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Will the Uma Oya Multipurpose Project Impress Sri Lankan Voters?

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The under-construction Dyaraba Dam, one of the two reservoirs of the Uma Oya hydropower project. Pic by Wikimedia Commons/Rehman Abubakr

Many are concerned about the negative environmental and social impact of the project, and see the publicity surrounding the inauguration as an election gimmick.

By Rathindra Kuruwita

On April 24 Sri Lankan President Ranil Wickremesinghe and his visiting Iranian counterpart Ebrahim Raisi inaugurated the Uma Oya Multipurpose Development Project (UOMDP). Executed by Iran’s Farab Energy and Water Projects, the $514-million project was primarily financed by the Sri Lankan government.

The Uma Oya Multipurpose Development Project will water approximately 4,500 hectares of new land and 1,500 hectares of existing agricultural land in the Moneragala District, according to the President’s Media Division. Moreover, the districts of Badulla, Moneragala, and Hambantota,

which are among Sri Lanka’s poorest, will benefit from 39 million cubic meters of water for drinking and industrial purposes. Additionally, the project will contribute 290 GWh of electrical energy annually to the National Grid. These areas heavily rely on agriculture as the primary source of livelihood for most of their residents.

The Uma Oya Multipurpose Development Project sets a precedent for collaboration among nations of the global south, President Wickremesinghe said at the joint press conference in Colombo. He described the project as a testament to the enduring partnership between Iran and Sri Lanka in energy generation, irrigation, and water management.

Meanwhile, President Raisi highlighted the strides in technology that Iran has made, despite harsh sanctions over the last 30 years, and said Iran was ready to export its “technical and engineering services to Sri Lanka.”

Large-scale infrastructure projects have long served as political trump cards for governments across South Asia, where leaders often leverage such projects to trumpet their achievements to secure electoral victories. However, the success of such endeavors has become increasingly uncertain amidst a changing political landscape.

Nowhere is this uncertainty more palpable than in Sri Lanka, where the inauguration of the Uma Oya Multipurpose Development Project stands as a stark example of the potential pitfalls facing governments banking on infrastructure projects for political mileage.

The inauguration of the Uma Oya project presents both the Iranian and Sri Lankan governments with strategic PR opportunities. For Iran, amidst escalating tensions with Israel, this inauguration serves as a platform to demonstrate its regional alliances, particularly in Asia. Sri Lanka’s decision to proceed with the visit despite unofficial objections from U.S. diplomats signals that the Iranians are not isolated.

As for Sri Lanka, presidential elections are nearing and the Wickremesinghe administration is facing formidable challenges from the National People’s Power (NPP), which is leading opinion polls. Unveiling significant infrastructure projects tends to generate favorable publicity, a tactic frequently employed by Sri Lankan governments as elections draw near. Some of the government politicians had attempted to use the “success” of the project to tarnish the reputation of the NPP which had objected to the project due to environmental concerns.

However, the public reaction from Sri Lankans has been lukewarm. Most people see the publicity surrounding the event as an election gimmick and the negative environmental and social impact of the project has been massive.

The Uma Oya project was a part of the Mahinda Rajapaksa administration’s infrastructure project drive and its dream of converting Hambantota, the hometown of the Rajapaksas, into a modern metropolis and hub of industry and logistics.

The groundwork for the project was laid in 2008, when the Sri Lankan cabinet approved on February 20, 2008, a memorandum presented by the Minister of Irrigation.

Critics of the project point out that while the project cost was estimated at $250 million, the contract awarded to the Iranian Company was pegged at over $529 million. Initially, the Export Development Bank of Iran (EDBI) was to provide $450 million and the balance of $79 million was to be paid by the Sri Lankans.

The 2010 annual report of Sri Lanka’s Ministry of Finance and Planning stated that the project would involve the construction of two reservoirs on the tributaries of the Uma Oya River and a 23-km tunnel to divert water to an underground powerhouse of 120MW further downstream. The water accumulated in these reservoirs would be diverted into the Southern Province, where Hambantota is. Work on the project had already commenced, the report said, and would be completed by 2014.

Among the projects that were to be supplied water were the Mattala Airport, Hambantota Port, Hambantota Industrial Zone, and Hambantota Oil Refinery—projects that were to turn Hambantota from a sleepy second-tier town into Sri Lanka’s hub of trade and manufacturing. It is worthwhile noting that out of all these projects, only the Hambantota Port remains a successful endeavor, mainly due to the heavy lifting by China Merchants Port Holdings.

From its inception, environmentalists said that geographical and geological features were not conducive to extensive tunneling in the area. They warned that previous governments had considered and dropped the project due to potential disastrous environmental consequences.

Environmentalist Sajeewa Chamikara from the Movement for Land and Agricultural Reform (MONLAR) told The Diplomat that the idea of an irrigation and electricity generation project utilizing Uma Oya was initially explored back in 1987. The German consulting firm LAHAMAYOR conducted the first feasibility study. Subsequently, in 1991, the Central Engineering Consulting Bureau conducted another feasibility study and presented it to the Asian Development Bank (ADB). However, the ADB rejected the proposal, citing a failure to adhere to accepted international norms.

Between 2002 and 2003, a Canadian consulting firm, SNC-LAVALIN, also conducted a feasibility study to assess the potential for a multipurpose development project centered around Uma Oya. These studies primarily focused on the feasibility of constructing two reservoirs in Puhulpola and Dayaraba. When this proposal was submitted to the ADB, it was once again rejected due to various technical issues, including concerns regarding the transfer of water between different basins.

Chamikara said that Iran, on the other hand, held the belief that providing financial resources and technical support would lead the Sri Lankan government to prioritize the welfare of its citizens. The project hit a snag in 2013 after Iran was sanctioned and was unable to continue funding the operation. While the Iranian company continued to be the project implementer, the Sri Lankan government coughed up the funding to continue the project.

The tunneling took place in areas with metamorphic rocks, which are more resistant to deformation and weathering than sedimentary rocks. And then, the worst fears of the environmentalists came true.

In December 2014, a leak occurred in the tunnel being constructed as a part of the project after the tunneling destabilized the ground, leading to cracks appearing on the surface, which in turn caused cracks to appear on the buildings in these areas. Moreover, as groundwater seeps deeper due to the destabilization, the surface water is lowered, depriving water for agriculture and general consumption.

According to Chamikara, thousands of families were affected and even now the problems faced by 17,000 families have not been solved. Once farmers, these affected people now eke out a living as day laborers and travel long distances each week in search of drinking water.

The calamities faced by tens of thousands of people can no longer be hidden due to the prevalence of social media, which has ensured that mainstream media no longer control the narrative. On Facebook and TikTok, which has become increasingly popular among Sri Lankans, social media users have been vitriolic about government politicians calling the project a success.

In South Asia, parties and politicians in power use large-scale infrastructure projects to draw mileage. However, examples from Sri Lanka show that this does not always work especially if the party in power is losing popularity.

Inaugurating the Norochcholai power plant and providing a significant electricity tariff reduction in 2014, did not stop Mahinda Rajapaksa from losing in 2015. In 2019, leaders of the then government declared open several sections of highways, but this did not stop the landslide victory of Gotabaya Rajapaksa.It is likely that the inauguration of the Uma Oya project too will not impress those about who to vote for in elections a few months down the line.



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New mediation law for smarter dispute resolution of civil and commercial disputes – I

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The Mediation (Civil and Commercial Disputes) Bill  was passed by the Parliament on Thursday, June 11, 2026.  Harshana  Nanayakkara, Minister of Justice and National Integration, introduced the Bill, and explained its provisions and value for Sri Lanka and global developments in the use of mediation. Encouragingly, it was passed unanimously.

Sri Lanka’s commitment to provide legislative support for the use of mediation is timely and most welcome. Given that the backlog of cases pending before courts is over a staggering 1.1 million, it is clear that Sri Lanka is yet another country that remains challenged to find responses to make  dispute resolution more efficient. The impact of laws delays is serious and damaging not only to the disputants personally, but also for businesses and the economic development of the country. The delays in concluding cases impacts the economy adversely, both directly and indirectly,  but are often seen only as an access to Justice concern. This is unfortunate. In many jurisdictions across the globe, alternative dispute resolution processes (ADR), such as mediation, have been introduced to alleviate laws delays. While Sri Lanka enacted legislation (1988) to provide for mediation in respect of minor community disputes of a low monetary threshold, the enactment of the new law heralds a commitment to provide for the recognition of a disciplined regime for its use for higher value civil and commercial disputes.

The new law provides for the recognition of mediation as a dispute resolution option that can be voluntarily selected by parties, and for a governance regime to ensure that mediations are conducted in compliance with certain standards which are globally accepted. It provides statutory recognition to the principle that a mediated settlement agreement that has been signed by the disputants, is valid in law. It does not provide for any management control by government or establish entities. In addition to the voluntary reference by parties, a  court can also refer a dispute in an action before it, to mediation, at its discretion, after considering all  circumstances and if considered appropriate.  The voluntary nature of the process is not affected because, while the court can refer the dispute to mediation and the parties must then engage in the mediation, there is no compulsion for the parties to settle against their will.

The law sets out the obligations of Mediators, disputants and the Service Provider. Certain categories of disputes cannot be referred  to mediation.  These are disputes the settlement of which requires the inclusion of terms that can be given effect to, only on a decree of court, such as the termination of a marriage or a declaration of nullity of marriage or the adoption of a child or the partition of land to obtain rights in rem.  A schedule sets out eleven (11) categories of actions that cannot be settled by mediation. However,  matters relevant to such disputes may be mediated for the purpose of submitting terms of settlement to court for consideration of incorporation in a judgement, decree or order in compliance with applicable law.

The new law also provides that in a mediation, certain  key principles of the process must be complied with. These include the  confidentiality and the without prejudice rule in respect of matters discussed at the mediation; the  rule that Mediators must be neutral and impartial; the party centric nature of the process that provides primacy to the wishes of the disputants including that it is they that determine the outcome and that a settlement is reached only if all disputants agree to the terms; the noncoercive role of the mediator whose duty is to facilitate and manage the process using mediation specific skills and techniques, but is debarred from imposing a decision. Although a settlement agreement is valid in law, provision is included to obtain a decree of court, based on the terms of the settlement. A mediated settlement agreement can be set aside on an application made to court, on specific limited grounds which are provided for, including that it is offensive to the public policy of the country. If the parties are unable to agree on a settlement, a certificate of non-settlement is issued. The provisions of the law are based on international best practices and principles articulated in the 1988 UN Mediation Convention  (the Singapore Convention) and the UNCITRAL model law.

The popularity of mediation has grown for its value in being time efficient, cost effective and party centric. Parties have control over the outcome and have the space to discuss their concerns, fears and interests and need never agree to settle unless fully satisfied that settlement terms address their interests. Disputants are free to walk out of a mediation process at any time, if dissatisfied with the progress. The discussions are confidential and a valuable feature is that the process offers an opportunity to reduce acrimony which is prevalent in most disputes, and to restore fractured relationships which is very important in family  and  business related disputes. This benefit and the prospects for governments to reduce the cost of the administration of justice, by using mediation,  is articulated in the preamble to the 2018 UN Convention on International Settlement Agreements Resulting from Mediation (2018) which states that the use of mediation results in significant benefits.

 Pursuant to the interest generated within the country regarding the value of using Mediation for commercial dispute resolution, and heralding what we like to see as the initial steps of a Mediation boom in the country, several positive advancements have taken place –

*    Parties have opted to include mediation in the dispute resolution clause in contracts;

*    Given that mediating disputes requires  very specialised techniques and skills, many professionals, including predominantly Lawyers, have engaged in training programmes offered by international training bodies that offer accreditation;

*    Trained Mediators are engaged in an effort to form themselves as a professional Organisation;

*    Mediation  Advocacy training programmes have been held to train Lawyers on their niche role in the mediation process. That role is distinctly different to that of a court Lawyer who’s obligations are centred on an adversarial approach where the dispute is adjudicated in terms of the law alone.  Hence lawyers need training to be useful within a non-adversarial process which is party centric and has a focus on reaching a settlement, based on the interests of disputants.

*    Sri Lanka enacted the Recognition and Enforcement of International Mediated Settlement Agreements Act No. 5 of 2024 (the UN Mediation Convention Act) and ratified the Convention becoming the 14th country to do so. Sri Lanka will be seen as an investor friendly country in respect of dispute resolution where mediation is used, since it offers an enforcement regime which is recognised universally.

*    The landmark determination of the Supreme Court (SC SD 22 of 2025) in the challenge by the Bar Association to the constitutionality of the Mediation (Civil and Commercial Disputes) Bill, found that none of the provisions of the Bill were unconstitutional and gave a judicial sign off to statutory provisions that seek to ensure that mediation services are provided in this country, in a disciplined manner in compliance with universally accepted standards.

*    Perhaps, inspired by the statutory obligation imposed on judges to attempt pretrial settlement of disputes, in terms of the Small Claims Court Act and the Small Claims Court Procedure Act (both of 2022) and the Civil Procedure Code provisions on Pretrial Conference and Pretrial Orders, 125 District Judges were recently trained (with support from the ADB) in Mediation. The training provided a dual benefit – it provided training in  skills that are required to settle disputes and equally importantly, provided a comprehensive understanding of how mediation will function when judges themselves refer disputes for settlement by private mediators.

*    Trained Mediators are already conducting mediations with success.

*    A not-for-profit guarantee company, the International ADR Centre – www.iadrc.lk ) was established in 2018  as a joint venture of the Ceylon Chamber of Commerce and the Institute for the Development of Commercial Law & Practice (ICLP) to promote ADR and is actively engaged in promoting mediation through training, disseminating information and creating awareness among stakeholders, including the business sector.   In addition to the International ADR Centre, “Udecide”  is a project that promotes training of mediators and other activities that enrich the mediation culture.

*    Commercial Mediation has been included in the Masters level programme at the Colombo University;

*    The Sri Lanka Law College offers a component on Mediation in the Post Attorney Diploma programme, which commenced recently.

The private sector was actively engaged in the drafting of the  Mediation Bill under the leadership of the International ADR Centre, which held many stakeholder consultations to obtain feedback from those that were conversant with the subject. The Centre had previously assisted the government to draft the UN Mediation Convention Act (Act No. 5 of 2024).

Several international Organisations that previously provided for resolution of disputes by arbitration, have provided for institutional rules to provide mediation services. These include WIPO and the ICC. Specifically, in relation to Investor State dispute resolution (ISDR), the  International Bar Association (IBA) adopted its  Mediation  Rules in 2012 and ICSID (of the World Bank group) adopted its Mediation Rules in 2022.  UNCITRAL, which is currently working on reforming  ISDR, promotes mediation, observing that the use of mediation could reduce the costs of ISDS and also preserve relationships between the investor and the State. UNCITRAL has formulated provisions on and Guidelines for, Mediation for investor state dispute resolution.

(To be continued)

by Dhara Wijayatilake
Attorney-at-Law; Former Secretary to the Ministry of Justice; Director and Secretary General of the International ADR Centre.

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A Testament to the Sri Lankan family

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The passing of Dr. Devanesan Nesiah a few days ago brought back memories that spanned more than four decades. Devanesan signed the witness register at my marriage in 2002. It was a year of hope. The Ceasefire Agreement between the government and the LTTE had brought a respite from a war that had devastated the country for nearly two decades. The possibility of peace seemed real. It was fitting that Devanesan should be present on that occasion because his entire life was dedicated to building bridges across divides and seeking rational and humane solutions to conflict. He was a friend, mentor, and guide whose life embodied values that Sri Lanka, indeed the world, needs today.

In reflecting on Dr. Nesiah’s life, we need to be reminded that the forces that unite us as a people in Sri Lanka are stronger than those that divide us, and that the bonds of human affection can transcend even the deepest divisions of ethnicity, history and politics. I first met him in 1984. I had just had my very first newspaper article published in the Jaffna-based Saturday Review. The editor was Gamini Navaratne, a Sinhalese. This was a reminder that even during the darkest period of ethnic conflict, the bonds between communities remained strong. The article I had written was based on my encounters with the anti-Tamil violence of July 1983.

At that time, Dr Nesiah was the Government Agent of Jaffna. Tens of thousands of Tamil people who had fled violence in the south had been transported to the north by a government that had failed to protect them. He came up to me at an event, introduced himself, and told me that he liked what I had written. He also said that he would soon be leaving for Harvard University’s Kennedy School of Government and that we could meet there. Over the next three years, Devanesan and his wife Anita adopted me into their family.  I used to visit them two or three times a week, not only to be given meals by Anita but to discuss matters with Devanesan.  These included the academic papers and newspaper articles that were written. Later, Anita earned her PhD in religion and served on the boards of many civic organisations, including the National Peace Council.

Practical Solution

In 1992, we had both returned to work in Sri Lanka when Devanesan invited me to accompany him to Jaffna to celebrate the eightieth birthday of his father, K Nesiah, the distinguished educationist affectionately known as Professor Nesiah. The older Nesiah had been a leading member of the Jaffna Youth Congress. This remarkable movement championed complete independence from British rule, national unity, and the eradication of social inequalities based on caste and communal identity.

At a time when many feared that independence would lead to majoritarian domination, the leaders of the Youth Congress chose instead to place their faith in a shared Sri Lankan future. They believed that people from different communities could build a common nation while preserving their distinctive identities. So did Devanesan.  This vision remains relevant today. It needs to be actualized.

The tragedy of Sri Lanka’s post-independence history is not that diversity exists. Diversity exists in every society. The tragedy is that we often allow diversity to become a source of fear, though we share many of the same values of family, hospitality, respect for elders and compassion towards others. During our visit to Jaffna in 1992, we met representatives of the LTTE administration, including Raheem. The discussion turned to the controversial issue of merging the Northern and Eastern Provinces. Dr Nesiah argued that if the merger could not be achieved due to political opposition, it might be more rational to seek greater powers for provincial councils instead. Raheem disagreed.  Devanesan was interested in finding practical ways to achieve justice and coexistence. That was characteristic of him.

Devanesan Nesiah was a student of conflict and strategy. He became a doctoral student of Professor Thomas Schelling, who would later receive the Nobel Prize for his pioneering work on conflict and cooperation. Schelling’s insight was that even in the midst of conflict, there are usually common interests that adversaries share. Even adversaries locked in a struggle usually depend on each other for the outcome they each want. The challenge is to identify those common interests and build upon them. Conflict is not simply a contest between enemies. It is also a search for ways to coexist. Together as students and peace practitioners, we applied those theories to the Sri Lankan context to understand what was going on and to share that understanding with the Sri Lankan people.

Rational Empathy

Dr Nesiah spoke his mind, truth to power. He was a man of logic, rationality, and principle. His integrity came at a cost. His public service career experienced many ups and downs because he refused to accommodate irrational or corrupt demands. There were periods when he was sidelined into that administrative limbo known as the “pool” and assigned no substantive responsibilities for refusing to give in to political demands. Like the rest of his larger family, most notably the Hoole family of Jaffna, he would not abandon his principles. In 2018, to protest the action of President Maithripala Sirisena in sacking the then government he returned his Deshamanya Award (Pride of the Nation) national civil honourn which was soon thereafter overturned by the Supreme Court as being unconstitutional. His commitment was not to personal advancement, but to what he believed was right.

My wife Sumadhu recalls a story he told her. One day, while travelling on official duty, he told her how he had seen a thalagoya, a monitor lizard, trussed up and being taken away for slaughter. The sight of the creature’s suffering affected him deeply. He said he saw tears in its eyes and described the moment of awakening. From that day onwards, he gave up eating meat.

The story brings to mind the biblical story of the conversion of St Paul on the road to Damascus and the Buddhist exhortation, “May all living beings be well and happy.” But the deeper significance lies not in religious comparison. It lies in the awakening of empathy.

That was the essence of Dr Devanesan Nesiah’s worldview. The prejudices that society often imposes through ethnicity, religion, caste, or gender had little hold on him. He saw them as human constructs that often served to privilege some while excluding others. Such were his values that made him an extraordinary human being. Dr. Nesiah lived according to that understanding. He showed that integrity can survive amidst conflict. He reminded us that reason and compassion are not opposites but partners, that what unites us as Sri Lankans inhabiting our common island home has always been greater than what divides us, and we need to build our institutions accordingly.

I am proud that he was my friend. I am grateful that he was my mentor.

by Jehan Perera

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City of Dreams …Heartbeat of Colombo

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Enroute

If Colombo’s nightlife had a pulse, you’d find it 23 floors up, at Gatz, City of Dreams, Cinnamon Life.

The entertainment lounge has shed its old skin and stepped out supper-club style — think dim lights, clinking glasses, and live music that doesn’t ask you to choose between dinner and a show. You get both.

What’s more, at the new look Gatz the music never stops and it’s all happening seven nights a week … with live entertainment, and this is the scene, beat by beat:

Monday and Tuesday: Top Hats with Daniella/Naomi, from 7.00 pm onwards.

Sohan, Kamal Munasinghe (GM, Cinnamon Life) and Imran of
Funtime Entertainments

One of Colombo’s most sought-after bands is now a Monday-Tuesday ritual.

With a super repertoire, Top Hats can swing from lounge jazz to dancefloor fire. Big venues love them. Now Gatz gets to claim them.

Wednesday: Enroute with Gananath & Debbie – from 7.00 pm onwards.

Want New York at sunset? This is it. Gananath & Debbie transport you straight to the heady days of Frank Sinatra, Dean Martin, and Ray Charles …old-school cool, live and unfiltered.

Thursday to Sunday: Terry & the Big Spenders – from 8.00 pm onwards.

Terry & The Big Spenders

The crowd favourite. A super big band sound that owns the 70s, 80s and 90s.

If you’ve been waiting for horns, harmonies, and nostalgia with volume, Terry & the Big Spenders deliver it nightly. No wonder they’re a huge hit.

Gatz is now an entertainment lounge, in Supper Club style, with Happy Hour very day, from 6.00 pm to 8.00 pm because the night, they say, should start with a toast.

And, from July, weekends at the Gatz go global. Local and foreign guest stars will be around to entertain you. Gatz is certainly booking big.

Wow! That would be another exciting experience for those patronising the most talked about venue in town.

In charge of the new setup is our legendary entertainer/singer Sohan Weerasinghe, along with Imran of Funtime Entertainment.

The twosome, with invaluable assistance from the General Manager, Kamal Munasinghe, and the entire team at Cinnamon Life, have built Gatz into more than a venue. They have turned it into the “Heartbeat of the City.”

So come for happy hour. Stay for Terry’s horns, Sing-along with Enroute and Dance with Top Hats, all on the 23rd floor, and while Colombo sparkles below the bands will take you higher.

Remember, the heartbeat is loudest at Gatz.

Top Hats

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