP doing instead of publishing its national programme and so on.

Let me have a go at it and see if I can produce anything meaningful. I will devote the next month to it and maybe have a rough draft ready by August 10, a very auspicious day. Maybe I WILL let you have it on Sunday August 20 and in the meantime enjoy recuperation from pretending to be a tiny bit unwell. I will attempt to deal in a para or two each with economic strategy viz. productive relations, role of the state, import-export trade, market relations and the IMF-IBRD-ADB and debt. I will repeat what I have said above about ameliorating ethnic tensions, about democracy, about what we are entitled to expect from a Head of State and about managing Sinhala-Buddhism. I will not touch on constitutional issues because Jayampathy Wickremeratne has promised to write a short paper on this.



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Misinterpreting President Dissanayake on National Reconciliation

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President Dissanayake

President Anura Kumara Dissanayake has been investing his political capital in going to the public to explain some of the most politically sensitive and controversial issues. At a time when easier political choices are available, the president is choosing the harder path of confronting ethnic suspicion and communal fears. There are three issues in particular on which the president’s words have generated strong reactions. These are first with regard to Buddhist pilgrims going to the north of the country with nationalist motivations. Second is the controversy relating to the expansion of the Tissa Raja Maha Viharaya, a recently constructed Buddhist temple in Kankesanturai which has become a flashpoint between local Tamil residents and Sinhala nationalist groups. Third is the decision not to give the war victory a central place in the Independence Day celebrations.

Even in the opposition, when his party held only three seats in parliament, Anura Kumara Dissanayake took his role as a public educator seriously. He used to deliver lengthy, well researched and easily digestible speeches in parliament. He continues this practice as president. It can be seen that his statements are primarily meant to elevate the thinking of the people and not to win votes the easy way. The easy way to win votes whether in Sri Lanka or elsewhere in the world is to rouse nationalist and racist sentiments and ride that wave. Sri Lanka’s post independence political history shows that narrow ethnic mobilisation has often produced short term electoral gains but long term national damage.

Sections of the opposition and segments of the general public have been critical of the president for taking these positions. They have claimed that the president is taking these positions in order to obtain more Tamil votes or to appease minority communities. The same may be said in reverse of those others who take contrary positions that they seek the Sinhala votes. These political actors who thrive on nationalist mobilisation have attempted to portray the president’s statements as an abandonment of the majority community. The president’s actions need to be understood within the larger framework of national reconciliation and long term national stability.

Reconciler’s Duty

When the president referred to Buddhist pilgrims from the south going to the north, he was not speaking about pilgrims visiting long established Buddhist heritage sites such as Nagadeepa or Kandarodai. His remarks were directed at a specific and highly contentious development, the recently built Buddhist temple in Kankesanturai and those built elsewhere in the recent past in the north and east. The temple in Kankesanturai did not emerge from the religious needs of a local Buddhist community as there is none in that area. It has been constructed on land that was formerly owned and used by Tamil civilians and which came under military occupation as a high security zone. What has made the issue of the temple particularly controversial is that it was established with the support of the security forces.

The controversy has deepened because the temple authorities have sought to expand the site from approximately one acre to nearly fourteen acres on the basis that there was a historic Buddhist temple in that area up to the colonial period. However, the Tamil residents of the area fear that expansion would further displace surrounding residents and consolidate a permanent Buddhist religious presence in the present period in an area where the local population is overwhelmingly Hindu. For many Tamils in Kankesanturai, the issue is not Buddhism as a religion but the use of religion as a vehicle for territorial assertion and demographic changes in a region that bore the brunt of the war. Likewise, there are other parts of the north and east where other temples or places of worship have been established by the military personnel in their camps during their war-time occupation and questions arise regarding the future when these camps are finally closed.

There are those who have actively organised large scale pilgrimages from the south to make the Tissa temple another important religious site. These pilgrimages are framed publicly as acts of devotion but are widely perceived locally as demonstrations of dominance. Each such visit heightens tension, provokes protest by Tamil residents, and risks confrontation. For communities that experienced mass displacement, military occupation and land loss, the symbolism of a state backed religious structure on contested land with the backing of the security forces is impossible to separate from memories of war and destruction. A president committed to reconciliation cannot remain silent in the face of such provocations, however uncomfortable it may be to challenge sections of the majority community.

High-minded leadership

The controversy regarding the president’s Independence Day speech has also generated strong debate. In that speech the president did not refer to the military victory over the LTTE and also did not use the term “war heroes” to describe soldiers. For many Sinhala nationalist groups, the absence of these references was seen as an attempt to diminish the sacrifices of the armed forces. The reality is that Independence Day means very different things to different communities. In the north and east the same day is marked by protest events and mourning and as a “Black Day”, symbolising the consolidation of a state they continue to experience as excluding them and not empathizing with the full extent of their losses.

By way of contrast, the president’s objective was to ensure that Independence Day could be observed as a day that belonged to all communities in the country. It is not correct to assume that the president takes these positions in order to appease minorities or secure electoral advantage. The president is only one year into his term and does not need to take politically risky positions for short term electoral gains. Indeed, the positions he has taken involve confronting powerful nationalist political forces that can mobilise significant opposition. He risks losing majority support for his statements. This itself indicates that the motivation is not electoral calculation.

President Dissanayake has recognized that Sri Lanka’s long term political stability and economic recovery depend on building trust among communities that once peacefully coexisted and then lived through decades of war. Political leadership is ultimately tested by the willingness to say what is necessary rather than what is politically expedient. The president’s recent interventions demonstrate rare national leadership and constitute an attempt to shift public discourse away from ethnic triumphalism and toward a more inclusive conception of nationhood. Reconciliation cannot take root if national ceremonies reinforce the perception of victory for one community and defeat for another especially in an internal conflict.

BY Jehan Perera

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Recovery of LTTE weapons

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Sri Lanka Navy in action

I have read a newspaper report that the Special Task Force of Sri Lanka Police, with help of Military Intelligence, recovered three buried yet well-preserved 84mm Carl Gustaf recoilless rocket launchers used by the LTTE, in the Kudumbimalai area, Batticaloa.

These deadly weapons were used by the LTTE SEA TIGER WING to attack the Sri Lanka Navy ships and craft in 1990s. The first incident was in February 1997, off Iranativu island, in the Gulf of Mannar.

Admiral Cecil Tissera took over as Commander of the Navy on 27 January, 1997, from Admiral Mohan Samarasekara.

The fight against the LTTE was intensified from 1996 and the SLN was using her Vanguard of the Navy, Fast Attack Craft Squadron, to destroy the LTTE’s littoral fighting capabilities. Frequent confrontations against the LTTE Sea Tiger boats were reported off Mullaitivu, Point Pedro and Velvetiturai areas, where SLN units became victorious in most of these sea battles, except in a few incidents where the SLN lost Fast Attack Craft.

Carl Gustaf recoilless rocket launchers

The intelligence reports confirmed that the LTTE Sea Tigers was using new recoilless rocket launchers against aluminium-hull FACs, and they were deadly at close quarter sea battles, but the exact type of this weapon was not disclosed.

The following incident, which occurred in February 1997, helped confirm the weapon was Carl Gustaf 84 mm Recoilless gun!

DATE: 09TH FEBRUARY, 1997, morning 0600 hrs.

LOCATION: OFF IRANATHIVE.

FACs: P 460 ISRAEL BUILT, COMMANDED BY CDR MANOJ JAYESOORIYA

P 452 CDL BUILT, COMMANDED BY LCDR PM WICKRAMASINGHE (ON TEMPORARY COMMAND. PROPER OIC LCDR N HEENATIGALA)

OPERATED FROM KKS.

CONFRONTED WITH LTTE ATTACK CRAFT POWERED WITH FOUR 250 HP OUT BOARD MOTORS.

TARGET WAS DESTROYED AND ONE LTTE MEMBER WAS CAPTURED.

LEADING MARINE ENGINEERING MECHANIC OF THE FAC CAME UP TO THE BRIDGE CARRYING A PROJECTILE WHICH WAS FIRED BY THE LTTE BOAT, DURING CONFRONTATION, WHICH PENETRATED THROUGH THE FAC’s HULL, AND ENTERED THE OICs CABIN (BETWEEN THE TWO BUNKS) AND HIT THE AUXILIARY ENGINE ROOM DOOR AND HAD FALLEN DOWN WITHOUT EXPLODING. THE ENGINE ROOM DOOR WAS HEAVILY DAMAGED LOOSING THE WATER TIGHT INTEGRITY OF THE FAC.

THE PROJECTILE WAS LATER HANDED OVER TO THE NAVAL WEAPONS EXPERTS WHEN THE FACs RETURNED TO KKS. INVESTIGATIONS REVEALED THE WEAPON USED BY THE ENEMY WAS 84 mm CARL GUSTAF SHOULDER-FIRED RECOILLESS GUN AND THIS PROJECTILE WAS AN ILLUMINATER BOMB OF ONE MILLION CANDLE POWER. BUT THE ATTACKERS HAS FAILED TO REMOVE THE SAFETY PIN, THEREFORE THE BOMB WAS NOT ACTIVATED.

Sea Tigers

Carl Gustaf 84 mm recoilless gun was named after Carl Gustaf Stads Gevärsfaktori, which, initially, produced it. Sweden later developed the 84mm shoulder-fired recoilless gun by the Royal Swedish Army Materiel Administration during the second half of 1940s as a crew served man- portable infantry support gun for close range multi-role anti-armour, anti-personnel, battle field illumination, smoke screening and marking fire.

It is confirmed in Wikipedia that Carl Gustaf Recoilless shoulder-fired guns were used by the only non-state actor in the world – the LTTE – during the final Eelam War.

It is extremely important to check the batch numbers of the recently recovered three launchers to find out where they were produced and other details like how they ended up in Batticaloa, Sri Lanka?

By Admiral Ravindra C. Wijegunaratne
WV, RWP and Bar, RSP, VSV, USP, NI (M) (Pakistan), ndc, psn, Bsc (Hons) (War Studies) (Karachi) MPhil (Madras)
Former Navy Commander and Former Chief of Defence Staff
Former Chairman, Trincomalee Petroleum Terminals Ltd
Former Managing Director Ceylon Petroleum Corporation
Former High Commissioner to Pakistan

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Yellow Beatz … a style similar to K-pop!

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Yes, get ready to vibe with Yellow Beatz, Sri Lanka’s awesome girl group, keen to take Sri Lankan music to the world with a style similar to K-pop!

With high-energy beats and infectious hooks, these talented ladies are here to shake up the music scene.

Think bold moves, catchy hooks, and, of course, spicy versions of old Sinhala hits, and Yellow Beatz is the package you won’t want to miss!

According to a spokesman for the group, Yellow Beatz became a reality during the Covid period … when everyone was stuck at home, in lockdown.

“First we interviewed girls, online, and selected a team that blended well, as four voices, and then started rehearsals. One of the cover songs we recorded, during those early rehearsals, unexpectedly went viral on Facebook. From that moment onward, we continued doing cover songs, and we received a huge response. Through that, we were able to bring back some beautiful Sri Lankan musical creations that were being forgotten, and introduce them to the new generation.”

The team members, I am told, have strong musical skills and with proper training their goal is to become a vocal group recognised around the world.

Believe me, their goal, they say, is not only to take Sri Lanka’s name forward, in the music scene, but to bring home a Grammy Award, as well.

“We truly believe we can achieve this with the love and support of everyone in Sri Lanka.”

The year 2026 is very special for Yellow Beatz as they have received an exceptional opportunity to represent Sri Lanka at the World Championships of Performing Arts in the USA.

Under the guidance of Chris Raththara, the Director for Sri Lanka, and with the blessings of all Sri Lankans, the girls have a great hope that they can win this milestone.

“We believe this will be a moment of great value for us as Yellow Beatz, and also for all Sri Lankans, and it will be an important inspiration for the future of our country.”

Along with all the preparation for the event in the USA, they went on to say they also need to manage their performances, original song recordings, and everything related.

The year 2026 is very special for Yellow Beatz

“We have strong confidence in ourselves and in our sincere intentions, because we are a team that studies music deeply, researches within the field, and works to take the uniqueness of Sri Lankan identity to the world.”

At present, they gather at the Voices Lab Academy, twice a week, for new creations and concert rehearsals.

This project was created by Buddhika Dayarathne who is currently working as a Pop Vocal lecturer at SLTC Campus. Voice Lab Academy is also his own private music academy and Yellow Beatz was formed through that platform.

Buddhika is keen to take Sri Lankan music to the world with a style similar to K-Pop and Yellow Beatz began as a result of that vision. With that same aim, we all work together as one team.

“Although it was a little challenging for the four of us girls to work together at first, we have united for our goal and continue to work very flexibly and with dedication. Our parents and families also give their continuous blessings and support for this project,” Rameesha, Dinushi, Newansa and Risuri said.

Last year, Yellow Beatz released their first original song, ‘Ihirila’ , and with everything happening this year, they are also preparing for their first album.

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