Opinion
Why Harsha should have been Opposition Leader
by Chethana Ranathunga and
Yasu-e Karunaratne Edussuriya
A coalition that previously held only three parliamentary seats has achieved a sweeping victory in Sri Lanka’s recent parliamentary elections. The JVP-led NPP coalition now has a two-thirds parliamentary majority. This political shift positions the leftist alliance to implement widespread policy changes, potentially offering the stability that many Sri Lankans have long been yearning for. Yet, Sri Lanka now stands at a critical juncture where the presence of a strong opposition is not merely desirable; it is absolutely essential!
Regardless of which party holds power, unchecked authority poses inherent risks. A vigilant opposition that maintains checks and balances is fundamental. An effective opposition serves to expose legislative loopholes, identify critical areas of concern, and provide a vital check on the majority’s power. As a driving force with 159 seats, the NPP government will steer policy and reform, but to govern effectively, they must have a strong yin to their yang.
An opposition is only as effective as the leadership that guides it. Sri Lanka has a history of opposition parties that have resisted policies and reforms simply for the sake of opposition. Is this the political culture and path we wish to continue? An effective opposition leader holds the government accountable, challenging proposed legislation to protect the interests of the people rather than the party. Such a leader acts as a bridge, channelling public concerns into meaningful political discourse and refining legislative measures to benefit the nation as a whole. Sri Lanka’s democratic future depends not solely on the strength of the ruling coalition but on an empowered opposition ready to engage, challenge, and elevate governance.
On 21 November 2024, Sajith Premadasa was appointed the leader of the opposition. While his political prominence cannot be denied, the question is whether he is the most qualified person for the role? In contrast, de Silva stands out as a compelling alternative for opposition leadership.
Throughout his tenure in Parliament, Dr. de Silva has consistently been a voice of reason, advocating for economic stability, fiscal responsibility, and transparent governance. His contributions to major legislative reforms demonstrate a commitment to policies that prioritise national welfare over partisan gain. His engagement with international bodies, including the International Monetary Fund (IMF), World Bank, and the Asian Development Bank has showcased his ability to navigate complex economic challenges with strategic foresight.
While Premadasa remains a prominent figure, securing 145,611 preferential votes in the most recent elections—more than Dr. de Silva’s 81,473—voter dynamics reveal deeper trends. Unlike many of his colleagues, Dr. de Silva achieved a remarkable 17.72% increase in preferential percentage gain, signalling growing public support. This contrast becomes more striking when considering that many in the SJB.
experienced declines in voter preference, including Premadasa himself, who saw a 9.05% drop.
The data points to a shift in voter sentiment and highlights Dr. de Silva’s appeal as a leader who resonates with evolving public expectations. His ability to secure increased support, even in challenging political climates, displays his potential to lead a strengthened, purpose-driven opposition.
Dr. de Silva also has an impressive academic and career background. He is a highly respected economist and has built a career that spans both the private and public sectors. Educated at Royal College Colombo, Dr. de Silva earned his BS in Business Management from Truman State University in 1988 before completing his MA and PhD in Economics at the University of Missouri in 1993. He also furthered his expertise in social programme evaluation through an executive programme at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology in 2006, as part of the prestigious Eisenhower Fellowship.
Dr. de Silva’s career in economics is distinguished by his tenure at DFCC Bank, where he served as Chief Economist and Treasurer, and his role as a co-founder and Joint Managing Director of The Nielsen Company. His rich experience in both banking and market research has given him a nuanced understanding of economic systems, making him a key figure in shaping policy decisions.
Though Dr de Silva is in the opposition, he has emphasised his commitment to supporting policies that benefit the country, regardless of political affiliation. He has made it clear that his role is not to oppose for the sake of opposition but to contribute constructively to national growth. His leadership approach focuses on ensuring that policies are in the best interest of the people of Sri Lanka.
Further, Dr. de Silva’s economic blueprint for Sri Lanka, which has been updated through three distinct editions, stands as a comprehensive and strategic plan for the country’s growth and development. Each iteration has built upon the last, adapting to the evolving challenges and opportunities facing the nation. The blueprint focuses on key areas such as economic diversification, fiscal discipline, social welfare, and enhancing Sri Lanka’s global competitiveness. His plan offers concrete solutions for boosting sustainable growth, tackling inequality, and ensuring that the benefits of economic progress reach all segments of society.
Dr. de Silva’s constructive approach to governance highlights why he is the ideal candidate to lead the opposition in Sri Lanka. While he holds a position in the opposition, he has consistently supported and actively contributed to positive government policies that promote the country’s long-term stability and development. Notably, Dr. de Silva backed crucial reforms like the Central Bank Act of 2023, which strengthened the independence of the Central Bank by removing the Finance Secretary from its board, as well as the Public Finance Management Act, the Public Debt Management Act, and the Parliamentary Budget Office Act. When the opposition leader Premadasa considered opposing key bills like the Central Bank Act, Dr. de Silva successfully persuaded them to abstain, recognising the vital importance of these reforms for the country’s stability. His support has gone beyond mere endorsement; as Chairman of the Committee on Public Finance (COPF), he has worked alongside the government to refine and improve these laws, offering valuable suggestions to make them even more effective.
Dr. de Silva has also demonstrated foresight in addressing pressing issues such as the fertiliser crisis. Recognising the problem early on, he raised alarms in COPF regarding the government’s decision to lift the ban on chemical fertiliser imports, questioning the potential implications of such a move. His proactive stance in highlighting potential risks, even when it involved challenging government policies, showcases his commitment to the country’s well-being over political rivalry
Dr. de Silva’s leadership as Chairman of the Committee on Public Finance (COPF) has not only demonstrated his exceptional ability as a “doer,” but also highlighted his success in building consensus and driving meaningful reforms across political divides. Under his guidance, COPF has tackled a range of critical issues with determination and a commitment to transparency and accountability. One of the most significant achievements of COPF during his tenure was the investigation into the irregularities surrounding Sri Lanka’s visa outsourcing contract. The decision to bypass competitive bidding, which led to a sharp increase in visa fees from USD 1 to USD 25, was uncovered by COPF. This raised serious concerns over the government’s failure to protect public funds and ensure the best value for money. Dr. de Silva’s insistence on thorough scrutiny ultimately led to a Supreme Court ruling in August 2024, which suspended the controversial contract and restored the previous, more affordable visa system managed by Mobitel.
Another pivotal moment under Dr. de Silva’s leadership was his intervention to reduce milk powder prices. Recognising the undue financial burden placed on Sri Lankans due to high taxes on imported milk, Dr. de Silva pointed out the discrepancy in the government’s handling of local and imported milk powder tariffs. His advocacy for revisiting the tax structure resulted in an overnight reduction in milk prices nationwide, directly benefiting consumers.
Dr. de Silva’s commitment to social issues was also evident in his leadership on alleviating period poverty. Following discussions with civil society organisations post-Budget 2024, Dr. de Silva championed a proposal to provide free sanitary napkins to schoolgirls. His initiative led to the allocation of underutilised funds from the Ministry of Education to create a voucher system, benefiting 800,000 schoolgirls across the country.
These milestones, from exposing visa system corruption to driving significant social change and tackling economic inefficiencies, emphasise his effectiveness in promoting good governance. His work within COPF has not only saved public funds but also ensured that government policies are scrutinised for their impact on the people. His leadership in COPF is a clear demonstration of why he is the right choice to lead the opposition, advocating for a government that serves the people with integrity and transparency.
Outside his work in the Committee on Public Finance, Dr. Harsha De Silva has been instrumental in shaping one of Sri Lanka’s most impactful public health initiatives: the Suwa Seriya Ambulance Service. Established in 2016 following a proposal by Dr. de Silva, Suwa Seriya addresses a critical gap in the country’s healthcare system and has been recognised by the World Bank as one of the world’s most efficient public services. Prior to this initiative,
Sri Lanka lacked an organised ambulance service capable of responding to urgent medical emergencies, especially in rural areas.
Dr. de Silva’s leadership and accomplishments clearly demonstrate that he was the ideal candidate to lead Sri Lanka’s opposition. His record of driving critical reforms as Chairman of the Committee on Public Finance and his instrumental role in establishing the Suwa Seriya Ambulance Service highlight his ability to turn vision into impactful action. Dr. De Silva’s pragmatic approach, focus on transparency, and commitment to the nation’s long-term development made him the strongest, most qualified individual to hold the opposition’s reins.
At a time when Sri Lanka’s political landscape requires a strong, constructive opposition to maintain democratic checks and balances, Dr. de Silva’s leadership is essential. He has shown time and again that his priority is not partisan politics but the welfare of the people. As Sri Lanka’s ruling coalition embarks on sweeping reforms, Dr. de Silva’s ability to challenge, scrutinise, and improve policies will be vital for ensuring accountability and protecting the interests of the public. The country needs a leader like Dr. de Silva in the opposition—someone who will not only hold the government to account but also actively shape policies for a better, more inclusive Sri Lanka.
Chethana Ranatunga has a B.A. Economics (Specialised in Banking and Finance) from the University of Colombo and is reading for her MPP at the University of Oxford (2024-25). She also worked as an Economist at the Interim Parliamentary Budget Office and the Committee of Public Finance Sri Lanka
Yasu-e Karunaratne is a lawyer and economist with a BBA in Business Economics (Special) from the University of Colombo and LLB (London). She also worked as an Economist at the Interim Parliamentary Budget Office and the Committee of Public Finance Sri Lanka.
Opinion
From the Lecture Hall to the Global Market: How Sri Lankan students are mastering the “Gig Economy”
Have you ever wondered how a university student, between heavy textbooks and late-night study sessions, manages to earn a professional income in US dollars? It sounds like a dream, but for thousands of Sri Lankans, it’s becoming a daily reality through online freelancing.
A recent study published in the Ianna Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies has pulled back the curtain on this digital revolution. By interviewing 21 successful student freelancers across Sri Lanka, researchers have mapped out exactly what it takes to turn a laptop and an internet connection into a thriving career.
The Rise of the “Earn-as-you-learn” Era
In Sri Lanka, the number of online freelancers has exploded from about 20,000 in 2016 to over 150,000 today. While our traditional education system often focuses on preparing students for 9-to-5 office jobs , these students are diving into the “Gig Economy” a digital marketplace where they sell specific skills, like graphic design or programming, to clients all over the world.
The Secret Sauce for Success
So, what makes some students succeed while others struggle? The research found that it isn’t just about being good at coding or design. Success comes down to six “Core Pillars”:
· A Growth Mindset: The digital world moves fast. Successful students don’t just learn one skill; they are constantly updating themselves to ensure they don’t become “outdated”
· The Balancing Act:
How do they handle exams and clients? They don’t use a magic wand; they use strict time management. Many work late into the night (from 6 p.m. to midnight) to accommodate international time zones.
· The Power of “Hello”:
Since most clients are in the USA or UK, strong English and clear communication are vital. It’s about more than just talking; it’s about negotiating prices and building trust.
· Proactive Problem Solving:
Successful freelancers don’t wait for things to go wrong. They update their clients regularly and fix issues before they become headaches.
Why This Matters for Sri Lanka
Right now, our universities don’t always teach “how to be a freelancer”. This study suggests that if we integrate freelancing modules and mentorship into our degree programs, we could significantly reduce graduate unemployment. It’s a way for students to gain financial independence and bring much-needed foreign currency into our economy while still in school.
You Can Do It Too
If you’re a student (or the parent of one), the message is clear: the global market is open for business. You don’t need to wait for graduation to start your career. With a bit of flexibility, a willingness to keep learning, and a proactive attitude, you can transition from a learner to an earner.
The Research Team Behind the Study
This groundbreaking research was conducted by a dedicated team from the Department of Business Management at the SLIIT Business School (Sri Lanka Institute of Information Technology). The authors of the study include:
· Lihini Niranjana Dasanayaka
· Thuvindu Bimsara Madanayake
· Kalana Gimantha Jayasekara
· Thilina Dinidu Illepperuma
· Ruwanthika Chandrasiri
· Gayan Bandara
by Ruwanthika Chandrasiri
Opinion
Is India a ‘swing state’? A response
In an article titled “India shaping-up as model ‘swing state” (The Island 29.01.2026) Lynn Ockersz says, “Besides, this columnist would go so far as to describe India as a principal ‘Swing State.’ To clarify the latter concept in its essentials, it could be stated that the typical ‘Swing State’ wields considerable influence and power regionally and globally. Besides they are thriving democracies and occupy a strategic geographical location which enhances their appeal for other states of the region and enables them to relate to the latter with a degree of equableness. Their strategic location makes it possible for ‘Swing States’ to even mediate in resolving conflicts among states”.
A ‘swing state’, as in elections, should be able to decisively influence the final outcome. In the context in which India is recognised as a ‘swing state’ the final outcome should first be regional and then, if possible, extend to the rest of the world. And the desirable outcome must entail regional peace, cordial relations and economic stability which would constitute the most vital needs for any part of today’s world. Military power should not feature in the equation, for more often than not, such power is used to brow beat into submission the weak and the poor.
India no doubt is growing fast to be a global economic power and militarily also it is way ahead of the region. Its democracy, in the sense that democracies are measured in today’s world, also may be as the columnist says “thriving”. However, periodical elections, however fair they could be, should not be the sole criterion to judge democracy. If democracy cannot solve the problem of inequality it may lose its credibility as a mode of good governance. As a means of finding who rules, the system may be satisfactory but the other vital components of democracy, such as equitable wealth distribution, if lacking, the system may not serve its purpose.
Inequality in India is among the highest globally, with the top 1% owning nearly 40% of national wealth and the top 10% holding roughly 65% of total wealth and 58% of income. While the economy grows, the bottom 50% receives only 15% of the income. This disparity, driven by wealth concentration and low female labour participation, persists across class, caste, and gender. The income gap between the top 10% and the bottom 50% remained stable, with no significant reduction in inequality over the last decade.
India ranks very low in gender parity (127 out of 146 countries in the Global Gender Gap Report 2023). Female labour force participation is very low, at 15.7% (though government data suggests 41.7% by including agriculture and unpaid work). Women earn significantly less than men, working 53 hours per week compared to 43 for men. Inequality is intensified by existing social divides based on caste, religion, region, and gender. Access to healthcare is limited for many, with 63 million people pushed into poverty annually due to costs. Approximately 74% of India’s population could not afford a healthy diet in 2023. Roughly 64% of the total Goods and Services Tax (GST) in India comes from the bottom 50% of the population, whereas only 4% comes from the top 10% (Global Inequality Report 2024).
This sad state may not be the fault of democracy but the economic system of all so called democratic countries. The other three countries, Indonesia, South Africa and South Korea, that the columnist has named as suitable to be ‘swing states’ are no better. Neoliberalism and democracy are increasingly viewed by critics as an “evil nexus” or a destructive pairing, where the logic of the free market—privatisation, deregulation, and austerity—subverts the principles of democratic self-governance and social equality.
However, my main argument concerns the more important qualities that a country must possess to qualify as a ‘swing state’; the capacity to lead from the front in campaigning for peace and cordiality in the region. In this regard India fails miserably. The past with regards to good neighbourliness, where mighty India is concerned, tells a sad story. How it tried to solve the ethnic problem in Sri Lanka may be etched in the minds of those who lived in that era. The “parippu-drop” followed by gun-boat diplomacy saved the LTTE enabling it to continue with its murderous terrorism aimed at dividing the country. It was India who provided the initial “infra-structure” for training of terrorists who waged a thirty year war in Sri Lanka, committing brutal genocide against the Sinhalese and Muslims and not sparing the Tamils as well. India did not lift a finger to stop the bloodletting. Then it rammed the 13th A down our throats as a solution to the problem but did not keep to its terms and conditions which required it to disarm the LTTE. 13th A hangs over our head like the Sword of Damocles and India doesn’t fail to remind us about it from time to time. And we are burdened with the white elephant of provincial councils. Moreover, evidently India continues to interfere in our internal affairs, apparently colluding with the US, it may have had a hand in the regime change in Sri Lanka in 2022 (Shamindra Ferdinando, The Island, 04.02.2026). Another matter that appears to be perniciously secretive is that the Indian government doesn’t want the Sri Lankan government to reveal to its people the contents of the defence agreement it has entered into with the latter, as if people didn’t matter !
Now that tiny Sri Lanka is weakened and pliable after suffering multiple crises, India comes to its aid at the slightest mishap, very much like the hero who comes to the rescue of the damsel in distress, seemingly competing with other suitors. It doesn’t want the damsel to fall into the arms of China, given its geopolitical beauty.
Take the case of the other neighbours of India, does it have the capacity to swing, for instance, Pakistan into at least a position of less animosity. And what about its eastern neighbour, Bangladesh? They can’t even play cricket. Relations between India and Bangladesh, are currently under severe strain as of early 2026, driven by the ousting of former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina, who has been given asylum in India to the chagrin of Bangladesh. Tensions are high due to attacks on diplomats, stalled visa services, water disputes, and alleged interference. The unresolved sharing of the Teesta River and other transboundary rivers remains a major contention, with Bangladesh accusing India of managing these to its detriment. Concerns exist in New Delhi regarding Bangladesh strengthening ties with other nations like Pakistan, seen as a shift away from Indian influence (Altaf Moti, 2026).
Coming back to the conflict with its western neighbour Pakistan, since the 1947 partition, both countries have claimed Kashmir, a region inhabited by a majority Muslim population but initially ruled by a Hindu Maharaja, leading to wars in 1947, 1965, and 1999. India accuses Pakistan of supporting militant groups in Kashmir, a claim Pakistan denies, which has frequently led to military escalations, such as the 2019 Pulwama incident and 2025 strikes. The Indus Waters Treaty is under strain, with potential for conflict over control of water resources. Both nations are nuclear-armed, raising international concerns about regional stability. Recent tensions included increased cross-border firing, drone warfare, and suspected militant attacks in Kashmir, leading to retaliatory missile strikes. The conflict remains a major geopolitical issue, with tensions frequently escalating due to nationalist sentiment and a lack of diplomatic progress (Britanica, 2026).
Another matter of relevance is that India-Pakistan-Afghanistan relations are defined by a complex, triangular, and competitive dynamic. Following the 2021 Taliban takeover, India has adopted a pragmatic, security-focused approach, delivering humanitarian aid to Afghanistan via Iran to circumvent Pakistan. Meanwhile, Pakistan-Afghanistan ties have deteriorated over border disputes, prompting Kabul to seek warmer relations with India as a counterweight to Islamabad. Without formally recognising the Taliban, India has re-established a technical mission in Kabul to secure its interests, monitor anti-India groups, and maintain developmental influence, which directly challenges Pakistan’s historical influence in the region. Is such manoeuvring of regional relations a virtue of a ‘swing state’!
Paradoxically, India is developing a special friendship with the murderous regime of Netanyahu in Israel focussing on defence and anti-terrorism. Indian prime minister is planning to visit Israel towards the end of this month which would obviously boost the image and credibility of a ruler who has committed genocide of the Palestinians. The barb no doubt is intended to prick Pakistan. Could such a country bring peace to the region, which it must if it is to qualify as a ‘swing state’.
India seems to have good relations with its northern neighbour, little Nepal, though minor but persistent issues remain. Disputes, notably regarding the Kalapani-Limpiyadhura-Lipulekh area, have caused tensions. Nepal has, from time to time, requested, a revision of the 1950 Treaty, viewing it as unbalanced. Growing influence of other foreign powers (particularly China) in Nepal poses a strategic challenge for India.
The other northern neighbour, the giant, is a different kettle of fish. India has fought several wars with China and there are frequent border skirmishes. The rivalry between these two giants is second only to that between the US and China. The war for markets, influence and hegemony between these countries may one day tear the world apart.
India seems to be having border disputes with most of its neighbours. Fortunately, we have no common border with it but there is Katchatheevu, on which they have recently made a claim.
India being the big brother must take the initiative to resolve the disputes it has with its neighbours and work towards lasting peace in the region. The inability to do so reflects, more than the external factor, the internal depravity that plagues its politics. One has only to listen to its political leaders during election times to gauge the depth of racism they descend to in order to swing the votes. This phenomenon is more evident in their own ‘swing states’. This racism cannot be confined to its borders, it has to cross the borders and be projected to the neighbourhood, if the politicians are to appear to be truly patriotic. Thus, the border disputes and acrimony continue.
If peace, cordiality and economic stability are the desirable goals for the region – one cannot think of anything more important than these – India may not be the ‘swing state’ that could give leadership to the struggle that would finally bring these qualities to the region.
by N. A. de S. Amaratunga
Opinion
Sovereignty without Governance is a hollow shield
Globalisation exposes weakness and failed governance; and invites intervention – A message to all inept governments everywhere
The government of Burkina Faso has shattered the illusion of party politics, dissolving every political party in the nation. Its justification is blunt: parties divide the people, fracture sovereignty, and allow corrupt elites to hijack the sacred powers that belong to the citizenry.
This is not an aberration. It is the recurring disease of fragile states. Haiti, Somalia, Sudan, Venezuela, Sri Lanka—their governments collapse under the weight of incompetence, leaving their people abandoned and their sovereignty hollow. These failed states do not merely fail themselves; they burden the world. Their chaos spills across borders, draining the strength of nations that still stand.
Globalisation does not forgive weakness. It exposes it. And as global opinion hardens, a new world order is taking shape—one that no longer tolerates decay. The moment of rupture came when US President Donald Trump seized Nicolás Maduro from his Venezuelan hideout and dragged him to face justice in America.
Predictably, the chorus of populists cried “oil!” They shouted about imperialism while ignoring the rot of Maduro’s failed government and his collapse in legitimacy. But the truth is unavoidable: if Venezuela had been competently governed, Trump would never have had the opening to topple its leadership. Weakness invited conquest. Failure opened the door.
Singapore offers the perfect counterexample. It is perhaps the best-governed nation on earth, and for that reason it is untouchable. Strong governance is the only true shield of sovereignty. Without it, sovereignty is a brittle shell, a flag waving over ruins.
Trump’s precedent will echo across continents. China, Russia, India—regional powers are watching, calculating, preparing. The message is unmistakable: Sovereignty is conditional. It is not guaranteed by history or by law. It is guaranteed only by strength, by competence, by the will to govern effectively.
This is the revolutionary truth: nations that fail to govern themselves will be governed by others. The age of excuses is over. The age of accountability has begun. Weak governments will fall. Strong governments will endure. And the people, sovereign and indivisible, will demand leaders who can protect their destiny—or see them replaced by those who can.
By Brigadier (Rtd) Ranjan de Silva
rpcdesilva@gmail.com
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