Features
Wisdom in Political Insights: My talk with Mahathir Mohamad

by Nilantha Ilangamuwa
Before we dived into the world of politics, I was eager to learn how he managed his style and which fundamentals he followed to pursue the goal of the common good. I had the privilege of talking via zoom with none other than Mahathir Mohamad, a major force behind Malaysia’s take-off. Before he became an icon in the political arena, Mahathir was a physician, a graduate of the reputed King Edward VII College of Medicine in Singapore. I sought his wisdom on the enduring principles that guide a life and a profession.
As he leaned forward, his eyes reflecting the wisdom of a life well-lived, he shared, ‘If I may speak of my calling as a medical doctor, there is one cardinal principle that reigns supreme – the patient’s well-being. It’s not about profiting from others’ misfortunes but about tirelessly working towards healing. In my practice, I encountered countless individuals grappling with life’s myriad challenges.’
Dr. Mahathir bin Mohamad, a towering figure in Asian politics, held the office of Prime Minister for an astounding 24 years, from 1981 to 2003 and later from 2018 to 2020. He revealed the philosophy that has been his compass throughout this remarkable journey.
‘I lead a life of moderation, avoiding the extremes. For instance, when I eat, I do so in moderation, sufficient for sustenance. My mother’s wisdom echoes in my ears – when food becomes overly delightful, it’s time to stop. Moderation, in all aspects of life, is key. Never veer to the extremes,’ he advised.
Explaining his longevity, he shared, ‘I abstain from smoking and drinking, and I refrain from overindulgence in food. I consume just what is necessary for my vitality.’
Turning to the subject of knowledge, he harked back to his foundational beliefs. ‘Knowledge has eternally held sway. The ancient Egyptians didn’t erect pyramids through divine incantations, nor did the waters flow in the irrigation canals of the Indus Civilization by the ignorance of their laws. Knowledge has perpetually been the font of power and prosperity.’
Mahathir stands as one of the senior-most active politicians in Asia, if not the world, having seen the ascents and declines of countless leaders. When I asked about those whom he admired and those who presented challenges, he said:
‘There are leaders I greatly admire and tried to emulate in problem-solving. Take Nelson Mandela, who endured over 27 years in captivity yet emerged without a trace of bitterness, working hand in hand with his former captors to rebuild South Africa. He exemplified selflessness, prioritizing society over self. Leaders of this caliber endure suffering for the greater good of humanity.’
As for the more trying encounters he encountered during his tenure, he gracefully refrained from singling them out, understanding the potential consequences it could have on individuals and their families.
Q: ‘What, in your view, are the defining qualities of a true statesperson? How does one distinguish a genuine leader from someone who exploits racial or religious elements for power?’
A: ‘A true statesperson is one who places the world and society above personal interests. Even when faced with personal hurt, they remain committed to what is right and beneficial for the common citizen.’
Delving into the impact of nationalism on the process of nation-building, I sought Mahathir’s insights on the pivotal role of nationalism and how he harnessed this concept during his tenure as Malaysia’s leader, even in the face of contentious allegations regarding anti-Semitic rhetoric, favoritism towards the ethnic Malay majority, and the treatment of political opponents.
‘First and foremost, one must cultivate a deep love for one’s country. It’s the place where you were born, raised, and achieved your aspirations; essentially, it’s where your roots lie. This genuine love for one’s nation fosters a sincere desire to contribute to its development. When you hold authentic affection for your country, the thought of causing harm or tarnishing its reputation becomes inconceivable.
‘When individuals feel that their nation is capable of self-sustenance, it instills a sense of pride and responsibility. This sentiment, at its core, embodies the essence of true nationalism. Once a common goal is attained, there arises no inclination to harm the country.’
We then moved to Malaysia’s remarkable economic transformation during his leadership. In 1981, when he assumed office, Malaysia’s GDP stood at approximately 25 billion USD. Under his visionary stewardship, the nation’s GDP burgeoned to a staggering 110.2 billion USD. Many attribute this success to his leadership, despite its association with contentious policies. I asked what underlay this economic triumph.
‘To foster a nation’s growth, stability and peace are imperative. A nation beset by instability and racial tensions cannot thrive. In Malaysia, a diverse and multicultural country, my foremost task was to unite people from various ethnic and religious backgrounds to work together, thereby establishing social stability and peace. Once this foundation is laid, the path is paved for economic growth, attracting new investments, and enabling individuals from diverse fields to flourish professionally.’
On his interactions with Sri Lanka, a country he had visited many times, I couldn’t help but pose a question about how we went wrong compared to Malaysia and Singapore.
Q: ‘You’ve made several visits to Sri Lanka, with your last visit in 2014, when you launched various development projects. At one point, you and your political rival, the late Lee Kuan Yew, emphasized the importance of learning from Sri Lanka’s successes. However, today, Sri Lanka’s path diverges significantly from that of Malaysia and Singapore. What, in your opinion, went wrong in Sri Lanka?’
A: A country’s progress is greatly contingent on its leadership. If the leader is inept, unfocused on authentic national development, or lacks an understanding of what development model suits their nation, regression is inevitable. History is replete with examples of countries that once shone brightly but have since faded.
‘Some nations falter when leaders prioritize personal gain and well-being over the welfare of the nation. Consequently, regression becomes their destiny. The history of every country exhibits cycles of ups and downs, and change is an intrinsic part of a nation’s journey.’
Mahathir’s spirited political debates with the late Lee Kuan Yew of Singapore remain indelibly etched in the annals of history. In a book titled ‘Conversations with Mahathir Mohamad,’ he offered a glimpse into the subject saying, ‘The fact remains that he is a mayor of Singapore. This is something he doesn’t like. He wants to be big, you see, and he feels that we took away his opportunity to lead a real country.’ Conversely, Lee Kuan Yew referred to Mahathir as ‘a thoroughly destructive force. He is a very smart man, but his mentality is still stuck in the 1970s.’
I probed him on those years of political rivalry and the intricacies of their relationship. he recounted, ‘When Singapore merged with Malaysia, it was a nation struggling to find its feet. Emerging from British rule, it had encountered its share of challenges during that period. Lee Kuan Yew saw this merger as his chance to become the Prime Minister of Malaysia. In Malaysia, he believed he could hold a substantial role, akin to a real Prime Minister, whereas in Singapore, he would be more like a mayor.
‘However, he soon discovered that Malaysia was not as welcoming as he had hoped. Ultimately, Malaysia expelled Singapore due to the disruptive political climate he had introduced. The then Prime Minister, Tunku Abdul Rahman, decided that Singapore should no longer be part of Malaysia. Singapore, of course, thrived after its expulsion, but at that moment, Lee Kuan Yew believed he had lost a significant opportunity to become a Prime Minister, which is why he shed tears.’
Responding to Lee Kuan Yew’s characterization of him, he countered, ‘Well, everyone is entitled to their perspective. He viewed me as orthodox, and perhaps he wasn’t entirely wrong. I was deeply concerned about racial relations in Malaysia. We have three major ethnic groups, but their achievements were not on par. The Chinese community had made significant strides and seized opportunities post-independence, while the Malays struggled in business, despite being afforded similar opportunities. This disparity was a persistent obstacle to our nation’s development. My aim was to eliminate these disparities and drive the country toward true development. To some, my methods might have seemed orthodox, but my focus was squarely on bridging the ethnic divides.’
I inquired about reports suggesting that during his tenure as Prime Minister of Malaysia, he had made efforts to secure ASEAN membership for Sri Lanka but faced opposition from certain political quarters in other countries. I asked him to confirm the accuracy of these reports.
‘Indeed, ASEAN is a remarkable success story in the realm of regional cooperation, notably for its ability to reject war in the region for over six decades. While many other nations expressed interest in joining ASEAN, certain factors, such as geographical location, posed obstacles to their inclusion. The organization’s concern was that if it expanded too rapidly, it might become unwieldy. I believed Sri Lanka was a suitable candidate for ASEAN membership, transcending geographical differences. However, other member nations were hesitant to extend the invitation.’
Next we got on to his thoughts on the development of secondary leadership. Often, exceptional leaders, when they depart, leave a void that can lead to political polarization and division. I queried how he, drawing from his decades of political experience and wisdom, fostered secondary leadership in Malaysia and navigated the challenges along the way.
‘When you assume the role of Prime Minister, you wield immense power, and that power can be either a tool for personal gain or an instrument for national progress. I was acutely aware that if I used that power for personal purposes, I would tarnish my legacy and leave a stain on the nation’s history. Instead, I chose to focus on the nation’s development. For me, the enduring satisfaction came from witnessing the country’s growth. That was the only reward I sought, and it was the reward I received from the world through recognition of Malaysia’s development.’
‘During my first term as Prime Minister, which lasted for over 20 years, I realized that it was a lengthy tenure, and I was already in my seventies. I firmly believed that the key to our nation’s progress lay in nurturing a new generation of leaders. I advocated the notion that developing the nation was a prerequisite for individual growth. I encouraged my successors to follow the same path, with the aim of propelling Malaysia to developed nation status. However, once I stepped down from office, subsequent leaders pursued different agendas. They wrongly believed that during my tenure, I had misappropriated government funds, despite the facts pointing to the contrary. Consequently, they began to wield their power for personal interests, derailing the path we had charted since the early ’80s. This regression halted Malaysia’s growth.
This prompted me to re-enter politics. Subsequently, I once again assumed the role of Prime Minister. However, the political landscape had transformed. Certain political parties resorted to exploiting religious and ethnic divisions to disrupt the newly formed government, triggering a series of political crises and eroding political stability. In the past 60 years, we had experienced only four changes in government. However, after my departure in 2020, four different governments came to power, further exacerbating political and social instability.’
Curious about external influences, I asked if external parties played a role in perpetuating this instability. Dr. Mahathir acknowledged the possibility of some external elements but characterized the situation as a complex political crisis that would require time and effort to resolve.
Finally, I posed the question: What he considered to be his biggest mistake during his tenure as the longest-serving ruler in modern Malaysian history. He contemplated deeply and replied, ‘I believe that stepping down from the position of Prime Minister was a significant mistake. However, had I not done so, people would not have had the opportunity to see what kind of government they would get in my absence. It’s often during challenging times that we truly appreciate the value of a nation’s well-being. We must undergo difficult periods to realize that the prosperity of a country is not a permanent state.’
I finally sought Dr. Mahathir’s thoughts on the pressing issues that confront our world today. In this era of multiple crises – from global health emergencies to supply chain disruptions, debates surrounding multi-polarism versus Western hegemony, the rise of the Global South, and China’s aspirations to superpower status – I asked him to convey a message to the global community, one that promotes equity and dignity for all of humanity.
‘In the past, when conflicts arose among small principalities, strong leaders would unite these territories into larger nations, steering them towards development. That was the historical narrative. However, our world has changed significantly. Today, due to the ease of communication, we are not just neighbors with our immediate neighboring countries but with the entire world. This closeness brings with it shared challenges that demand a collective approach. In essence, we require a form of global governance.
‘We have seen attempts at this before, such as the League of Nations, which ultimately faltered. Then came the era of the United Nations, which, unfortunately, is also facing challenges. The United Nations, with its five veto-wielding powers, can sometimes be stymied by the interests of a few. Therefore, it is imperative for the world to forge a unified movement to tackle common global issues, including pandemics, the consequences of climate change, the growing global population, and more. Just as small principalities once came together to form nation-states, now nation-states must unite to create a global governance structure capable of addressing these shared problems.’
As a parting thought, Dr. Mahathir turned his attention to the ongoing conflict in Ukraine. He observed, ‘Europeans still seem to contemplate resolving international conflicts through wars. They had allied with the Russians during World War II to combat Germany, and together they defeated Germany. However, immediately after victory, they designated Russia as a new enemy, leading to the establishment of NATO, focused squarely on Russia.
In response, Russia formed the Warsaw Pact, sparking a prolonged Cold War, which was a considerable waste of resources and time. When Russia eventually decided to dissolve the Warsaw Pact, NATO took a different path. Instead of dismantling itself, it bolstered its capabilities and invited former Warsaw Pact members to join, all directed against Russia. This inevitably fueled a series of conflicts, with the Ukraine conflict being a part of this larger narrative.’
He concluded with a resounding call for change, stating, ‘While NATO nations provide support to the war in Ukraine, it is the Ukrainian people who are fighting and suffering. Allowing Ukrainians to endure this conflict, with lives lost and their nation in ruins, is untenable. The mindset of resolving disputes through warfare must come to an end.’
Features
Leadership, Ethics & Non-compromise – I

Navigating the Winds of Change:
(Keynote address delivered at the first Award Ceremony of the ‘The Bandaranaike Academy for Leadership & Public Policy on 15 February 2025 at Mihilama Medura, BMICH, Colombo)
I have been made to understand, today marks the awards ceremony of the first cohort of students at the ‘The Bandaranaike Academy for Leadership & Public Policy.’ So, it is a happy day for all those graduating in a world where immediate work and life circumstances are not generally marked by happiness.
I apologize for starting on a seemingly morose note, but we are in more dire straits – as a nation and as citizens – than we have ever been since Independence. And much of this unhappiness stems directly from decisions taken by people we have considered leaders. In many cases, we have also elected them – repeatedly. But I am not talking only of public leaders who are often visible, but also of people away from the public eye, in leadership positions, such as in public and business organizations, kin networks, schools and formal and informal groups, who also take decisions that affect others – and often in life-changing ways.
The founders of this academy must certainly have had a sense that local and global structures of leadership are in relative disarray when they decided that the vision of the academy is to ‘create the next generation of ethical, effective and socially responsible leaders.’ From my vantage point, I would summarize these expectations in three words: Leadership, Ethics & Non-compromise’. These are the ideas I want to talk about today against the backdrop of our country’s vastly transformed political landscape and societal mood.
Let me lay it out there: leadership and its congruent qualities, such as ethics and non-compromise, do not simply emanate from a course or a syllabus. Certainly, conceptual and theoretical aspects of leadership, what ethics mean, when and when not to compromise in an abstract sense can be ‘taught’ through forms of formal instruction. I see that your postgraduate diploma courses such as ‘Strategic Leadership’ and ‘Politics & Governance’ emphasize some of these aspects. Similarly, the course, ‘Executive Credential on Leadership & Public Policy’ appears to emphasize some core concepts that would have to feature in any discussion on leadership, such as ‘Ethical Leadership and Social Responsibility’, ‘Leadership Strategies for a Changing World’, ‘Visionary Leadership’ and ‘Moral Leadership’ which have all been flagged either as course outcomes or focus areas.
But beyond this kind of abstraction in a classroom, leadership and its affiliated characteristics must necessarily come from life and how we deal with its multiple layers in society. A classroom, or a course, is essentially a controlled environment while society is not. The latter, by virtue of its composition, is messy and unpredictable. Leadership, in such situations, is one thing that theory and bookish knowledge alone cannot inculcate in a person beyond a certain point.
It is this, I want to elaborate in my talk today. It has become extremely clear to me that in our immediate living environment, and particularly in politics, across the board, leadership along with qualities like ethics and non-compromise, is woefully lacking. This absence stems from the relentless abuse of the key attributes of leadership which have been buried in the corrupt political system and compromised societal mores we have inherited.
So, let me take you beyond the classroom today and give you a glimpse of situations I have had to encounter. I suggest, you juxtapose these experiences and perspectives against what you have learned in the academy, your schools, your universities, from your parents and elders and your lives in general, and then proceed to fine-tune these or even unlearn your instructions, if needed. I have always found common ground in what American essayist Ralph Waldo Emerson once noted about leadership. He said, “do not follow where the path may lead. Go instead where there is no path and leave a trail.” What he is essentially talking about is the necessity of a vision to be able to lead.
But, more importantly, we must have the commonsense and the political will to distinguish between vision and hallucination, however popular and rhetorically similar both can be. Adolf Hitler had a hallucination of globally disastrous proportions while Nelson Mandela and Mohandas Gandhi had emancipatory visions whose long-term influence far exceeded the geographic and political boundaries of their countries. All three had a large number of followers, with very different consequences. And all of them were leaders, too.
What I want to say at the outset is that mere popularity of a person at a given moment is not an indication of leadership unless it is enhanced and enriched by ethics and the non-compromise of those standards. That is, leadership with morals as opposed to being devoid of them.
In my last professional incarnation, the core idea was to establish a university where none existed, an entity called South Asian University that belonged to the eight nation states of South Asia. It was intended to be a place where no one nation, political or ideological position would dominate; a university where existing conflicts between nation states would not percolate into the classroom. This was a grand vision spawned by a group of people who could lead when it came to ideas of equality in an unequal world.
Interestingly, in the initial years of its existence, it was possible to adhere to these principles and visions as long as there was leadership at important levels of the administration and academic decision-making where these principles were upheld and put into practice. For instance, Indian and Pakistani Independence Days were celebrated within minutes of each other, albeit amidst some tension, but essentially without violence or confrontation. The university did not get involved in any of these, but provided a safe environment. Today, only 14 years later, one cannot see a single Pakistani student on campus.
The iconic lecture series that I helped initiate, ‘Contributions to Contemporary Knowledge,’ which has now been discontinued, was kicked off by a highly successful and well-attended lecture by Gananath Obeyesekere. The Sri Lankan scholar was not invited because of our common nationality, but solely for his reputation reaching across national boundaries and hence was demanded by my Indian colleagues. My job, as a leader, was to make it happen. That is, all these events in the first 10 years of the university’s life established its identity as a South Asian socio-political as well as cultural-knowledge space and not an Indian socio-cultural enclave, though physically located in New Delhi. This was possible because of leadership and clarity of vision at different levels.
Even when crude nationalistic ventures were initiated at the apex of the administration or among students, some of us had the sense and authority to not let them proceed. Similarly, when events were organized which were considered anti-Indian by some misguided people, we had the moral and ethical wherewithal and strength to continue nevertheless, on the conviction of our ideas and the correctness of our decisions.
One such instance was the celebration of the work of the Pakistani poet Faiz Ahmad Faiz in 2015, when some Indian students complained we were turning the university into a Pakistani enclave. Yet the event was not cancelled, was again well attended and was very positively reported, including even in the Indian mass media. This is also where the notion of non-compromise played a pivotal role. That is, there was never any expectation of compromise in my mind and those others who helped organize it when we knew quite well this kind of rhetoric might emerge.
Continuing further, the point I want to stress is, leadership cannot and should not be merely based on individual popularity or on narrow personal interests. We see both tendencies when it comes to political leadership in Sri Lanka, our immediate geographic neighborhood, and elsewhere in the world. This is how political dynasties have emerged where families seem to believe that to be in leadership positions is a birthright passed down through divine authority. This misplaced thinking is to the detriment of the rest of us as a direct result of dubious forms of leadership that dynastic politics usually generate.
How can we expect a person to lead a nation or even an electorate in any degree of seriousness, when they fabricate their educational qualifications, when their professional backgrounds are works of fiction, when they have never worked a single day in the real world or when their achievements are in the realms of criminality. We have such leaders right here on our own soil whose political survival we have ensured through our vote and our very pronounced lack of reflective criticality. Our collective tolerance of such ‘leadership’ is shameful and says much about our own intelligence, ethics and apathy.
(To be continued)
Features
USAID and NGOS under siege

by Jehan Perera
The virtually overnight suspension of the U.S. government’s multibillion dollar foreign aid programme channeled through USAID has been headline news in the U.S. and in other parts of the world where this aid has been very important. In the U.S. itself the suspension of USAID programmes has been accompanied by large scale loss of jobs in the aid sector without due notice. In areas of the world where U.S. aid was playing an important role, such as in mitigating conditions of famine or war, the impact is life threatening to large numbers of hapless people. In Sri Lanka, however, the suspension of U.S. aid has made the headlines for an entirely different reason.
U.S. government authorities have been asserting that the reason for the suspension of the foreign aid programme is due to various reasons, including inefficiency and misuse that goes against the present government’s policy and is not in the U.S. national interest. This has enabled politicians in Sri Lanka who played leading roles in previous governments, but are now under investigation for misdeeds associated with their periods of governance, to divert attention from themselves. These former leaders of government are alleging that they were forced out of office prematurely due to the machination of NGOs that had been funded by USAID and not because of the misgovernance and corruption they were accused of.
In the early months of 2022, hundreds of thousands of people poured out onto the streets of Sri Lanka in all parts of the country demanding the exit of the then government. The Aragalaya protests became an unstoppable movement due the unprecedented economic hardships that the general population was being subjected to at that time. The protestors believed that those in the government had stolen the country’s wealth. The onset of economic bankruptcy meant that the government did not have foreign exchange (dollars) to pay for essential imports, including fuel, food and medicine. People died of exhaustion after waiting hours and even days in queues for petrol and in hospitals due to lack of medicine.
PROBING NGOS
There have been demands by some of the former government leaders who are currently under investigation that USAID funding to Sri Lanka should be probed. The new NPP government has responded to this demand by delegating the task to the government’s National NGO Secretariat. This is the state institution that is tasked with collecting information from the NGOs registered with it about their quantum and sources of funding and what they do with it for the betterment of the people. Public Security Minister Ananda Wijepala has said he would deal with allegations over USAID funding in Sri Lanka, and for that he had sought a report from the NGO Secretariat which is operating under his Ministry.
Most donor agencies operating in Sri Lanka, including USAID, have rigorous processes which they follow in disbursing funds to NGOs. Usually, the donor agency will issue a call for proposals which specify their areas of interest. NGOs have to compete to obtain these funds, stating what they will do with it in considerable detail, and the impact it will have. Once the grant is awarded, the NGOs are required to submit regular reports of work they have done. The donor agencies generally insist that reputed audit firms, preferably with international reputations, perform regular annual or even six-monthly audits of funds provided. They may even send independent external monitors to evaluate the impact of the projects they have supported.
The value of work done by NGOs is that they often take on unpopular and difficult tasks that do not have mass appeal but are essential for a more just and inclusive society. Mahatma Gandhi who started the Sarvodaya (meaning, the wellbeing of all) Movement in India was inspired by the English philosopher John Ruskin who wrote in 1860 that a good society was one that would care for the very last member in it. The ideal that many NGOs strive for, whether in child care, sanitation, economic development or peacebuilding is that everyone is included and no one is excluded from society’s protection, in which the government necessarily plays a lead role.
SELF-INTEREST
Ironically, those who now demand that USAID funds and those organisations that obtained such funds be investigated were themselves in government when USAID was providing such funds. The National NGO Secretariat was in existence doing its work of monitoring the activities of NGOs then. Donor agencies, such as USAID, have stringent policies that prevent funds they provide being used for partisan political purposes. This accounts for the fact that when NGOs invite politicians to attend their events, they make it a point to invite those from both the government and opposition, so that their work is not seen as being narrowly politically partisan.
The present situation is a very difficult one for NGOs in Sri Lanka and worldwide. USAID was the biggest donor agency by far, and the sudden suspension of its funds has meant that many NGOs have had to retrench staff, stop much of their work and some have even closed down. It appears that the international world order is becoming more openly based on self-interest, where national interests take precedence over global interests, and the interests of the wealthy segments of society take precedence over the interests of the people in general. This is not a healthy situation for human beings or for civilisation as the founders of the world religions knew with their consistent message that the interests of others, of the neighbour, of all living beings be prioritised.
In 1968, when the liberal ideas of universal rights were more dominant in the international system, Garrett Hardin, an evolutionary biologist, wrote a paper called “The Tragedy of the Commons”. Hardin used an example of sheep grazing land when describing the adverse effects of overpopulation. He referred to a situation where individuals, acting in their own self-interest, overexploit a shared resource, like a pasture or fishery, leading to its depletion and eventual destruction, even though it is detrimental to everyone in the long run; essentially, the freedom to use a common resource without regulation can lead to its ruin for all users. The world appears to be heading in that direction. In these circumstances, the work of those, who seek the wellbeing of all, needs to be strengthened and not undermined.
Features
Dealing with sexual-and gender-based violence in universities

Out of the Shadows:
By Nicola Perera
Despite policy interventions at the University Grants Commission (UGC), university, and faculty levels, sexual- and gender-based violence (SGBV) is so entrenched in the system that victim-survivors seeking justice are more likely to experience concerted pushback than the empathetic solidarity of their peers. Colleagues and friends will often close ranks, rallying to protect the accused under misguided notions of safeguarding the reputation of, not merely the assumed perpetrator, but the institution. While gender and sexual inequalities, inflected by class, ethnicity, religion, region, and other characteristics, shape the identities of the perpetrator and victim and the situation of abuse, the hyper-hierarchised nature of the university space itself enables and conceals such violence. It’s also important to note that women are not the exclusive victims of violence; boys and men are caught in violent dynamics, too.
Similar to intimate partner violence in the private confines of home and family, violence attributed to the sex and gender of abusers and victims in our universities goes heavily underreported. The numerous power imbalances structuring the university – between staff and students; academic staff versus non-academic staff; senior academic professionals as opposed to junior academics; or, senior students in contrast to younger students – also prevent survivors from seeking redress for fear of professional and personal repercussions. Research by the UGC in 2015 in collaboration with the Federation of University Teachers’ Associations (FUTA) and CARE International Sri Lanka, and more recently with UNICEF in 2021, revealed discomfiting truths about the university as places of work and education. In naming oneself as a survivor-victim, even within whatever degree of confidentiality that current grievance mechanisms offer, the individual may also represent (to some members of the university community, if not to the establishment itself) a threat to the system.
Conversely, an accused is liable to not just disciplinary action by their university-employer, but to criminal prosecution by the state. Via the Penal Code, the Prevention of Domestic Violence Act (2005), etc., the law recognises SGBV as an offence that can take place across many contexts in the private and public spheres. (The criminalisation of SGBV is in line with state commitments to ensuring the existence, safety, and dignity of women and girls under a host of international agreements, such as the United Nations Convention on the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women, Vienna Declaration on the Elimination of Violence Against Women, the Sustainable Development Goals, International Labour Organisation conventions regarding non-discrimination in employment, etc.). Specific to the university, the so-called anti-ragging act (the Prohibition of Ragging and Other Forms of Violence in Education Institutes Act of 1998, in addition to UGC circular no. 919 of 2010, etc.) deems SGBV as a punishable offence. The rag is one site where SGBV often finds fluent articulation, but it is hardly the only one: this is not a problem with just our students.
As the apex body governing higher education in the country, the UGC has not remained insensible to the fact that SGBV harms the lives, rights, and work of students, staff, (and other parties) in university spaces. The Centre for Gender Equity/Equality sits at the UGC level, along with gender cells/committees in individual universities. Universities and faculties have elaborated their own policies and bylaws to address sexual- or gender-based harassment and sexual violence. Although variously articulated, these policies touch on issues of consent; discrimination against a person, or creation of a hostile environment, on the basis of their gender or sexuality; the spectrum of actions that may constitute harassment/violence (including through the use of technology); coerced or voluntary sexual favours as a quid-pro-quo for academic or professional benefits; procedures for making and investigating SGBV complaints; protection of witnesses to an investigation; the irrelevance of the complainant’s sexual history to the complaint at hand. And here begins the inevitable tale of distance between policy, practice, and effect.
Different faculties of the same university may or may not include SGBV awareness/ training in the annual orientation for new students. The faculty’s SGBV policy may or may not appear in all three languages and Braille in student handbooks. Staff Development Centres training new recruits in outcome-based education and intended learning outcomes may or may not look at (or even realise) the politics of education, nor include an SGBV component in its Human Resources modules. Universities may or may not dedicate increasingly stretched resources to training workshops on SGBV for staff, or cover everyone from academics, to administrative staff, to the marshals, to maintenance staff, to hostel wardens.
Workshops may in any case only draw a core of participants, mostly young, mostly women. Instead, groups of male academics (aided sometimes by women colleagues) will actively organise against any gender policy which they construe as a personal affront to their professional stature. Instead, the outspoken women academic is painted as a troublemaker. Existing policy fails to address such discourse, and other normalised microaggressions and subtle harassment which create a difficult environment for gender and sexual minorities. In fact, the implementation of gender policy at all may rest on the critical presence of an individual (inevitably a woman) in a position of power. Gender equality in the university at any point appears to rest on the convictions and labour of a handful of (mostly women) staff or officials.
The effect is the tediously heteropatriarchal spaces that staff and students inhabit, spaces which whether we acknowledge them as such or not, are imbued with the potential, the threat of violence for those on the margins. The effect, as Ramya Kumar writing earlier in this column states, is the inability of our LGBTQI students and staff to be their authentic selves, except to a few confidantes. Since the absence/rarity of SGBV complaints is no evidence that the phenomenon does not exist, perhaps a truer indication of how gender-sensitised our institutions and personnel are, comes back again to the reception of such complaints. Thus, a woman accuser is frequently portrayed as the archetypal scorned woman: abuse is rewritten not just as consent, but a premeditated transaction of sexual relations in exchange for better grades, a secured promotion, and so on. A situation of abuse becomes inscribed as one of seduction, where the accuser basically changes their tune and cries harassment or rape when the expected gains fail to materialise. Especially with the global backlash to MeToo, society is preoccupied with the ‘false accusation,’ even though there is plenty of evidence that few incidents of SGBV are reported, and fewer still are successfully prosecuted. These misogynist tropes of women and women’s sexuality matter in relation to SGBV in university, because Faculty Boards, investigative committees, Senates, and Councils will be as equally susceptible to them as any citizen or juror in a court of law. They matter in placing the burden of documenting abuse/harassment as it takes place on the victim-survivor, to accumulate evidence that will pass muster before a ‘neutral,’ ‘objective’ observer.
At the end of the day, when appointments to gender committees may be handpicked to not rock the boat, or any university Council may dismiss a proven case of SGBV on a technicality, the strongest policies, the most robust mechanisms and procedures are rendered ineffective, unless those who hold power in everyday dealings with students and persons in subordinate positions at the university also change.
(Nicola Perera teaches English as a second language at the University of Colombo.)
Kuppi is a politics and pedagogy happening on the margins of the lecture hall that parodies, subverts, and simultaneously reaffirms social hierarchies.
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