The latest we are witnessing in the political scenario is the live discussion about events surrounding Minister Weerawansa of the ‘ pohottuwa’ regime. Amidst several conjectures expressed and unexpressed, the associated events have assumed highly important contours spreading across the nexus of the political picture of the country. Some sections of the opposition try to make out that this is another well planned ruse of the government, to divert the attention of the public from the predicaments seriously affecting their day to day lives. There is another school of thought that it is a manifestation of the developing internal conflicts in the Rajapaksa clan. Some Independent political critics view it as a timely maneuver, orchestrated to properly guide the direction of the government, which is now in a somewhat astray and adrift course. Few claim that it is a reaction of some of those in the government, disgruntled over the happenings going beyond their individual satisfaction, and who think enough is enough.
Well, we are yet to see the reality. But if we look at the episode with an open mind there are many possibilities towards this culmination. The group is far more formidable to be regarded as an unthreatening adversary. Whatever is the stunt, if it is so, the grouping itself constitutes a potential risk similar to that of a dormant volcano. The eruption can be activated internally as well as externally. Even if the numbers superficially visible are taken into account, it carries significant weightage, sufficient enough to tilt the balance at any crucial juncture. Unhappy external power blocks can catalyze a reaction. (We have learnt in chemistry that a catalyst can activate a chemical reaction without itself undergoing any change in the process). We cannot forget that we are exposed to and become the focus of several hawkish and no fewer belligerent forces now, unlike in the recent past.
The development too is associated with a highly vulnerable conglomeration , comprising left, ultra-left, center of left, chauvinist, diverse protagonist and senior figures in local politics. The chances are that there is a strong possibility of more diverse social groups joining in, particularly in the context of a long felt need for the country to be steered by a new third force, eliminating the dynastic influence the politics of the country has been subject to. The failure of the so called few ‘viyath-maga’ members to make any significant contribution to the political direction of the country after the last general election, and the many issues pending without any solid basis or plan of resolution, is further assisting in the process of this precipitation.
It is only after sometime will we know whether the polarization is due to and based on national issues, or parochial concerns of a few individuals. Any progress of the movement of this grouping is highly dependent on this. In order to get a clear view of this we have to examine some of the important issues that came to limelight;
= MCC agreement from USA: There was an element of uncertainty surrounding the issue, before it was finally declared that MCC grant would not be accepted which hung fire over a period of time. It is noteworthy that the final decision was announced after the deadline given by the US for accepting the MCC grant expired! It was a sour grapes story in the eyes of many.
= Colombo Port East Terminal Fiasco: We saw the level of opposition that was built up before it was finally declared that the ECT would not be given to the Company recommended by India. Expression of controversial viewpoints on the policy stand of the Government by different members became a common feature. The divergent stands were obviously wide apart, and so unusual to have originated from the same government source.
The decision-making process did not unfortunately display any degree of concern about the profile and the standing of the enterprise that came forward to get into the business jointly with the SLPDA on a partnership basis. The very fact that the WCT becoming the substitute alternative to ECT, shows that the GOSL has not properly assessed the background of the interveners. Unless precautionary safeguards are secured properly, there is a strong possibility of the activities of ECT becoming seriously hampered during the development process of the WCT by these contenders.
Then there are several other issues overhanging, which have caused serious apprehensions and concerns where the interests and policy stands among the decision makers appear to be diverse.
= One country one law: This was a political slogan which carried much weight with the voters, virtually leading them to the expectation of comprehensive legal reforms, removing several outdated laws and introducing legislature ensuring the impartiality of the judiciary.
People expected the judiciary to be secure from undue influence and autonomous functioning within their own field.
Appointment of Judges, rules to protect judicial independence, executive and the administration of justice, reforms to eliminate laws with preferential treatments applicable to communities, classes or religions were concerns in this regard.
Some of the views now expressed by those responsible in the government appear to have taken a different course direction.
= Presidential Commission findings and the pending indictments on the Easter Sunday Fracas, is another matter that has caused some interest and worry in the SLFP segment of this new grouping. There appears to be a developing anxiety about the possibility of prosecution of some of their members.
= A discontent of the SLFP, from the time of accommodating candidates for the General Election, appears to have developed further after the allocation of ministerial portfolios of the government.
The argument that the entire scene is something orchestrated by the government itself is untenable due to several considerations. It is unlikely that the SLFP- wing, represented in the group by its General Secretary Dayasiri Jayasekera, would have been given the green light to participate in a ginger group by the Party leader Sirisena, if it is so felt by them. Sirisena himself is in a dilemma about the pending indictments in the Easter Sunday case. So it is more likely that the SLFP, now reduced to a tail end appendage of the ‘pohottuwa’, is taking a risk joining in such a move at a crucial time like this.
Even for the government, it is a potential risk for the future of the ‘pohottuwa’ to pave the way to build up a mock but strong grouping, which can boomerang any moment.
The other political parties are in serious disarray. The UNP is virtually extinct. SJB, the main opposition party, is also fairly fragile with the known history of some of its partners. The Muslim parties are in the opposition after a long time. They always had a place in whatever form of government in power. Any slight opportunity extended will open the gate for them to go to join the government. Already their MPs supported the government to bring the 20th amendment defying the party loyalties.
Therefore, according to the balance of probabilities, the move to form a ‘Ginger’ group within the government by Ministers Weerawansa, Gammanpila and Vasudeva is a formidable step to reckon critically. The standing of these Ministers in the public eye is strongly recognized, and their role played to bring the ‘pohottuwa’ to power is unquestionably acknowledged with no reservations.
The chances are, whether they quit or are made to leave OR continue to remain, they have established themselves as a force capable of balancing the activities of an otherwise wanton passage, maneuvered from behind, regardless by those who claim the sole ownership of ‘pohottuwa’. The flowing river of the progressive sector of the citizenry has many other rills to add on to its waters during its course.
Are We Patriotic As A Nation?
Extracts from book “G R A T I T U D E”
By Admiral Ravindra C Wijegunaratne
(Retired from Sri Lanka Navy)
Former Chief of Defence Staff
I served as the First Secretary/ Defence Advisor at the Sri Lanka High Commission in New Delhi, from November 2001 to April 2004. I served under two High Commissioners, namely late Professor Senake Bandaranaike and the late Mangala Moonesinghe. The Late Lakshman Kadirgamar and the The late Tyronne Fernando were the Foreign Ministers during my tenure.
I was occupying a residence inside the High Commission complex at Kautilya Marg, Chanakyapuri, in the diplomatic enclave of New Delhi. Our chief gardener was Perry Ram. He was a very experienced gardener who had served in the High Commission for 30 years. He was a very dedicated person who worked tirelessly to maintain the High Commission premises with beautiful flower beds and pots.
Our High Commission garden looked very beautiful during thanks to Ram and his assistants. He had received education only up to the fifth grade. Our High Commission garden won the “Best Garden in New Delhi” award three times in the 1990s. Now he is old and the award has been awarded to the garden of the Indian Chief of Air Staff (Indian Air Force Commanders’) residence.
I had a CD which contained Indian patriotic songs presented to me by the then Indian Chief of Naval Staff (Indian Navy Commander). I used to play these songs loud at my residence. They were beautiful and could be heard even from my garden.
I noticed something unusual when the song Aye Mere Wathan Ke Logo sung by Great Indian singer Lata Mangeshkar was played. Ram, who was working in the garden would stop his work and come into attention until the song was over. It’s not the Indian National Anthem! Then why does Perry Ram come into attention? I asked an Indian Naval officer why Ram was doing that. He said “Ravi, this song was sung by Lataji in honour of the Indian Armed forces personnel who died in the Sino-Indian War in 1962. So, everyone comes to attention when it is sung in honour of those brave service personnel who paid the supreme sacrifice.” The gardener showed me what gratitude was and how to honour the War Heroes.
Aye Mere Watanke Logo (available in YouTube – please listen) song was written by Kavi Pradeep (refer Wikipedia) saddened by the large loss of Indian Army officers and men in the Sino-Indian War in 1962. Stories about the bravery of the Indian forces to stop the Chinese advance were heard throughout India.
During his morning walks at Mahim beach in Mumbai, the writer of the song, Kavi Pradeep had some ideas for a new song to be dedicated to these gallant men. He immediately borrowed a pen from a fellow walker and wrote a few verses of this new song on a cigarette packet.
Later, the song was composed by C Ramachandra. The initial plan wasn to have the song sung as a duet by Lata Mangeshkar and Asha Bhosle. However, the composer Kavi Pradeepopposed to the idea and it was sung only by Latha.
The song was first sung at the National Stadium of New Delhi on 27th January 1963 during the Indian Republic Day celebrations by Lata Mangeshkar in front of S. Radhakrishnan, the Indian President and Jawaharlal Nehru, the Prime Minister (PM) of India. The stadium was packed its capacity and it was only a few months after the conclusion of the Sino-Indian War. The song became an immediate hit. The story says that Jawaharlal Nehru was moved to tears. Later, when it was inquired by a reporter, the PM said,
“Those who aren’t inspired by the Aye Mere Wathan Ke Logo song, don’t deserve to be called Hindustani.”
Artistes/technical staff and Lataji agreed that the income from the song should be sent to Indian Army welfare fund for the benefit of the families of the Indian Army personnel killed in action.
Even today, when it is sung, everyone gets u. At the end of the song, it says “Jaya Hindi Ke Sena” (Long live Indian Army!) Please enjoy the song:
Aye Mere Watan Ke Logon (Original Version | Patriotic songs)
I wish we also have a song dedicated to our war heroes
O people of my
Country Let us shout
the slogan This
auspicious day Belong
to all of us
Hoist our beloved
flag and let us not
forget Our brave
Who left their lives on the border
Give a thought to them Let us also
remember Those who did not return
home O people of my Country
Fill your eyes with tears
Remember the sacrifice
of those who became martyrs
And lets you forget
them Listen to this story
When the Himalayas were
attacked and our freedom was
threatened they fought right to
Then they laid down their
bodies with their faces on their
The immortal martyrs went to
sleep when the country
celebrated Diwali They sacrificed
in the fire of holi.
When we were sitting safe in our
homes. They confronted the deadly
bullets blessed were they those
young men blessed was their youth
those who attained
Martyrdom Remember their great sacrifice
Sikhs, Jaat and Marathas
Gurkhas and Madrasis
All those who died at the front
every dead warrior at the front everyone
Belongs to India The bloodshed on
That blood was India
their bodies’ drenched
blood they picked up their
guns and each killed ten men,
then they fell
unconscious and when
the end came
They said “We are dying
now “Be happy, beloved
“We are going our journey”
How wonderful were those
warriors How great were those
Long live India
long live the Indian
army long live India
Long live India
Ailing rubber sector?
Rubber production in Sri Lanka commenced in 1876, with the planting of nearly 2,000 rubber seedlings at the Henarathgoda Botanical Gardens in Gampaha. The total extent under rubber in 1890 was around 50 ha and in the early 1900s it increased to around 10,000 ha. By 1982 the total extent under rubber was around 180,000 ha. However, the total extent under rubber declined subsequently and at present it is around 130,000 ha.
If the present financial situation of the country is given serious consideration, it is obvious that the income from our export needs to be increased. Rubber is one of the important export crop. It contributes about 0.6% of the total GDP.
Based on Central Bank annual reports the total rubber production in 2013 was 130.4 .1 million Kg and by 2021 it has plummeted to 76.9 million kg. The corresponding average yields are 1247 kg/ha and 679 kg/ ha respectively. These figures indicate that the Sri Lankan rubber sector is ailing in spite of several institutions/projects such as Rubber Development Dep, Rubber Research Institute and STAR project.
According to Statistical Data of the Ministry of Plantation Crops, 130,349 ha are under rubber. 89,246 ha are in the small holder (SH) rubber sector and 41,103 ha are managed by Regional Plantation Companies (RPC). The productivity (kg/ha) of the SH sector in 2013 was 1247 and has decreased to 679 by 2021 a drop of 45%. These values indicate that the productivity of the SH sector has decreased substantially during 2013-2021.
Those in the SH sector gets relevant skills and knowledge through the extension officers who work at grass root level. Thus, extension officers have an important role to play in the proper management of the rubber plantations and increasing rubber yields of the SH sector. It is because of the importance of management practices in the rubber sector, in early 1980 the Advisory Services Dept. was established with the involvement of the Smallholder Rubber Rehabilitation project (SRRP) to make the SH aware of the practices which have an important bearing on the rubber yields. At that time there were nearly 150 rubber extension officers, working for the Advisory Services Department of the Rubber Research Board to assist the SH in the eight districts, to grow, process and market rubber. However, at present there are only around 20 extension staff in the Rubber Research Board and as a result the rubber extension programme appears to be very weak which may have contributed to the decrease (45% ) in the productivity of the SH rubber sector. Extension service has a vital role to play in motivating farmers to cultivate rubber and increase its productivity. Hence, if the government is keen to increase the productivity of this sector, which plays an important role in increasing export earnings, it is essential that the Ministry of Plantation Industries provides an effective extension service and has a Rubber Advisory Department. Perhaps, the Ministry may amalgamate the Rubber Development Department and the Extension Department of RRI as was in the past. It is not necessary for the government to incur additional expenses to implement such changes.
Dr. L.M.K.Tilakaratna, former Director of RRI, writing to THE ISLAND some time ago very correctly has indicated that communication gap between the RRI scientists and those in the SH is one of the reasons for the decrease in productivity. The rubber training centre located in Matugama which played a very important role in providing knowledge and skills to the SH sectors is not functioning. It is the responsibility of the Chairman of Rubber Research Board (RRB) to see that these activities which have an important bearing on the productivity of the rubber sector are carried out without any interruption. But, the Chairmen of RRB during the last few years appears to have not taken appropriate effective action on these issues. Perhaps it may be because they did not have adequate knowledge on the rubber industry.
Around 70% of the rubber holdings belong to the smallholder sector. There are nearly 100,000 rubber small holders (SH) who need to be provided with technical know- how of the activities involved from land preparation to processing, so that the rubber production is increased qualitatively and quantitatively. In this regard the extension activities are important. It is essential that a better extension service by a trained staff is provided to the rubber smallholders if the government is keen to increase the productivity of this sector.
Dr. C.S. Weeraratna, firstname.lastname@example.org
Former Director, Advisory Services Department, Rubber Research Board.
‘Sethusamudram stupid project’: BJP TNA Chief Annamalai points out ‘multiple’ objections: Response
ANI has, in a news item under the above caption in The Sunday Island has said the BJP Tamil Nadu K. Annamalai has reiterated his claim that the Sethusamudram waterway project fails on multiple fronts, one of which being the potential damage to the ‘Ram Sethu’ [bridge] which according to the epic ‘Ramayana’ was created to rescue Sita from the clutches of Ravana’. What a frivolous objection based on myth or legend at the expense of a development project. However, it is said that the Indian government intends to explore an alternative alignment so that no damage will be done to the Rama Sethu, which means that the Indian government is actively pursuing action on a request from Tamil Nadu to undertake the project by citing the benefits in international navigation through Palk Straits due to the shortening of distance and time.
It is recorded that this project was conceived as far back as in 1860 by Alfred Dunas Taylor during British rule and since then several feasibility studies had been done taking into consideration the objection of religious groups, fisheries, environmental and economic aspects. It is more likely, India may seriously concede to the request by Tamil Nadu and in which case, how will Sri Lanka be affected is a matter to be thought of and action taken to present our views. If this project is undertaken, ships will by-pass our main ports in the South, Colombo and Hambantota and load and unload cargo either at Kankesanthurai or Trincomalee. Our exports and imports will then have to be transported to Kankesanthurai or Trincomalee by rail, road or by ship. Thus, the importance of our main two ports on which we have invested to improve by large scale borrowing will be lost. On the other hand, if objections are raised by Sri Lanka, India may consider further improvements to Kankesanthurai and Trinco harbours as is seen India taking interest in undertaking projects to improve North in relaying the railway track destroyed by the LTTE, roads and also constructing houses including those of Tamil origin settled in estates and also the proposal to connect electricity supply, a vital utility for development of any country, from Tamil Nadu. With Jaffna having an International Airport and improved harbour facilities, Jaffna will be the main business hub, replacing Colombo. Added to all developments done to the North, now comes the news of proposals to implement the 13th Amendment, which will give wide powers for Northerners to transact business and self-rule, so to say, which would be advantages to India as our Tamil leaders look up to India. The keen interest India has taken to resolve the economic crisis by assuring IMF of its support is indicative of India’s interest in the affairs of our country, and maintaining peace in the South Asian region by thwarting attempts of China.
These are random thoughts of mine to be considered by authorities and wish to conclude posing a question – are we to be a colony of India, as we had been in the past with Portuguese, Dutch and the British?
G. A. D Sirimal
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