Features
On conflict and consensus
by Gnana Moonesinghe
Often differences of opinion erupt into conflict. There is no society where differences of opinion leading to confrontation do not exist. This is no cause for despair as there are as many solutions as there are problems. But precautions must be taken to resolve them early and prevent their growing too difficult to resolve. Conflict situations have to be understood in all their different aspects comprehensively without fear or resentment.
People come together for a variety of reasons. One is to get together for the task of nation building. How is a nation built? The principles or basis on which a nation rests and our commitment to the concept of a nation. These are questions that require answers. An analysis of such issues may indicate clearly that certain rules and a regulatory mandate are the basis on which a nation is built; also the need for our commitment to work together.
In any country problems arise; the important feature in such a situation is to resolve them without letting them ferment and become unsolvable; at the least it should be possible to reach a consensual agreement. Otherwise the problem can grow and transform into a confrontational issue. To resolve problems as and when they arise, there must be in place a reference document to be followed; one with the rules and regulatory mandate to be followed.
In the case of a nation this document will be the constitution and the by laws that have been legislated as and when necessary for the country. While being armed with the constitution it is necessary to be flexible in order to accommodate and respect the views and opinions of those with contrary views and are in opposition so that at least a consensual agreement can be reached when all else fails.
In seeking resolution of problems it will be helpful if ideas and individuals expressing them are kept apart so that controversial opinions will be based on ideas and not on those expressing them. In the case of Sri Lanka the distinction between the abuse of the system by corruption and people so incriminated were not separated.
President Gotabaya was held responsible for the financial crisis; identified as the culprit and demands for his expulsion were vociferous. Since the protests became loud and clear, it became impossible for the President to continue in office . He was compelled to vacate his position but before that appointed a new prime minister, RW, to replace his brother, Mahinda, after two or three other leaders approached declined appointment. When GR eventually resigned, Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe was elected by parliament to serve Gotabaya’s balance term as required by the constitution.
The protest movement linked the economic crisis and the political turmoil together; hence the demand for the removal of the President, a system change and the formation of an all party administration.
With the passage of some weeks of protest, people with political agendas different from those of the original protesters entered the picture which became more prone to violence.
Some of those in the fray wanted President Gotabaya removed so that no room would be available for anybody from the Rajapaksa clan to enter the political system. Compromise was ruled out and a non violent stance became difficult if not impossible.
Based on the constitutional requirement for the election of the successor, a vote was taken in parliament and a new president was elected by 134 votes. RWpolled 182 while his two opponents received 53 and three votes respectively. Democratic election by peaceful means should have eliminated confrontation. However confrontation continued as this was the tool chosen by the dissenting groups to continue their protest.
For any agreement to be binding in the democratic process, it has to be offered in a spirit of cooperation. This was perhaps the shortcoming in Sri Lanka’s case as the spirit of cooperation did not exist. A spirit of triumph over the departure of the president from office was evident and this denied the spirit of cooperation to the process that followed.
A blame element persisted; such a stance can lead to violence, guilty consciousness and a feeling of alienation which detracts from the ability to resolve conflict. This is what happened in Sri Lanka. Although President Wickremesinghe was elected according to the constitution, there are sections of the nation who do not think he was entitled to the post. They remain alienated and angry outside the consensual agreement.
Although it is said that interplay of ideas produce solutions , in the Sri Lankan context this failed. Here the opposing parties want to place blame on the other side and have no desire to compromise and develop better understanding. It is a question of all or nothing. The opposition wants the new president out with no compromise, no attempt to reach a solution together and sort out the problem. An all party administration is sought but the dissenting groups will not join.
The president has gone to the IMF for assistance as a last resort and we are compelled to follow what they prescribe. The opposition groups are opposed to the electricity tariff hike which they say will drive the SMEs to the ground. In that case the SMEs must find an alternative method to survive.
In the same issue of the newspaper that reported this development, the World Food Program (WFP) states that over six million Lankans are not food secure. Even prior to this crisis, people suffered from food shortages. Why did not the WFP assist before the situation got this bad?
Situation gets more confusing with passage of time. Harsha de Silva announced recently that while he will not join the govt., his economic plan to revive the national economy can be used by President Wickremesinghe’s government. The question that arises is that if the success of the plan is assured, why not associate themselves with the plan.
Ideas are being thrown without responsibility. Harsha like many others want a general election. Since there is constitutional provision to continue the present government for another two years why not follow the procedure in place? Also it is clear that we cannot afford an election at the moment. We do not have the funds to finance an election says the Elections Commission. It must not be forgotten that elections will not alleviate the peoples’ hunger. Politicians’ hunger for power may be resolved if the people are willing to accommodate once again those without the concern of the people on their agenda.
Eran Wickremaratne says solutions are not possible based solely on the funds provided by multilateral agencies extending assistance. That we are faced with an economic crisis need not be reiterated by anyone. Wickremaratne says that under no circumstances should we agree to domestic debt restructuring. The IMF assistance is on the basis that we produce a debt restructuring plan.
We hired legal and financial experts to prepare a strategy to present to the Directors of the IMF Board. Once it is passed a four year plan for Sri Lankan economic revival will be formulated.
The stock exchange advanced under the new order though it declined more recently. There has been an increased flow of tourists to the country. Inflation is declining and petrol and diesel are available. Gas is freely available. Plans are being made to get fertilizer to the farmers. Once cultivation is underway food shortage would be a thing of the past. All experts in the country should in the interests of the nation join hands to work with the administration to find a lasting solution.
Features
Ranking public services with AI — A roadmap to reviving institutions like SriLankan Airlines
Efficacy measures an organisation’s capacity to achieve its mission and intended outcomes under planned or optimal conditions. It differs from efficiency, which focuses on achieving objectives with minimal resources, and effectiveness, which evaluates results in real-world conditions. Today, modern AI tools, using publicly available data, enable objective assessment of the efficacy of Sri Lanka’s government institutions.
Among key public bodies, the Supreme Court of Sri Lanka emerges as the most efficacious, outperforming the Department of Inland Revenue, Sri Lanka Customs, the Election Commission, and Parliament. In the financial and regulatory sector, the Central Bank of Sri Lanka (CBSL) ranks highest, ahead of the Securities and Exchange Commission, the Public Utilities Commission, the Telecommunications Regulatory Commission, the Insurance Regulatory Commission, and the Sri Lanka Standards Institution.
Among state-owned enterprises, the Sri Lanka Ports Authority (SLPA) leads in efficacy, followed by Bank of Ceylon and People’s Bank. Other institutions assessed included the State Pharmaceuticals Corporation, the National Water Supply and Drainage Board, the Ceylon Electricity Board, the Ceylon Petroleum Corporation, and the Sri Lanka Transport Board. At the lower end of the spectrum were Lanka Sathosa and Sri Lankan Airlines, highlighting a critical challenge for the national economy.
Sri Lankan Airlines, consistently ranked at the bottom, has long been a financial drain. Despite successive governments’ reform attempts, sustainable solutions remain elusive.
Globally, the most profitable airlines operate as highly integrated, technology-enabled ecosystems rather than as fragmented departments. Operations, finance, fleet management, route planning, engineering, marketing, and customer service are closely coordinated, sharing real-time data to maximise efficiency, safety, and profitability.
The challenge for Sri Lankan Airlines is structural. Its operations are fragmented, overly hierarchical, and poorly aligned. Simply replacing the CEO or senior leadership will not address these deep-seated weaknesses. What the airline needs is a cohesive, integrated organisational ecosystem that leverages technology for cross-functional planning and real-time decision-making.
The government must urgently consider restructuring Sri Lankan Airlines to encourage:
=Joint planning across operational divisions
=Data-driven, evidence-based decision-making
=Continuous cross-functional consultation
=Collaborative strategic decisions on route rationalisation, fleet renewal, partnerships, and cost management, rather than exclusive top-down mandates
Sustainable reform requires systemic change. Without modernised organisational structures, stronger accountability, and aligned incentives across divisions, financial recovery will remain out of reach. An integrated, performance-oriented model offers the most realistic path to operational efficiency and long-term viability.
Reforming loss-making institutions like Sri Lankan Airlines is not merely a matter of leadership change — it is a structural overhaul essential to ensuring these entities contribute productively to the national economy rather than remain perpetual burdens.
By Chula Goonasekera – Citizen Analyst
Features
Why Pi Day?
International Day of Mathematics falls tomorrow
The approximate value of Pi (π) is 3.14 in mathematics. Therefore, the day 14 March is celebrated as the Pi Day. In 2019, UNESCO proclaimed 14 March as the International Day of Mathematics.
Ancient Babylonians and Egyptians figured out that the circumference of a circle is slightly more than three times its diameter. But they could not come up with an exact value for this ratio although they knew that it is a constant. This constant was later named as π which is a letter in the Greek alphabet.
It was the Greek mathematician Archimedes (250 BC) who was able to find an upper bound and a lower bound for this constant. He drew a circle of diameter one unit and drew hexagons inside and outside the circle such that the sides of each hexagon touch the sides of the circle. In mathematics the circle passing through all vertices of a polygon is called a ‘circumcircle’ and the largest circle that fits inside a polygon tangent to all its sides is called an ‘incircle’. The total length of the smaller hexagon then becomes the lower bound of π and the length of the hexagon outside the circle is the upper bound. He realised that by increasing the number of sides of the polygon can make the bounds get closer to the value of Pi and increased the number of sides to 12,24,48 and 60. He argued that by increasing the number of sides will ultimately result in obtaining the original circle, thereby laying the foundation for the theory of limits. He ended up with the lower bound as 22/7 and the upper bound 223/71. He could not continue his research as his hometown Syracuse was invaded by Romans and was killed by one of the soldiers. His last words were ‘do not disturb my circles’, perhaps a reference to his continuing efforts to find the value of π to a greater accuracy.
Archimedes can be considered as the father of geometry. His contributions revolutionised geometry and his methods anticipated integral calculus. He invented the pulley and the hydraulic screw for drawing water from a well. He also discovered the law of hydrostatics. He formulated the law of levers which states that a smaller weight placed farther from a pivot can balance a much heavier weight closer to it. He famously said “Give me a lever long enough and a place to stand and I will move the earth”.
Mathematicians have found many expressions for π as a sum of infinite series that converge to its value. One such famous series is the Leibniz Series found in 1674 by the German mathematician Gottfried Leibniz, which is given below.
π = 4 ( 1 – 1/3 + 1/5 – 1/7 + 1/9 – ………….)
The Indian mathematical genius Ramanujan came up with a magnificent formula in 1910. The short form of the formula is as follows.
π = 9801/(1103 √8)
For practical applications an approximation is sufficient. Even NASA uses only the approximation 3.141592653589793 for its interplanetary navigation calculations.
It is not just an interesting and curious number. It is used for calculations in navigation, encryption, space exploration, video game development and even in medicine. As π is fundamental to spherical geometry, it is at the heart of positioning systems in GPS navigations. It also contributes significantly to cybersecurity. As it is an irrational number it is an excellent foundation for generating randomness required in encryption and securing communications. In the medical field, it helps to calculate blood flow rates and pressure differentials. In diagnostic tools such as CT scans and MRI, pi is an important component in mathematical algorithms and signal processing techniques.
This elegant, never-ending number demonstrates how mathematics transforms into practical applications that shape our world. The possibilities of what it can do are infinite as the number itself. It has become a symbol of beauty and complexity in mathematics. “It matters little who first arrives at an idea, rather what is significant is how far that idea can go.” said Sophie Germain.
Mathematics fans are intrigued by this irrational number and attempt to calculate it as far as they can. In March 2022, Emma Haruka Iwao of Japan calculated it to 100 trillion decimal places in Google Cloud. It had taken 157 days. The Guinness World Record for reciting the number from memory is held by Rajveer Meena of India for 70000 decimal places over 10 hours.
Happy Pi Day!
The author is a senior examiner of the International Baccalaureate in the UK and an educational consultant at the Overseas School of Colombo.
by R N A de Silva
Features
Sheer rise of Realpolitik making the world see the brink
The recent humanly costly torpedoing of an Iranian naval vessel in Sri Lanka’s Exclusive Economic Zone by a US submarine has raised a number of issues of great importance to international political discourse and law that call for elucidation. It is best that enlightened commentary is brought to bear in such discussions because at present misleading and uninformed speculation on questions arising from the incident are being aired by particularly jingoistic politicians of Sri Lanka’s South which could prove deleterious.
As matters stand, there seems to be no credible evidence that the Indian state was aware of the impending torpedoing of the Iranian vessel but these acerbic-tongued politicians of Sri Lanka’s South would have the local public believe that the tragedy was triggered with India’s connivance. Likewise, India is accused of ‘embroiling’ Sri Lanka in the incident on account of seemingly having prior knowledge of it and not warning Sri Lanka about the impending disaster.
It is plain that a process is once again afoot to raise anti-India hysteria in Sri Lanka. An obligation is cast on the Sri Lankan government to ensure that incendiary speculation of the above kind is defeated and India-Sri Lanka relations are prevented from being in any way harmed. Proactive measures are needed by the Sri Lankan government and well meaning quarters to ensure that public discourse in such matters have a factual and rational basis. ‘Knowledge gaps’ could prove hazardous.
Meanwhile, there could be no doubt that Sri Lanka’s sovereignty was violated by the US because the sinking of the Iranian vessel took place in Sri Lanka’s Exclusive Economic Zone. While there is no international decrying of the incident, and this is to be regretted, Sri Lanka’s helplessness and small player status would enable the US to ‘get away with it’.
Could anything be done by the international community to hold the US to account over the act of lawlessness in question? None is the answer at present. This is because in the current ‘Global Disorder’ major powers could commit the gravest international irregularities with impunity. As the threadbare cliché declares, ‘Might is Right’….. or so it seems.
Unfortunately, the UN could only merely verbally denounce any violations of International Law by the world’s foremost powers. It cannot use countervailing force against violators of the law, for example, on account of the divided nature of the UN Security Council, whose permanent members have shown incapability of seeing eye-to-eye on grave matters relating to International Law and order over the decades.
The foregoing considerations could force the conclusion on uncritical sections that Political Realism or Realpolitik has won out in the end. A basic premise of the school of thought known as Political Realism is that power or force wielded by states and international actors determine the shape, direction and substance of international relations. This school stands in marked contrast to political idealists who essentially proclaim that moral norms and values determine the nature of local and international politics.
While, British political scientist Thomas Hobbes, for instance, was a proponent of Political Realism, political idealism has its roots in the teachings of Socrates, Plato and latterly Friedrich Hegel of Germany, to name just few such notables.
On the face of it, therefore, there is no getting way from the conclusion that coercive force is the deciding factor in international politics. If this were not so, US President Donald Trump in collaboration with Israeli Rightist Premier Benjamin Natanyahu could not have wielded the ‘big stick’, so to speak, on Iran, killed its Supreme Head of State, terrorized the Iranian public and gone ‘scot-free’. That is, currently, the US’ impunity seems to be limitless.
Moreover, the evidence is that the Western bloc is reuniting in the face of Iran’s threats to stymie the flow of oil from West Asia to the rest of the world. The recent G7 summit witnessed a coming together of the foremost powers of the global North to ensure that the West does not suffer grave negative consequences from any future blocking of western oil supplies.
Meanwhile, Israel is having a ‘free run’ of the Middle East, so to speak, picking out perceived adversarial powers, such as Lebanon, and militarily neutralizing them; once again with impunity. On the other hand, Iran has been bringing under assault, with no questions asked, Gulf states that are seen as allying with the US and Israel. West Asia is facing a compounded crisis and International Law seems to be helplessly silent.
Wittingly or unwittingly, matters at the heart of International Law and peace are being obfuscated by some pro-Trump administration commentators meanwhile. For example, retired US Navy Captain Brent Sadler has cited Article 51 of the UN Charter, which provides for the right to self or collective self-defence of UN member states in the face of armed attacks, as justifying the US sinking of the Iranian vessel (See page 2 of The Island of March 10, 2026). But the Article makes it clear that such measures could be resorted to by UN members only ‘ if an armed attack occurs’ against them and under no other circumstances. But no such thing happened in the incident in question and the US acted under a sheer threat perception.
Clearly, the US has violated the Article through its action and has once again demonstrated its tendency to arbitrarily use military might. The general drift of Sadler’s thinking is that in the face of pressing national priorities, obligations of a state under International Law could be side-stepped. This is a sure recipe for international anarchy because in such a policy environment states could pursue their national interests, irrespective of their merits, disregarding in the process their obligations towards the international community.
Moreover, Article 51 repeatedly reiterates the authority of the UN Security Council and the obligation of those states that act in self-defence to report to the Council and be guided by it. Sadler, therefore, could be said to have cited the Article very selectively, whereas, right along member states’ commitments to the UNSC are stressed.
However, it is beyond doubt that international anarchy has strengthened its grip over the world. While the US set destabilizing precedents after the crumbling of the Cold War that paved the way for the current anarchic situation, Russia further aggravated these degenerative trends through its invasion of Ukraine. Stepping back from anarchy has thus emerged as the prime challenge for the world community.
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