Features
The sins of the fathers: The Old Left’s two traditions
by Dr. Dayan Jayatilleka
Seventy five years after Independence and a deep economic crisis constitute the best moment to re-valuate the Left movement of an earlier generation. Uditha Devapriya is the keenest contemporary student of the Left tradition and his recent articles on the Left and Nationalism in the Sunday Island provide an excellent opportunity. This is more so for me because he has been kind enough to quote me and mention me as a catalytic source for his two-part essay.
For purposes of transparency and convenience of ‘location’, I belong to what is described in the USA, as the ‘Old New Left’, as distinct from the Old Left and the ‘New New Left’ (the postmodernist left). The leftists of the Baby Boomer generation which I belong to, were, all over the world, members or supporters/sympathizers of the Old New Left, which at the time was simply the New Left. As with many of my generation all over the planet, I regard myself now, and have been for over half my life, a ‘social democrat’. That’s where I’m coming from.
I regard the old Left as heavily responsible for the abyss this country is in. I also draw a distinction which isn’t usually drawn, between two streams, the Samasamaja and Communist traditions, within the Old Left. I regard the Communist tradition as less culpable and having made far more constructive a contribution than the Samasamaja tradition to postwar, post-Independence Ceylon/Sri Lanka. I regard the tragedy of Sri Lanka, of which the failure of the left is a major factor, as being at least in part due to the exceptionality (I almost said eccentricity) of the island’s left in that the Samasamaja tradition preponderated over the Communist tradition at least until the mid-1960s or 1970.
I shall return to the two traditions at the conclusion of this article.
Meanwhile, and rather differently from Uditha Devapriya, I locate the strategic blunders of the Left not so much in their specific relationship to nationalism, but in their overall political thinking. The analytical key to understanding the Lankan left is to recognize the obvious contrast between its strategy, outlook and policies, and those of the global Left, mainly but not only in the global south in the colonial and postcolonial periods.
It is not that as Prof Nalin de Silva and Gunadasa Amarasekara alleged, the left ignored or was hostile to Sinhala Buddhist cultural nationalism. It is that it was guilty of a far vaster blunder. It ignored the tradition of anti-imperialist rebellion and with it, patriotism or the progressive aspect of nationalism. Having done so, it later swung to the opposite extreme and grossly overcompensated by implanting Sinhala Buddhist nationalism in a hegemonistic position.
Fidel Castro referred to the Cuban Revolution as the continuation of “a hundred years of struggle”, by which he meant anti-colonial rebellion. From Vietnam to Nicaragua, every left movement worthy of the name strove to re-establish continuity with its militant anti-imperialist traditions. Not so the LSSP. When did it ever commemorate the great rebellion of 1848 which forced British colonialism to bring in reinforcements from India? When did it hero-ize Puran Appu? When did it hold public rallies at the (neglected) marker for Puran Appu in Matale? When did it have banners and posters bearing the visage of the heroes of the 1848 rebellion? When did it seek to inculcate a burning sense of anti-imperialism by keeping alive the memory of the bloody repression by the British which was taken up even in Westminster?
The answer to all these questions is ‘never’. The LSSP lacked the real fire in the belly that every Communist and revolutionary leftist movement in the global south displayed by their fealty to the martyrs of their respective countries’ anti-imperialist rebels. It is only within the Communist Party and that too mainly in the Southern province, that one encountered that anti-imperialist, patriotic fire.
It is this same LSSP ideologues who ignored Puran Appu’s patriotic rebelliousness, who also inscribed Sinhala and Buddhist hegemonism in the republican Constitution of 1972, traducing Republicanism by constitutionalizing discrimination, thereby spawning the Tamil New Tigers in the very year of the Republican constitution—twins, as it were.
The LSSP combined its disdain for the tradition of armed anti-imperialist rebellion with a disdain for its fellow leftists and the concept of a united front. When the left and independent progressives had a real crack at forming the first administration of Independent Ceylon following the general election of 1947, it was the LSSP that scorned the idea, vilifying such a coalition as a “three-headed donkey”.
The same fastidious LSSP lost its purism and swung merrily from the feudalistic Sirimavo Bandaranaike’s “sari pota” (as the New Left put it), in 1964-1965 and most notoriously 1970-1975 –until it was sacked.
It was not a question of the LSSP having learned the lessons of its sectarianism and compensating for it by entering a coalition with the SLFP under Mrs. Bandaranaike’s leadership in 1964, because there was no better option. The LSSP broke the three-party United Left Front (ULF) coalition of 1963-1964, the candidate of which had won the Borella by-election, so as to comply with Mrs. Bandaranaike’s beckoning finger and accept the Finance Ministry, instead of contesting the 1965 election as the reunified Left, the ULF, backed by the Joint Council of Trade Union Organizations (JCTUO) and its 21 demands.
When in coalition with the SLFP and CPSL in 1970-1975, Finance Minister Dr NM Perera immediately flew to Washington DC for the meetings of the World Bank and the IMF, but for years failed to travel to Moscow, the Eastern European capitals or Beijing at a time when the socialist countries (the camp was divided between the Soviet-led COMECON and Beijing) were at their peak economic strength.
Having dominated and distorted the Lankan Left for decades, the SamaSamaja tradition now rests in peace, courtesy of the Sri Lankan voter.
The Communist tradition is rather different. It was not in and of itself, revolutionary—except for a brief period in 1948 at the third Congress in Atureliya under the leadership of Harry Abeygoonewardena.
However, it was fecund. It produced revolutionary children. Many were born from the womb of the Maoist breakaway from the Communist party led by N Sanmugathasan, but not all. Some came directly from the old Communist party.
Take every single group which ever went up against the postcolonial Ceylonese/Sri Lankan state from the mid-1960s and faced serious repression at its hands be it in the form of death, stiff jail sentences or heavy indictments; every single group that was ready to go pick up arms and underground and stay underground if needs be, willing to take the existential risk of resistance, rebellion and revolution (as they saw it); every single group with members who were willing to practice what they had read and absorbed. They all issued from, identified with and belonged to the (global) Communist tradition. This is true even today, of the JVP and FSP.
The Samasamaja and Communist traditions had different political and intellectual cultures. To illustrate the latter, GVS de Silva and Newton Gunasinghe came from the ‘tougher-minded’ Communist formation.
Because it was the local chapter of a global movement, the Communist tradition was consequential in a preponderantly positive, constructive sense. Especially in the global south, debating Ernest Mandel leads to one kind of praxis; debating Gramsci and Guevara, Althusser and Poulantzas, leads to an altogether different praxis.
The Communist tradition lives on, in that it gave rise to generations that regard being ‘a communist’ as something special; something to live up to. It connected generations with the fighting traditions of Vietnam and Cuba. The Chinese Communist tradition connected young people with Mao’s People’s War. The Communist tradition has shaped the mind and spirit of generations. It survives and continues to steel the soul.
[Dr. Dayan Jayatilleka is the author of ‘Fidel’s Ethics of Violence’, Pluto Press, UK 2007 and ‘The Fall of Global Socialism: A Counternarrative from the South’ Palgrave Macmillan, UK, 2014. He was the first accused of 23, indicted on 14 counts under the Prevention of Terrorism Act and the Emergency in the High Court of Colombo 1986.]
Features
Rethinking post-disaster urban planning: Lessons from Peradeniya
A recent discussion by former Environment Minister, Eng. Patali Champika Ranawaka on the Derana 360 programme has reignited an important national conversation on how Sri Lanka plans, builds and rebuilds in the face of recurring disasters.
His observations, delivered with characteristic clarity and logic, went beyond the immediate causes of recent calamities and focused sharply on long-term solutions—particularly the urgent need for smarter land use and vertical housing development.
Ranawaka’s proposal to introduce multistoried housing schemes in the Gannoruwa area, as a way of reducing pressure on environmentally sensitive and disaster-prone zones, resonated strongly with urban planners and environmentalists alike.
It also echoed ideas that have been quietly discussed within academic and conservation circles for years but rarely translated into policy.
One such voice is that of Professor Siril Wijesundara, Research Professor at the National Institute of Fundamental Studies (NIFS) and former Director General of the Royal Botanic Gardens, Peradeniya, who believes that disasters are often “less acts of nature and more outcomes of poor planning.”
“What we repeatedly see in Sri Lanka is not merely natural disasters, but planning failures,” Professor Wijesundara told The Island.
“Floods, landslides and environmental degradation are intensified because we continue to build horizontally, encroaching on wetlands, forest margins and river reservations, instead of thinking vertically and strategically.”
The former Director General notes that the University of Peradeniya itself offers a compelling case study of both the problem and the solution. The main campus, already densely built and ecologically sensitive, continues to absorb new faculties, hostels and administrative buildings, placing immense pressure on green spaces and drainage systems.
“The Peradeniya campus was designed with landscape harmony in mind,” he said. “But over time, ad-hoc construction has compromised that vision. If development continues in the same manner, the campus will lose not only its aesthetic value but also its ecological resilience.”
Professor Wijesundara supports the idea of reorganising the Rajawatte area—located away from the congested core of the university—as a future development zone. Rather than expanding inward and fragmenting remaining open spaces, he argues that Rajawatte can be planned as a well-designed extension, integrating academic, residential and service infrastructure in a controlled manner.
Crucially, he stresses that such reorganisation must go hand in hand with social responsibility, particularly towards minor staff currently living in the Rajawatte area.
“These workers are the backbone of the university. Any development plan must ensure their dignity and wellbeing,” he said. “Providing them with modern, safe and affordable multistoried housing—especially near the railway line close to the old USO premises—would be both humane and practical.”
According to Professor Wijesundara, housing complexes built near existing transport corridors would reduce daily commuting stress, minimise traffic within the campus, and free up valuable land for planned academic use.
More importantly, vertical housing would significantly reduce the university’s physical footprint.
Drawing parallels with Ranawaka’s Gannoruwa proposal, he emphasised that vertical development is no longer optional for Sri Lanka.
“We are a small island with a growing population and shrinking safe land,” he warned.
“If we continue to spread out instead of building up, disasters will become more frequent and more deadly. Vertical housing, when done properly, is environmentally sound, economically efficient and socially just.”
The veteran botanist also highlighted the often-ignored link between disaster vulnerability and the destruction of green buffers.
“Every time we clear a lowland, a wetland or a forest patch for construction, we remove nature’s shock absorbers,” he said.
“The Royal Botanic Gardens has survived floods for over a century precisely because surrounding landscapes once absorbed excess water. Urban planning must learn from such ecological wisdom.”
Professor Wijesundara believes that universities, as centres of knowledge, should lead by example.
“If an institution like Peradeniya cannot demonstrate sustainable planning, how can we expect cities to do so?” he asked. “This is an opportunity to show that development and conservation are not enemies, but partners.”
As climate-induced disasters intensify across the country, voices like his—and proposals such as those articulated by Patali Champika Ranawaka—underscore a simple but urgent truth: Sri Lanka’s future safety depends not only on disaster response, but on how and where we build today.
The challenge now lies with policymakers and planners to move beyond television studio discussions and academic warnings, and translate these ideas into concrete, people-centred action.
By Ifham Nizam ✍️
Features
Superstition – Major barrier to learning and social advancement
At the initial stage of my six-year involvement in uplifting society through skill-based initiatives, particularly by promoting handicraft work and teaching students to think creatively and independently, my efforts were partially jeopardized by deep-rooted superstition and resistance to rational learning.
Superstitions exerted a deeply adverse impact by encouraging unquestioned belief, fear, and blind conformity instead of reasoning and evidence-based understanding. In society, superstition often sustains harmful practices, social discrimination, exploitation by self-styled godmen, and resistance to scientific or social reforms, thereby weakening rational decision-making and slowing progress. When such beliefs penetrate the educational environment, students gradually lose the habit of asking “why” and “how,” accepting explanations based on fate, omens, or divine intervention rather than observation and logic.
Initially, learners became hesitant to challenge me despite my wrong interpretation of any law, less capable of evaluating information critically, and more vulnerable to misinformation and pseudoscience. As a result, genuine efforts towards social upliftment were obstructed, and the transformative power of education, which could empower individuals economically and intellectually, was weakened by fear-driven beliefs that stood in direct opposition to progress and rational thought. In many communities, illnesses are still attributed to evil spirits or curses rather than treated as medical conditions. I have witnessed educated people postponing important decisions, marriages, journeys, even hospital admissions, because an astrologer predicted an “inauspicious” time, showing how fear governs rational minds.
While teaching students science and mathematics, I have clearly observed how superstition acts as a hidden barrier to learning, critical thinking, and intellectual confidence. Many students come to the classroom already conditioned to believe that success or failure depends on luck, planetary positions, or divine favour rather than effort, practice, and understanding, which directly contradicts the scientific spirit. I have seen students hesitate to perform experiments or solve numerical problems on certain “inauspicious” days.
In mathematics, some students label themselves as “weak by birth”, which creates fear and anxiety even before attempting a problem, turning a subject of logic into a source of emotional stress. In science classes, explanations based on natural laws sometimes clash with supernatural beliefs, and students struggle to accept evidence because it challenges what they were taught at home or in society. This conflict confuses young minds and prevents them from fully trusting experimentation, data, and proof.
Worse still, superstition nurtures dependency; students wait for miracles instead of practising problem-solving, revision, and conceptual clarity. Over time, this mindset damages curiosity, reduces confidence, and limits innovation, making science and mathematics appear difficult, frightening, or irrelevant. Many science teachers themselves do not sufficiently emphasise the need to question or ignore such irrational beliefs and often remain limited to textbook facts and exam-oriented learning, leaving little space to challenge superstition directly. When teachers avoid discussing superstition, they unintentionally reinforce the idea that scientific reasoning and superstitious beliefs can coexist.
To overcome superstition and effectively impose critical thinking among students, I have inculcated the process to create a classroom culture where questioning was encouraged and fear of being “wrong” was removed. Students were taught how to think, not what to think, by consistently using the scientific method—observation, hypothesis, experimentation, evidence, and conclusion—in both science and mathematics lessons. I have deliberately challenged superstitious beliefs through simple demonstrations and hands-on experiments that allow students to see cause-and-effect relationships for themselves, helping them replace belief with proof.
Many so-called “tantrik shows” that appear supernatural can be clearly explained and exposed through basic scientific principles, making them powerful tools to fight superstition among students. For example, acts where a tantrik places a hand or tongue briefly in fire without injury rely on short contact time, moisture on the skin, or low heat transfer from alcohol-based flames rather than divine power.
“Miracles” like ash or oil repeatedly appearing from hands or idols involve concealment or simple physical and chemical tricks. When these tricks are demonstrated openly in classrooms or science programmes and followed by clear scientific explanations, students quickly realise how easily perception can be deceived and why evidence, experimentation, and critical questioning are far more reliable than blind belief.
Linking concepts to daily life, such as explaining probability to counter ideas of luck, or biology to explain illness instead of supernatural causes, makes rational explanations relatable and convincing.
Another unique example that I faced in my life is presented here. About 10 years ago, when I entered my new house but did not organise traditional rituals that many consider essential for peace and prosperity as my relatives believed that without them prosperity would be blocked. Later on, I could not utilise the entire space of my newly purchased house for earning money, largely because I chose not to perform certain rituals.
While this decision may have limited my financial gains to some extent, I do not consider it a failure in the true sense. I feel deeply satisfied that my son and daughter have received proper education and are now well settled in their employment, which, to me, is a far greater achievement than any ritual-driven expectation of wealth. My belief has always been that a house should not merely be a source of income or superstition-bound anxiety, but a space with social purpose.
Instead of rituals, I strongly feel that the unused portion of my house should be devoted to running tutorials for poor and underprivileged students, where knowledge, critical thinking, and self-reliance can be nurtured. This conviction gives me inner peace and reinforces my faith that education and service to society are more meaningful measures of success than material profit alone.
Though I have succeeded to some extent, this success has not been complete due to the persistent influence of superstition.
by Dr Debapriya Mukherjee
Former Senior Scientist
Central Pollution Control Board, India ✍️
Features
Race hate and the need to re-visit the ‘Clash of Civilizations’
Australian Prime Minister Anthony Albanese has done very well to speak-up against and outlaw race hate in the immediate aftermath of the recent cold-blooded gunning down of several civilians on Australia’s Bondi Beach. The perpetrators of the violence are believed to be ardent practitioners of religious and race hate and it is commendable that the Australian authorities have lost no time in clearly and unambiguously stating their opposition to the dastardly crimes in question.
The Australian Prime Minister is on record as stating in this connection: ‘ New laws will target those who spread hate, division and radicalization. The Home Affairs Minister will also be given new powers to cancel or refuse visas for those who spread hate and a new taskforce will be set up to ensure the education system prevents, tackles and properly responds to antisemitism.’
It is this promptness and single-mindedness to defeat race hate and other forms of identity-based animosities that are expected of democratic governments in particular world wide. For example, is Sri Lanka’s NPP government willing to follow the Australian example? To put the record straight, no past governments of Sri Lanka initiated concrete measures to stamp out the evil of race hate as well but the present Sri Lankan government which has pledged to end ethnic animosities needs to think and act vastly differently. Democratic and progressive opinion in Sri Lanka is waiting expectantly for the NPP government’ s positive response; ideally based on the Australian precedent to end race hate.
Meanwhile, it is apt to remember that inasmuch as those forces of terrorism that target white communities world wide need to be put down their counterpart forces among extremist whites need to be defeated as well. There could be no double standards on this divisive question of quashing race and religious hate, among democratic governments.
The question is invariably bound up with the matter of expeditiously and swiftly advancing democratic development in divided societies. To the extent to which a body politic is genuinely democratized, to the same degree would identity based animosities be effectively managed and even resolved once and for all. To the extent to which a society is deprived of democratic governance, correctly understood, to the same extent would it experience unmanageable identity-bred violence.
This has been Sri Lanka’s situation and generally it could be stated that it is to the degree to which Sri Lankan citizens are genuinely constitutionally empowered that the issue of race hate in their midst would prove manageable. Accordingly, democratic development is the pressing need.
While the dramatic blood-letting on Bondi Beach ought to have driven home to observers and commentators of world politics that the international community is yet to make any concrete progress in the direction of laying the basis for an end to identity-based extremism, the event should also impress on all concerned quarters that continued failure to address the matters at hand could prove fatal. The fact of the matter is that identity-based extremism is very much alive and well and that it could strike devastatingly at a time and place of its choosing.
It is yet premature for the commentator to agree with US political scientist Samuel P. Huntingdon that a ‘Clash of Civilizations’ is upon the world but events such as the Bondi Beach terror and the continuing abduction of scores of school girls by IS-related outfits, for instance, in Northern Africa are concrete evidence of the continuing pervasive presence of identity-based extremism in the global South.
As a matter of great interest it needs mentioning that the crumbling of the Cold War in the West in the early nineties of the last century and the explosive emergence of identity-based violence world wide around that time essentially impelled Huntingdon to propound the hypothesis that the world was seeing the emergence of a ‘Clash of Civilizations’. Basically, the latter phrase implied that the Cold War was replaced by a West versus militant religious fundamentalism division or polarity world wide. Instead of the USSR and its satellites, the West, led by the US, had to now do battle with religion and race-based militant extremism, particularly ‘Islamic fundamentalist violence’ .
Things, of course, came to a head in this regard when the 9/11 calamity centred in New York occurred. The event seemed to be startling proof that the world was indeed faced with a ‘Clash of Civilizations’ that was not easily resolvable. It was a case of ‘Islamic militant fundamentalism’ facing the great bulwark, so to speak, of ‘ Western Civilization’ epitomized by the US and leaving it almost helpless.
However, it was too early to write off the US’ capability to respond, although it did not do so by the best means. Instead, it replied with military interventions, for example, in Iraq and Afghanistan, which moves have only earned for the religious fundamentalists more and more recruits.
Yet, it is too early to speak in terms of a ‘Clash of Civilizations’. Such a phenomenon could be spoken of if only the entirety of the Islamic world took up arms against the West. Clearly, this is not so because the majority of the adherents of Islam are peaceably inclined and want to coexist harmoniously with the rest of the world.
However, it is not too late for the US to stop religious fundamentalism in its tracks. It, for instance, could implement concrete measures to end the blood-letting in the Middle East. Of the first importance is to end the suffering of the Palestinians by keeping a tight leash on the Israeli Right and by making good its boast of rebuilding the Gaza swiftly.
Besides, the US needs to make it a priority aim to foster democratic development worldwide in collaboration with the rest of the West. Military expenditure and the arms race should be considered of secondary importance and the process of distributing development assistance in the South brought to the forefront of its global development agenda, if there is one.
If the fire-breathing religious demagogue’s influence is to be blunted worldwide, then, it is development, understood to mean equitable growth, that needs to be fostered and consolidated by the democratic world. In other words, the priority ought to be the empowerment of individuals and communities. Nothing short of the latter measures would help in ushering a more peaceful world.
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