Opinion
Who trumped Trump?
No, it wasn’t Biden, or the Democratic Party – it was Trump himself and Covid.
When the Democrats have finished dancing in the street, and celebrating their ‘great’ victory, there is a lot they must reflect on. This should really have been, as predicted, a cake-walk, if not a landslide, to the Democrats instead of a nail-biting affair. Now the inclination would be to brand Trump as a mad man, a bad man, an aberration, a nasty dream which, thank God, has come and gone. If they do so and go on believing it was a ‘great’ victory and a full endorsement by the people, they would be making a big mistake – the same kind of mistake they made in 2016 and ever since.
What does a man have to do, to make sure he loses? Insult all around him, sack anyone who disagrees with him, run a most dysfunctional White House apparatus, offer bribes to foreign leaders and, in the end, dismiss a raging pandemic as a ‘passing thing, and don’t worry, it will be alright in the summer’? And, yet, this man comes very close to being re-elected – in spite of having a very nice and decent man as his opponent.
WHY? This is the question the Democrats never bothered to ask since the shock defeat of 2016. Their behaviour has been petty and irresponsible. They wasted 3 ½ years (and lots of money) attacking Trump personally and trying to get him impeached. Instead, they should have reflected: “Why did we lose? Where did we go wrong? What did we miss? How do we beat him, politically? How do we fight him on policies?”
If they cared to ask, the answers are simple and obvious. The electorate was tired of ‘more of the same’ by the same people. The silent majority felt they were not listened to by either established party. They had had enough of the same old boring self-serving establishment. So the flamboyant outsider rides in: he speaks their language, seems to understand their concerns and priorities, promises to do the very things they wanted and to shake up the old establishment. HE is the man they were waiting for.
What if he is a rude, brassy, big-headed womanizer? Who cares? They simply wanted someone who gets the job done.
The average American is very nationalistic. They are proud of their country – the flag is venerated. They do not want to see America being pushed around and taken for granted. Trump hit the right button with his ‘Make America Great Again’ message.
They do not want a President for the world, but for the USA. They are tired of the US trying to be the world’s policeman, and of seeing their kids coming home in body bags fighting in pointless wars.
They do not want to see the country being ‘swamped’ by illegal economic migrants, masquerading as refugees; or to see the homeland security compromised by ‘imported’ terrorists.
They like to stand on their own feet. They want work and are proud to work. They do not want to depend on handouts and view disparagingly and disdainfully at those who do. They are not very high on ‘social justice’ (‘I am alright, Jack’) and resent their hard-earned money being taxed and ‘lavished’ on those too lazy to work.
(Whether WE agree with these sentiments is neither here nor there.)
This is the typical American psyche, which the Democratic Party dismally failed to read, or understand. Looking back, it is not a surprise that Trump won in 2016.
Since then, the Democrats have lived in denial. While they were concentrating on ‘how to get him impeached?’ Trump was busy doing the things he promised, albeit in a bull in a china shop fashion.
Promises and Actions:
Let us forget the man for a moment and concentrate objectively on what he promised and what he delivered:
· Reduce company taxes and red tape, thus stimulate the economy and produce growth
He cut the company taxes from Obama’s punitive 35% to a reasonable 21%. Companies which left the country returned with fresh investment and jobs.
GDP grew consistently from 2016 to 2019 at an average of 2.5% per year, compared to 1.7% under Obama, from 2008 to 2016 ()
Due to Covid (understandably), the Growth rate took a plunge in the first two quarters of 2020 (-5% and -31.4%). But made a dramatic recovery to a record high in Q3 +33.1% ()
Unemployment rates among the Whites fell from 4.5%, in 2016, to 3% in 2020, and even more dramatically for the Blacks, from 9% to 5.5%. (). For Black women it reached a record low figure of 4.4% (CNN Business – not the most Trump-friendly site)
· Stand up to China
He put up tariffs against cheap imports from China and the detractors cried, “Trade war! Reciprocal tariffs! Job losses!” Trump said, “Trade war? Bring it on! We can’t lose. We are already losing billions!”.
In the end, none of the above-mentioned happened. Instead, the trade deficit FELL from 396.0 billion USD to 365.8. ()
· Control immigration
He did not ‘ban all Muslims’ as he promised in the campaign trail. Presumably, he was persuaded that this was a crass idea, and settled for the more practical one of introducing severe restrictions for countries blacklisted by Homeland Security.
Nor did he ‘build a wall’; funds were blocked by the Congress. But he increased control at the Southern border and stood up to the threat of ‘invasion by the army of caravans of refugees’. Every sensible person knows ‘refugee’ is a euphemism for an economic migrant. While it is true that their plight must be pathetic, no US President could echo Merkel (“Let them come”) and hope to be reelected.
In the event, illegal immigration to the US fell from 84,988, in 2016, to 29,916 in 2019. ()
Significantly, while shootings, stabbings and beheadings were going on in Europe, there were no Islamic inspired terrorist incidents on American soil.
· The world’s policeman?
He did not start new ‘foreign wars’, unlike his predecessors. He was forced to deal with ISIS, which he did.
He was sick of America being taken for a ride by its NATO allies. ‘Cough up your dues or else’, he said rather rudely. They grumbled and mumbled, but eventually complied.
North Korean leader Kim had been making threatening noises towards S. Korea ever since he came to power. Nobody dared to confront him, being wary of his nuclear weapons, real or imagined. When Trump ‘took him on’, the world feared the clash of TWO mad men would lead to a nuclear war.
Then Trump did the unexpected and hit the white charm button, instead of the red one. As a result, Kim may not have halted his nuclear weapons programme, but the S Koreans can now sleep more soundly. More importantly, for the first time, in half a century, South Koreans were able to visit their long lost relatives in the North and vice versa.
(In my opinion, this is the greatest achievement of Trump. The media gave him no credit and dismissed the famous handshake as a publicity stunt. Had Obama done it, he would have been hailed as a true world leader and a great man of peace.)
There are other aspects of Trumpism, which are not so savory.
He tried to repeal Obamacare, but was prevented by legal action. He does not believe in climate change, and came out of the Paris accord. (In his defense, these were part of his manifesto.)
And then, there is the man and his manner. Where would one start?!
Still, by January 2020 Trump stood unassailable. There was no one in the Democratic landscape who could have challenged him.
Then came Covid and effectively saved the Democratic campaign.
Trump shot himself in the foot by not taking it seriously. As he was pelting his own version of ‘alternative facts’ about it, making fun of people for wearing masks and organizing rallies with no mask-wearing, nil social distancing, people could SEE their friends and relations dying around them. This is what turned the voters against him. They preferred a mild-mannered old uncle who was predictable and dependable, if not very exciting.
They had had enough ‘excitement’.
BUT, Biden and the Democratic establishment are well advised to:
Dump Trump by all means, but NOT TRUMPISM.
Otherwise, they would be in line for another rude shock, in four years’ time.
Dr ASOKA WEERAKKODY
Colombo
Opinion
Buddhist insights into the extended mind thesis – Some observations
It is both an honour and a pleasure to address you on this occasion as we gather to celebrate International Philosophy Day. Established by UNESCO and supported by the United Nations, this day serves as a global reminder that philosophy is not merely an academic discipline confined to universities or scholarly journals. It is, rather, a critical human practice—one that enables societies to reflect upon themselves, to question inherited assumptions, and to navigate periods of intellectual, technological, and moral transformation.
In moments of rapid change, philosophy performs a particularly vital role. It slows us down. It invites us to ask not only how things work, but what they mean, why they matter, and how we ought to live. I therefore wish to begin by expressing my appreciation to UNESCO, the United Nations, and the organisers of this year’s programme for sustaining this tradition and for selecting a theme that invites sustained reflection on mind, consciousness, and human agency.
We inhabit a world increasingly shaped by artificial intelligence, neuroscience, cognitive science, and digital technologies. These developments are not neutral. They reshape how we think, how we communicate, how we remember, and even how we imagine ourselves. As machines simulate cognitive functions once thought uniquely human, we are compelled to ask foundational philosophical questions anew:
What is the mind? Where does thinking occur? Is cognition something enclosed within the brain, or does it arise through our bodily engagement with the world? And what does it mean to be an ethical and responsible agent in a technologically extended environment?
Sri Lanka’s Philosophical Inheritance
On a day such as this, it is especially appropriate to recall that Sri Lanka possesses a long and distinguished tradition of philosophical reflection. From early Buddhist scholasticism to modern comparative philosophy, Sri Lankan thinkers have consistently engaged questions concerning knowledge, consciousness, suffering, agency, and liberation.
Within this modern intellectual history, the University of Peradeniya occupies a unique place. It has served as a centre where Buddhist philosophy, Western thought, psychology, and logic have met in creative dialogue. Scholars such as T. R. V. Murti, K. N. Jayatilleke, Padmasiri de Silva, R. D. Gunaratne, and Sarathchandra did not merely interpret Buddhist texts; they brought them into conversation with global philosophy, thereby enriching both traditions.
It is within this intellectual lineage—and with deep respect for it—that I offer the reflections that follow.
Setting the Philosophical Problem
My topic today is “Embodied Cognition and Viññāṇasota: Buddhist Insights on the Extended Mind Thesis – Some Observations.” This is not a purely historical inquiry. It is an attempt to bring Buddhist philosophy into dialogue with some of the most pressing debates in contemporary philosophy of mind and cognitive science.
At the centre of these debates lies a deceptively simple question: Where is the mind?
For much of modern philosophy, the dominant answer was clear: the mind resides inside the head. Thinking was understood as an internal process, private and hidden, occurring within the boundaries of the skull. The body was often treated as a mere vessel, and the world as an external stage upon which cognition operated.
However, this picture has increasingly come under pressure.
The Extended Mind Thesis and the 4E Turn
One of the most influential challenges to this internalist model is the Extended Mind Thesis, proposed by Andy Clark and David Chalmers. Their argument is provocative but deceptively simple: if an external tool performs the same functional role as a cognitive process inside the brain, then it should be considered part of the mind itself.
From this insight emerges the now well-known 4E framework, according to which cognition is:
Embodied – shaped by the structure and capacities of the body
Embedded – situated within physical, social, and cultural environments
Enactive – constituted through action and interaction
Extended – distributed across tools, artefacts, and practices
This framework invites us to rethink the mind not as a thing, but as an activity—something we do, rather than something we have.
Earlier Western Challenges to Internalism
It is important to note that this critique of the “mind in the head” model did not begin with cognitive science. It has deep philosophical roots.
Ludwig Wittgenstein
famously warned philosophers against imagining thought as something occurring in a hidden inner space. Such metaphors, he suggested, mystify rather than clarify our understanding of mind.
Similarly, Franz Brentano’s notion of intentionality—his claim that all mental states are about something—shifted attention away from inner substances toward relational processes. This insight shaped Husserl’s phenomenology, where consciousness is always world-directed, and Freud’s psychoanalysis, where mental life is dynamic, conflicted, and socially embedded.
Together, these thinkers prepared the conceptual ground for a more process-oriented, relational understanding of mind.
Varela and the Enactive Turn
A decisive moment in this shift came with Francisco J. Varela, whose work on enactivism challenged computational models of mind. For Varela, cognition is not the passive representation of a pre-given world, but the active bringing forth of meaning through embodied engagement.
Cognition, on this view, arises from the dynamic coupling of organism and environment. Importantly, Varela explicitly acknowledged his intellectual debt to Buddhist philosophy, particularly its insights into impermanence, non-self, and dependent origination.
Buddhist Philosophy and the Minding Process
Buddhist thought offers a remarkably sophisticated account of mind—one that is non-substantialist, relational, and processual. Across its diverse traditions, we find a consistent emphasis on mind as dependently arisen, embodied through the six sense bases, and shaped by intention and contact.
Crucially, Buddhism does not speak of a static “mind-entity”. Instead, it employs metaphors of streams, flows, and continuities, suggesting a dynamic process unfolding in relation to conditions.
Key Buddhist Concepts for Contemporary Dialogue
Let me now highlight several Buddhist concepts that are particularly relevant to contemporary discussions of embodied and extended cognition.
The notion of prapañca, as elaborated by Bhikkhu Ñāṇananda, captures the mind’s tendency toward conceptual proliferation. Through naming, interpretation, and narrative construction, the mind extends itself, creating entire experiential worlds. This is not merely a linguistic process; it is an existential one.
The Abhidhamma concept of viññāṇasota, the stream of consciousness, rejects the idea of an inner mental core. Consciousness arises and ceases moment by moment, dependent on conditions—much like a river that has no fixed identity apart from its flow.
The Yogācāra doctrine of ālayaviññāṇa adds a further dimension, recognising deep-seated dispositions, habits, and affective tendencies accumulated through experience. This anticipates modern discussions of implicit cognition, embodied memory, and learned behaviour.
Finally, the Buddhist distinction between mindful and unmindful cognition reveals a layered model of mental life—one that resonates strongly with contemporary dual-process theories.
A Buddhist Cognitive Ecology
Taken together, these insights point toward a Buddhist cognitive ecology in which mind is not an inner object but a relational activity unfolding across body, world, history, and practice.
As the Buddha famously observed, “In this fathom-long body, with its perceptions and thoughts, I declare there is the world.” This is perhaps one of the earliest and most profound articulations of an embodied, enacted, and extended conception of mind.
Conclusion
The Extended Mind Thesis challenges the idea that the mind is confined within the skull. Buddhist philosophy goes further. It invites us to reconsider whether the mind was ever “inside” to begin with.
In an age shaped by artificial intelligence, cognitive technologies, and digital environments, this question is not merely theoretical. It is ethically urgent. How we understand mind shapes how we design technologies, structure societies, and conceive human responsibility.
Buddhist philosophy offers not only conceptual clarity but also ethical guidance—reminding us that cognition is inseparable from suffering, intention, and liberation.
Dr. Charitha Herath is a former Member of Parliament of Sri Lanka (2020–2024) and an academic philosopher. Prior to entering Parliament, he served as Professor (Chair) of Philosophy at the University of Peradeniya. He was Chairman of the Committee on Public Enterprises (COPE) from 2020 to 2022, playing a key role in parliamentary oversight of public finance and state institutions. Dr. Herath previously served as Secretary to the Ministry of Mass Media and Information (2013–2015) and is the Founder and Chair of Nexus Research Group, a platform for interdisciplinary research, policy dialogue, and public intellectual engagement.
He holds a BA from the University of Peradeniya (Sri Lanka), MA degrees from Sichuan University (China) and Ohio University (USA), and a PhD from the University of Kelaniya (Sri Lanka).
(This article has been adapted from the keynote address delivered
by Dr. Charitha Herath
at the International Philosophy Day Conference at the University of Peradeniya.)
Opinion
We do not want to be press-ganged
Reference ,the Indian High Commissioner’s recent comments ( The Island, 9th Jan. ) on strong India-Sri Lanka relationship and the assistance granted on recovering from the financial collapse of Sri Lanka and yet again for cyclone recovery., Sri Lankans should express their thanks to India for standing up as a friendly neighbour.
On the Defence Cooperation agreement, the Indian High Commissioner’s assertion was that there was nothing beyond that which had been included in the text. But, dear High Commissioner, we Sri Lankans have burnt our fingers when we signed agreements with the European nations who invaded our country; they took our leaders around the Mulberry bush and made our nation pay a very high price by controlling our destiny for hundreds of years. When the Opposition parties in the Parliament requested the Sri Lankan government to reveal the contents of the Defence agreements signed with India as per the prevalent common practice, the government’s strange response was that India did not want them disclosed.
Even the terms of the one-sided infamous Indo-Sri Lanka agreement, signed in 1987, were disclosed to the public.
Mr. High Commissioner, we are not satisfied with your reply as we are weak, economically, and unable to clearly understand your “India’s Neighbourhood First and Mahasagar policies” . We need the details of the defence agreements signed with our government, early.
RANJITH SOYSA
Opinion
When will we learn?
At every election—general or presidential—we do not truly vote, we simply outvote. We push out the incumbent and bring in another, whether recycled from the past or presented as “fresh.” The last time, we chose a newcomer who had spent years criticising others, conveniently ignoring the centuries of damage they inflicted during successive governments. Only now do we realise that governing is far more difficult than criticising.
There is a saying: “Even with elephants, you cannot bring back the wisdom that has passed.” But are we learning? Among our legislators, there have been individuals accused of murder, fraud, and countless illegal acts. True, the courts did not punish them—but are we so blind as to remain naive in the face of such allegations? These fraudsters and criminals, and any sane citizen living in this decade, cannot deny those realities.
Meanwhile, many of our compatriots abroad, living comfortably with their families, ignore these past crimes with blind devotion and campaign for different parties. For most of us, the wish during an election is not the welfare of the country, but simply to send our personal favourite to the council. The clearest example was the election of a teledrama actress—someone who did not even understand the Constitution—over experienced and honest politicians.
It is time to stop this bogus hero worship. Vote not for personalities, but for the country. Vote for integrity, for competence, and for the future we deserve.
Deshapriya Rajapaksha
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