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Visit to Brussels and quiet diplomacy with the Soviets in Colombo

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Sirimavo Bandaranaike

Person identified as KGB agent at embassy sent off sans publicity

(Excerpted from the autobiography of MDD Pieris, Secretary to the Prime Minister)

At the end of the (London security) course, High Commissioner Tilak Gooneratne, who had an appointment in the European Common Market in Brussels with Sir Christopher Soames, External Commissioner for the European Common Market, took me along with him. He knew Sir Christopher, who was the son-in-law of Sir Winston Churchill, quite well and was keen that I should meet him, and also see at first hand certain common market arrangements.

He telephoned the Prime Minister and obtained her permission for me to accompany him to Brussels. Generously, Tilak wanted me to have a larger experience, and therefore decided not to fly. Instead, we drove to Dover, took the channel ferry to Calais, and then drove on to Brussels. We had an interesting meeting with Sir Christopher and drove to Bonn for a late lunch, with C. Gunasingham who was acting for the Ambassador at the time. The next day, we took the ferry, this time from Ostend, and came back to Britain.

One has to be deeply grateful to people like Tilak, who always took such an interest, a great deal of trouble, and incurred personal expense in broadening the horizons of those who had to deal with him. His wife Pam, a cultured and refined lady, matched his generosity, by taking us to the theatre to see some excellent plays, whenever, we had a free evening. They were also willing hosts who opened their residence and their dining table and were genuinely happy when you came.

When I got back, I briefed the Prime Minister on the intelligence I had received, when in London. She got down WT Jayasinghe and instructed him to call the Soviet Ambassador to the Ministry and merely say that we would like the person concerned to leave the country within 10 days. He was further instructed to tell the Ambassador, if he asked for reasons, that we are in possession of information, that would make his further stay in Sri Lanka detrimental to the very good relations we enjoyed with the Soviet Union, and that it was in the interests of both countries that this whole thing was done quietly and without publicity. In the end, things were done very quietly indeed. The Soviet Ambassador, when confronted with our request, had merely stated that if this is what the Prime Minister wanted, he would comply. No reasons were asked.

Visit to the USSR

A few months after this episode, the Prime Minister had to visit the USSR. This visit was in the pipeline for sometime, and dates were finally fixed for November 1974. The Soviets sent a special four engine Turbo-prop plane to take the Prime Minister and party to the USSR and bring them back. These arrangements made it possible for a larger delegation than usual to accompany her.

The principal members of the delegation were myself, Tissa Wijeyeratne; Dr. Mackie Ratwatte; Elmo Seneviratne, Director Economic Affairs of the Foreign Ministry; Mr. A.B. Elkaduwe, Additional Secretary, Ministry of Industries and Scientific Affairs; Mr. Balasubramaniam, Director (West) of the Foreign Ministry; Mr. Austin Fernando, Director External Resources; and Mr. D.P. Amerasinghe, Additional Private Secretary to the Prime Minister. There was also an aide, Mr. M.M. Weerasena of the Prime Minister’s office and a representative of the Sri Lanka Broadcasting Corporation.

The Prime Minister’s son Anura also accompanied us and Mr. Nishanov, the Ambassador for the USSR in Sri Lanka came on the flight. We took off on November 10, 1974 and flew direct to Tashkent, a journey of some seven hours 40 minutes. We were put up for the night in a state guest house. Our bedrooms were large and the furniture heavy. My bed was very large and with an iron frame. The mattress was hard and seemed designed more to produce straight and hard backs than afford comfort.

After dinner, when I went to sleep, I found the room grossly overheated and quite uncomfortable. On investigation I found that what we had was central heating with no possibility of regulation from the room. The guest house was a sprawling complex with long corridors, and when I opened the door of my room, to see whether I could bring this problem to someone’s attention, all was silent and there was no one in sight. There was no choice but to bear the discomfort for a few hours.

It was, however, much worse than I had anticipated. Sleep was out of the question. I was bathed in sweat. The windows appeared to be sealed. I tossed and turned with abandon, and sometime during the night, there was a loud crack and the bed broke and one side slumped and sagged at an angle! The satisfaction of breaking such a massive looking bed, somewhat compensated for the lack of sleep. There was nothing left to do now, but to collect some of the bedclothes and settle down on the floor.

The next morning, at breakfast I proudly announced my feat of the previous night to a gathering which included the Prime Minister and the Soviet Ambassador. Everyone was quite amused except the Ambassador, who looked embarrassed. It appeared that all had suffered from the problem of over heated rooms during the night. Only I had the distinction of breaking the bed as a response.

After breakfast, we re-joined the flight and set out for Moscow. It took five and a half hours. As we got down in Moscow, it was bitterly cold. The wind cut through, what now appeared to be our inadequate protection, except for the Prime Minister and one or two others, who seemed to be more prepared. We were met at the airport by Prime Minister Kosygin, Foreign Minister Andrei Gromyko and other Soviet dignitaries, and after the playing of National Anthems, were witnesses to a march past of smart goose-stepping troops.

We were housed in a large dacha, set in extensive wooded grounds. The rooms were once again large, but to our relief the heating system was much better. If at all, it was a little more on the cold side. Our hosts were very thoughtful and most of us were presented with heavy overcoats which were a great help. It was doubtful whether such heavy coats could have been obtained in many countries and certainly not in Sri Lanka. Wearing one of them and walking about provided protection and exercise at the same time.

From the time we settled in, there was work to do. We had a draft communique almost ready, to which we had to add a few finishing touches, and we knew the Soviets had one too. They fixed the unusual hour of 10.15 in the night, to start joint discussions on the communiques. Tissa, with his Communist Party training explained that this was not unusual at all. He said that these were all tactics to wear down the other side and get what they want. Once we knew this, it was possible to steel one’s mind and to evoke the mental strength and stamina that were necessary.

We met in the Soviet Foreign Ministry at 10 p.m. In addition to myself, our side included our Ambassador Dr. Soma Weeratunge; Tissa Wijeratne; Dr. Wiswa Warnapala, from the University of Peradeniya, who was on a few years attachment to our Embassy in a senior diplomatic position; and Mr. Balasubramaniam of the Foreign Ministry. First, there was the haggling about which draft to be used. Eventually, we agreed to use the Soviet draft as a basis, subject to discussions on the wording.

Here, it was our intention to bring in the wording from our draft, or wording as approximate as possible, into the main communique. This was not easy. The Soviets were attempting to get us to subscribe to at the time, their relatively new concept of Asian Collective Security, which was going to be under their auspices. We were on the other hand a country active in the Non-aligned Movement, and with an influence in the movement which was disproportionate to our size or population. We also had very good relations with the West. We were not willing to come under the tutelage of any power bloc.

The discussion dragged on till 1.15 a.m. and ended inconclusively on several important points. It was decided to meet again later in the day, the new day already having dawned.

Later, we had formal talks in the Kremlin with Prime Minister Kosygin and his team, which included Foreign Minister Gromyko and other important Ministers. This meeting followed a lunch hosted by the Soviet Prime Minister. During the official discussions, Mrs. Bandaranaike bargained closely on many issues pertaining to Soviet aid to Sri Lanka. She wanted to get the best terms and the best deal possible. At one stage, Mr. Kosygin banteringly wagged a finger and said, “you are a hard lady.” Mrs. Bandaranaike replied that if she was hard, it was on behalf of her country.

The discussions were cordial, and we were able to obtain assistance for the public industrial sector, as well as a commitment to preliminary studies relating to the Samanalawewa Hydro Electric Scheme. The meeting ended during the late afternoon. During the early evening the Soviet Prime Minister was taking the Prime Minister to the Bolshoi Ballet. The Ambassador, Mackie and I were also invited. But there was no question of my going. We had work to do on the communique with the Soviet side.

I told Tissa to lead the discussions. With his old Communist background, during which he had also had a stint of training in the Soviet Union, he was quite proficient on their negotiating techniques and general strategy. This also gave me the time to think, whilst Tissa talked. The meeting kept dragging on. The Soviets were defending every word of their draft as if their life depended on it. Perhaps, their careers did. We for our part were not prepared to alter our foreign policy to suit anybody. We had discussed matters with the Prime Minister after our first meeting, and we knew we had her full backing on the Issues we considered important for us.

Once the other side realized that we were unlikely to yield on some matters, and that we were in no hurry to reach agreement, although according to the programme we had to leave for Tibilisi-Georgia the following afternoon, after a luncheon signing of some agreements by the Prime Ministers, and the release of the communique, they became more accommodating. Some progress was made. There were still a very few important matters about which we were deadlocked.

At this stage, the Russians called to their aid Deputy Foreign Minister, Firyubin. He strode into the room complaining that he had been disturbed at the ballet and that this was the first time in his career that he had to be dragged out from the ballet for a matter such as this. Tissa Wijeratne, sweetly replied “Excellency, you can see the ballet tomorrow. But we are leaving tomorrow and we will never be able to see it.” The Deputy Foreign Minister grunted testily.

“What is all this?” he inquired. We politely told him. He realized that we meant business, and that we were not ready to agree on a communique at any cost. Things proceeded better thereafter, and we were eventually able to agree. By this time, it was very late, and the Prime Minister who had returned from the ballet had been wondering what had happened to us. She sent a message that she was waiting for us to return in order to have dinner. This also would have helped to expedite matters with the Russians.

When we got back finally at about 10 p.m.. the Prime Minister was pleased that we had successfully defended our positions. The discussions had gone on for some six hours, and this with very little translations required, because most of the discussions were conducted in English. We worked as a team and enjoyed working together. The Prime Minister fostered this team spirit. She was, though the leader and at a much higher level, very much a part of the team. Her refusal to have dinner without us underlined this, and proved to be a great boost to us.

There was an interesting sequel to our prolonged discussions. That night I was fast asleep, quite fatigued, well tucked under the blankets against the cold, when as if in a dream I heard the distant sound of knocking on what appeared to be my door. Soon, the knocking became quite loud, and I realized that it was indeed my door someone was knocking on. Put up suddenly from a deep and tired sleep, I took some time to get out of bed and reach the door. I was half shivering having suddenly emerged from under cosy blankets. The knocking continued.

When I finally opened the door there was a young man from the Soviet Foreign Ministry sporting a broad grin and with a sheaf of papers in his hand, which he thrust into mine saying that this was the final version of the communique and would I check it, because they had to finalize everything by 7 a.m. and have it ready for signing at lunch. By this time, I was wide awake, and suspected that this was a piece of harassment aimed to teach us a lesson for being stubborn in the negotiations.

I now wide awake therefore said, “Come in. Come in, let’s order some coffee and go through this together.” There was near panic in his face. His job seemed to be to disturb my sleep and get away. He said “No”, he had to report back to the Foreign Ministry. I said, I will telephone the Ministry and say, that in view of the obvious urgency that I want to go through the communique right now and hand it over to their official. But he mumbled some excuses, and virtually fled.

Now that I was up and alert, I thought I would go through the draft straightaway. The time was 4.30 a.m, and that’s what I did. There were just a couple of matters I wanted to clarify with the Ambassador, Tissa and Professor Wiswa Warnapala in the morning. But substantially, almost everything was in order. The next morning Tissa, said that my nights disturbance was typical Soviet tactics, and that he was not at all surprised. If they really were tactics, I fail to understand what they sought to gain by them. Certainly, it could not have been goodwill.

This whole episode, including the long drawn out negotiations on the joint communique appeared to me to illustrate the rigidity and the almost surreal nature of the system. Much time and effort were spent on relatively minor issues and any kind of compromise was hard to achieve. One felt that preoccupation with sheer process had taken a life of its own, and that the end result, which should have included the creation of respect and goodwill was lost to them.

Most of the matters addressed in the communique should not have been those which should have kept a Foreign Ministry’s chandeliers burning all night. One really wondered how a great country like the Soviet Union could function in this way. In fact, the contrast between the Soviet Union and the West was brought out subsequently when the Prime Minister visited West Germany on a State visit. I did not go on this visit. But colleagues who did told me that the two sides exchanged their drafts of the communique at the airport on arrival, and subsequently at an informal twenty minute discussion, everything was finalized! These experiences were clearly illustrative of two very different systems, one, process oriented, cumbrous and bureaucratic, and the other pragmatic, practical and expeditious.



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America has two presidents as the world braces for another Trump term

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by Rajan Philips

The election of Donald Trump as US President for yet another term has sent many world leaders scurrying for cover. Especially in the West. But even China is concerned. In the US itself, the longstanding maxim that there can only be one president at a time is being put to the test every day. Joe Biden, the outgoing president, is scrambling to salvage his legacy after a disastrous last year that has diminished all his achievements over the first three years on the domestic front.

Externally, Biden’s presidency has been a monumental failure, from the impulsive withdrawal from Afghanistan that kickstarted it, to the hopelessly painful stalemate in Ukraine and the relentless mass devastation in Gaza that are dragging out its end. With the pardoning of his son Hunter Biden, the outgoing president has ceded even the little moral hump that he had over Trump.

Donald Trump who would not have succeeded in getting a major party nomination as a presidential candidate in any other democratic country, has sequestered the Republican Party, arrogated himself to be its candidate, and won a second election with even a small popular vote majority albeit under 50% of the total. That Trump’s popularity could grow from under 30% when he first started his political venture in 2015 to nearly 50% in ten years in spite of all the scandals, criminal convictions, and worst of all the 2021 January 6 attack on the American constitution and democracy itself, is a statement not so much on Trump’s resilience as it is on America’s sociopolitical decadence.

The Tariff Man

Trump’s second term is poised to be even more inglorious than his first but with much greater organization, and persistence and fortified by – thanks to Chief Justice Robert’s creative legal mind, absolute immunity in most instances and presumed immunity in all other instances. But even the Supreme Court cannot help Trump to form a cabinet of his choosing and full of sycophants (not the Lincoln’s team of rivals) without the Senate’s approval. The Republicans have only a slender majority in both houses, and enough Republican Senators have already signalled that they are not prepared to support his more questionable cabinet appointees.

What the world leaders are now going through is the dilemma of having to put up with two presidents at the same time. One they can smile and ignore and the other they have to grin and suffer for four more years. Biden is trying hard to strengthen Ukraine’s military to gain some territorial advantage before Ukraine is forced into negotiations with Russia under pressure from Trump. President Biden is even more desperate for a ceasefire in Gaza, but Prime Minister Netanyahu who has betrayed Biden at every turn in the Gaza conflict is not about to do him any favours with less than a month left in Biden’s term.

Biden’s eleventh hour initiatives in Ukraine and in the Middle East have raised eyebrows among Washington watchers because all of them could be torpedoed without notice by Trump on his first day President. Yet the two presidents seem to be adhering to the transition protocol – with the Biden Administration briefing the Trump transition on the new initiatives although Trump himself has not said much about either front after the election. Except the usual bravado that there will be hell to pay by Hamas if all the remaining hostages are not released before his inauguration in January.

Arms Sales for Ceasefire

At the same time, Trump is threatening to hold America’s trading partners hostage with his tariff threats. He has warned neighbouring Canada and Mexico that on his first day in office, he will impose a flat 25% tariff on all imports from them unless the two countries mend their borders to his liking. And a further 10% tariff on already tariffed Chinese goods. In another bluster, Trump has threatened 100% tariffs on imports from BRICS countries unless they stop planning an alternative currency to the dollar.

Trump is stoned on the idea of tariffs although it will lead to domestic price increases and will not bring back lost American jobs. The captains of American businesses do not believe Trump will actually impose tariffs but will only use them in bargaining to get what he wants from other countries. On the other hand, the blue collar foot soldiers who voted for Trump are now googling to find out the meaning of tariff.

Like the word Brexit in Britain after the Brexit referendum, Google search for the meaning of tariff has seen a massive spike in the US after Trump’s election. It is already too late for the American voters to know what tariff means. Just like with Brexit in Britain. If Trump were to go ahead and impose tariffs on imports that will only increase the price of many goods that Americans buy. The midterm Congress and Senate elections in two years will give them the opportunity to vent but that will not stop Trump from going on for another two years.

A Weak West, Divided World

For the rest of the world, there is no midterm election to protest against a man whom 49% of Americans have elected. The countries that Trump threatens with tariffs cannot even unite to provide a collective response. With one tariff tweet, Trump has driven a wedge between Canada and Mexico who have trilateral free trade agreement with the US that is now 30 years old. Even the BRICS member countries will be forced to go their separate ways to deal with Trump’s tariffs. Only China can show some muscle against this madness, but that will only aggravate the madness. All in all, it will be every country for itself, with no god for all.

Trump’s second coming is also coinciding with an exceptionally weak moment in Europe. Britain is neither here nor there, and the new Labour government can do nothing about it. France is in political turmoil with a lame duck president who has no majority in parliament. This week, the hard left and the far right combined to defeat the government of Prime Minister Michel Barnier whom President Emmanuel Macron had appointed after a deadlock parliamentary election in June. No government in France has lost a no confidence motion in 62 years.

President Macron is insisting on staying on as President until his term is over in 2027, and no parliamentary election can be called till June next year. For now, the President can distract the French with the multi-day celebration of this Saturday’s reopening of the Notre-Dame cathedral that was ravaged by fire in 2019 and is now fully renovated. World leaders will be in attendance, but Pope Francis has declined the invitation. President elect Trump will be there, after apparently accepting a pleading invitation by the French President. As the old saying goes, “the children of this world are in their generation wiser than the children of light.”

The political and economic crises are even worse in Germany which has been the EU’s main anchor for much of its life. After the collapse of the governing (traffic-light) coalition in November, elections have been scheduled for 23 February 2025. The elections will be held under a new hybrid (single constituency and proportional) system that has made the results and the shape of the next government quite unpredictable.

With Germany and France in crisis, the EU is not at all in position to respond to Trump. And Trump will have welcoming allies in Italy’s Giorgio Meloni and the Hungarian strongman Viktor Orban. Besides its own tariff fears, the EU’s bigger problem is avoiding being caught in the crossfire of tariffs between the US and China. EU and NATO will also have to come to terms with whatever Trump comes up for Ukraine. What is mostly expected now is a potential peace agreement through the personal agencies of Trump, Putin and Zelensky.

India is “less concerned about a second Trump term than many other US allies and partners,” according to Tanvi Madan writing in Foreign Affairs. Foreign Minister Jaishankar has said that India “always had a positive political relationship with Trump,” and that Trump in turn “has also had a positive view of India.” New Delhi has also dissociated itself from potential de-dollarisation plans by BRICS countries. A specific upshot of the Trump presidency for the Modi government could be an easing of the heat from Washington over the Modi government’s alleged involvement in the targeted attacks, including murder, against Sikh individuals in the US and Canada.

As world leaders recalibrate their governments to Trump’s second coming, Sri Lanka will have to chart its own course to navigate the choppy waters around it. Sri Lanka does not have to do anything grand by way of either the non-alignment of old or the all-alignment of Modi’s India. If the new government can competently manage its internal political challenges, it does not have to do anything more than keeping Sri Lanka’s trade channels open to expand its exports and settle its debts.

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Break-up of the United Front coalition, foreign guests and traveling with Mrs. B

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Kenneth Kaunda

President Kaunda’s attempt to get Mrs. B to initiate a singsong

(Excerpted from the autobiography of MDD Peiris, Secretary to the Prime Minister)

The end of January saw the arrival of President Kenneth Kaunda of Zambia and his party. We were involved with the usual organizational and logistical arrangements relevant to such important occasions, as well as preparations and participation at the talks. With the Non-Aligned Conference approaching, President Kaunda’s visit was particularly important in relation to the discussions of African opinion and issues.

The Prime Minister had arranged an impressive state dinner in honour of the visiting President and party at President’s House in the Fort, with soft music provided by the Navy band. President Kaunda was jovial and relaxed, and very soon he and his delegation which included the Foreign Minister and other distinguished personalities, were clapping to the tune of the music. At the end of the dinner, after the speeches and toasts, President Kaunda got up and whilst thanking the Prime Minister again for a memorable evening called upon his delegation to stand and sing an African song, the name of which he suggested. Soon we were treated to a beautiful and haunting song sung by a number of deep baritone voices, with the visiting President outstanding. A very relaxed President Kaunda was trying to encourage the Prime Minister to initiate singing on our side. But one could see that she was somewhat shy. Altogether, it was a lovely evening.

There were other important visits during 1975. In July, President Echeverria of Mexico arrived. This visit was again, important from the point of view of a discussion on Non-Alignment and other international and bilateral issues. This visit was followed by the arrival of the Yugoslav Prime Minister in September, again extremely important, due to the impending Non-Aligned Conference, where President Tito was expected to play an important role. In November, the Secretary General of the Commonwealth Sonny Ramphal arrived. There were discussions, followed by a public lecture he delivered at the BMICH. He was an excellent speaker.

The middle of December witnessed the arrival of Prime Minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto of Pakistan. He was polished, bright and an excellent speaker. The discussions were interesting and thorough and included the situation arising from the break up of Pakistan. In between these visits we had a number of other dignitaries visiting Sri Lanka, including Deputy Ministers from various countries and the Rt. Hon. Malcolm Macdonald of Britain. We therefore had much to do on the international front. In addition, preparations for the Non-Aligned Conference were now taking up a significant portion of our time.

The break-up of the coalition

On the domestic front a momentous change occurred. In September 1975, came the final break with the LSSP and that party left the government. As my previous comments would have indicated, this was not a sudden break. The interaction of personalities and issues in a negative direction was gradually leading towards this situation. There were undoubtedly differences that surfaced in many areas including constitutional matters; economic polices; nationalization issues and the pace and timing of policies that were even agreed upon.

But in the end, what I saw from my vantage point at least, was a serious problem of personal relations. In this, the Minister of Plantation Industries, and Constitutional Affairs Dr. Colvin R.de Silva, was an exception. He projected an image of propriety, reasonableness and courtliness, which the Prime Minister appreciated. The Minister of Communications, Hon. Leslie Goonewardena was a silent person by nature. He didn’t speak much, but the Prime Minister thought he was hard line. The fact that the stormy Vivienne Goonewardena, M.P. was his wife did not improve matters. There was a problem of chemistry.

The biggest problem, however, was Dr. N.M. Perera, the Minister of Finance. A D.Sc. from the London University, he was conscious of his intellectual standing. Unfortunately, in his dealings with the Prime Minister, he conveyed a sense of intellectual arrogance and even condescension. Whenever an argument occurred, he appeared to be talking down to the Prime Minister. The Prime Minister had no intellectual pretensions. But she was by now a seasoned politician and a charismatic leader, intelligent, quick on the uptake and much respected at home and abroad.

It was a serious error to treat her as some kind of lightweight. It was a personality flaw, which led to serious repercussions. This was amply demonstrated by the following reference in a statement made by the Prime Minister on the LSSP leaving the government. “There is another matter on which I should say a few words and that is, that unity within the United Front could only be possible on the basis of the acceptance of the leadership of the Prime Minister who is also the acknowledged leader of the United Front. I regret to say that during the last five years there have been several instances of reluctance to accept this fundamental necessity, particularly on the part of the Minister of Finance, who is the leader of the LSSP, as well as on the part of the Minister of Transport, perhaps to a lesser extent. I have with me several letters and documents which support this.” In the end, it was a collapse of chemistry.

This is not to say that Dr. Perera was some kind of boor. He was in many ways quite charming and a gentleman. I remember the occasion when I had invited him, in my capacity as the President of the Government Services’ Cricket Association to the distribution of shields and awards to the winners and runners up of the various Divisions under which the tournament was conducted. I did not invite him because he was Minister of Finance. I did so because of his background as a fine cricketer; a former President of the Board of Control for Cricket in Sri Lanka and as President of the Nondescripts Cricket Club (NCC) one of the leading Cricket Clubs in the country.

He graciously accepted the invitation, but fairly close to the date of the ceremony came down with pneumonia. I kept in touch with Sena Gunasekera his Private Secretary, because in case he could not come I had to invite someone else. Sena always replied that Dr. Perera said that he would somehow come and not let me down. I was quite touched by this. However, I told Sena to remind him that the function was to take place in the cool of a December evening, out in the open, since group photographs had to be taken, and in view of his bout of pneumonia, I would not advice the Minister to come. But Dr. Perera was determined to come, and in fact he did come wearing his customary suit and a thick pullover. Such was the graciousness of Dr. Perera.

The problem was, that at this time he appeared to be subject to considerable mood swings, from absolute charm at one end, to anger and asperity at the other. At the same time, he was quite a sport having the ability to laugh at a joke or barb directed against him. A classic instance of this was when the Cabinet was debating the issue of our de-linking from Sterling and linking the Rupee to a basket of currencies. The Cabinet Secretary told me of the most amusing episode that occurred at this meeting.

Dr. N.M. Perera as the Minister of Finance had given a most erudite lecture on this complex subject to his Cabinet colleagues reciting in the process economic history, explaining the workings of the gold standard, the current economic thinking of floating currencies, exchange rates, etc. Now everybody was aware that for quite sometime Dr. Perera was being lampooned in the press as “the golden brains.” At the conclusion of his learned lecture, there had been dead silence in the Cabinet. It had been evident that it had gone over the heads of many.

After the moment of silence, one Minister had stood up. He was dressed in white cloth and the flowing banian, of what we loosely term “the National dress.” The Minister was Hon. TB Tennekoon, Minister of Social Services, a Sinhala poet and excellent Sinhala speaker who did not pretend to know too much English. Mr. Tennekoon had addressed himself to the Prime Minister and said, “Madam Prime Minister, I did not understand a word of what the Finance Minister said. I think he referred several times to gold. All I know is that all the gold is abroad, but the brains are here!” This was vintage TB Tennekoon. It was a telling comment on “the golden brains.” The Cabinet had roared with laughter, the Minister of Finance being among the loudest. Such was the complex personality of Dr. Perera.

It would be unfair if I were to create the impression that among other things, Dr. Perera’s personality was almost the sole or principal factor that led to the breach with the LSSP. In my view, the Prime Minister must also share at least part of this responsibility. Those were days of very stringent Exchange Controls and the government did not favour much foreign travel. There also existed at this time a cumbersome process of obtaining “Exit Permits,” in order to leave the country. In this environment the Prime Minister was very strict about her Ministers traveling abroad. In fact she was too strict, and this was causing considerable irritation.

She also liked to check whether the Ministers were back on the day they had stated they would return. I remember an occasion when an indignant Prime Minister called me and asked me to check whether her Minister of Posts & Telecommunications, Mr. Kumarasuriar, was back from his visit abroad, because he had promised to return the previous day. When I checked I found that he was due the next day, that is, one and half days later than originally planned. The Prime Minister was quite upset at this.

I told her that she was being too strict with her Ministers on matters like this and that these were not major infringements. Sometimes a plane could be delayed, or there could be some other matter, which could cause a small delay. She was not prepared to agree with me. I told her that this was causing considerable irritation among her Ministers. She disagreed. She thought that they should be more responsible. I enjoyed complete freedom of speech with her, and on one occasion I told her “Madam, you are acting like the Principal of a school dealing with some errant pupils.” She enjoyed that.

This kind of thing unfortunately caused a degree of irritation and frustration among members of her Cabinet, more so in the case of persons such as Dr. N.M. Perera, who would have found these Prime Ministerial interventions carping, somewhat demeaning, and unnecessary in the case of someone of his stature. In the end, the break-up was accelerated as a result of personality conflicts and a rapidly eroding understanding and trust among the two main coalition parties. There was stubbornness on both sides, and once there is a diminution of trust even small matters tend to get magnified, and when there were two interpretations possible of a given matter, the more negative one tended to be given credence.

With the break up of the coalition, there was a Cabinet reshuffle, and once again, we were spending hours on the allocation of the new Departments, Subjects and Functions to Ministers. We also had to work on a major statement to Parliament by the Prime Minister on the reconstitution of the government.

1976, was quite hectic. The Prime Minister had to undertake a number of foreign visits. Elections were approaching in 1977 and there were many domestic political and economic issues that engaged her time and attention. Besides, the Non-Aligned Summit was due to take place in August, and the preparations for it were quite formidable.

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ANANDA COOMARASWAMY: HIS CONTRBUTION TO UNDERSTANDING ART

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Krishna and his flute, ca. 1740., Jammu, Punjab. Acquired by Coomaraswamy in 1917, and part of the Ross-Coomaraswamy Collection at the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston.

BY D.B.T. Kappagoda

Dr. Ananda Kentish Coomaaswamy was not an Indian by birth but in his writings he showed more than any scholar of his time that he had a wider understanding of the cultural heritage of India than most. He was the only child of Sir Muthu Coomaraswamy and English mother Elizabeth Clay Beeby, and he was born at Rhineland Place in Kollupitiya, on August 22, 1871.

His father Sir Muthu Coomaraswamy was the first non-Christian to be called to the English Bar and the first Asian Knighted by Queen Victoria, was a popular figure among the socialites in London and he also enjoyed the company of Lord Palmerston, Lord Tennyson and Benjamin Disraeli who portrayed him as Kusinara in one of his novels.

In Sri Lanka he was a leading member of the Legislative Council and he was responsible for the establishment of the Colombo Museum in 1871. He was well versed in Western classics as well as Pali, Sanskrit, Sinhala and Tamil. He translated Dhatavamsa (History of the Sacred Tooth relic of the Buddha) from Pali into English.

When his son Ananda was almost two years old, Sir Muthu Coomaraswamy died. And his son was brought up by his mother in England and sent to school, Wycliff College Stonehouse in Gloucestershire and later he entered University of London and graduated in Natural Sciences, Botany and Geology.

In 1903 he was appointed as the Director of Mineralogical Survey in Sri Lanka and served till 1907. His contribution to geology in Sri Lanka won him the Degree of Science of the London University, and later he was elected a Fellow.

During his official duties, he travelled widely across the country in search of minerals and in 1903 he discovered two minerals Serendibite and Thorianite at Gangapitiya in Gampola. The first discovery Serendibite was a new borosilicate which he described, “It was a beautiful blue colour discovered in narrow contact zones between acid moonstone bearing granulite and limestone which occur in alternating bonds at Gangapitiya.”

Thoriamite, the second mineral he discovered is a cubic mineral of high specific gravity which analysis proved to be a side of Thoriam and Uranium. The cubes were small (2/3 inch) and the colour is dark brown. The importance of this mineral is derived from its radio active properties.

During his travels around Kandy in search of minerals, he had the opportunity of visiting villages known for traditional arts and crafts. The age old arts and crafts practiced by the artisans threw new light on different aspects of Sinhalese culture.

The information he gathered went into his monumental book Medieval Sinhalese Art which he published in England in 1908. He compiled the manuscript with the help of his German wife Ethel Mary and published it at his expense under his supervision at the Essex House Press, Broad Campden Chapel in Gloucestershire.

The first impression of this compendium with 425 copies hand bound began its printing in September and was completed in 1908.The publication of his magnum opus has been hailed by scholars as a landmark for the revival of arts and culture of the Sinhalese.

The success of his maiden effort was due to his ability as a scholar to delve into the source to gather information objectively. Explaining the reason for him to write his book said, “It is a memorial of a period which the Sinhalese people were not willing to understand their cultural heritage.”

And, he added, “It is only to realize the ideals of the past, the possibility of a time recognition and revitalizing the national heritage of the Sinhalese.” According to his assessment the art of the Sinhalese medieval period was religious art and essentially the art of the people whose kings were one with religion and people.

He opined that the Sinhalese art is Indian in Character, hence there is a close affinity between Sri Lankan and Indian art. The studies he made revealed that Sri Lanka as “a perfect window through which to gaze on India’s past than any can find in India itself.”

Ananda Coomaraswamy, two years prior to his writing the Medieval Sinhalese Art said that he had a special interest in Sinhalese art and culture and he found in them a survival of the Aryan past and early Persian artistic traditions. Therefore for the preservation of art lost elsewhere, we owe our artisans much, for otherwise the world would be vastly poor in interest and ideals.

The first essay he wrote ‘Dance of Shiva’ displayed his artistic sensibility and sense of sublime, whereas Rabindranath Tagore pioneered the cultural experiment of Manipuri dancing at Shantiniketan. His creative writings include: History of Indian and Indonesian Painting and Rajput Painting are important for those who study art. His earlier book, Indian Dancing Mirror of Gestures, he wrote with the assistance of D. Gopala Krishnamacharia and his other notable book was Myths of Hindus and Buddhists he wrote in collaboration with Sister Nandita.

Dr. Ananda Kentish Coomaaswamy

In 1943 he published ‘Why exhibit Works of Art’ showing his profound scholarship interpreting the Indian thought on art. Writing on Indian leaders he said, “Our leaders are already degenerated as Macauly could have been, wished them to be a class of persons Indian in blood and colour, morals and intellect because they have yet to discover India….”

The discriminate imposition of western civilization disturbed him and he wrote. “A single generation of English education succeeded in breaking the thread of tradition and caused nondescript and superficial beings depraved of roots….”

The close affinity of Indian and Sri Lankan cultures he found, “the curved boundary of leaf or stem or scroll has always a peculiar character of life and crispness not often sinking into more roundness or softness.” He also added, “Every stem and leaf of the liya vela ornaments of Ceylon and in details of South Indian architectural decoration is never realistic but based on observations or ideal forms.”

These curved forms of ornamentation were used by the Sinhalese craftsmen to depict energy and growth. According to Ananda Coomaraswamy, Sinhalese art is essentially Indian in outlook and Hindu in character. He found Kandyan art as a branch of Indian and the Kandyan architecture is similar to that of Kerala.

The folk art of the Sinhalese especially practiced by women is related to the motif and ritual of the embroidered Kantha of Bengal and this affinity helped to assess the Indian culture in true perspective.

He urged the Indian students studying overseas not to lose their culture, tradition and also identity and wrote on the political thought on spiritual power in theory of government. He also actively associated with a number of learned bodies in the East and West. He knew English, French, German, Latin, Greek Sanskrit, Pali, Sinhalese and Tamil.

He then abandoned his scientific research and devoted himself to the study of the arts and cultures of India and Sri Lanka, and published two monographs: The aims of Indian art, and Bronzes from Ceylon.

In 1905, he formed the Ceylon Reform Society to stress the great social and national traditions of the Sinhalese people and gave lectures and also wrote articles in the Ceylon National Review, of which he was its first Editor. He was the first to urge the use of National languages Sinhala and Tamil in education, and the preservation of indigenous arts and culture for posterity and modes of living.

He actively supported the agitation of his cousin Sir Ponnambalam Ramanathan for the establishment of a Ceylon University. He finally resigned from the post of Director of Mineralogical Survey in 1907 and settled down in England but time and again visited India and Sri Lanka and had a close relationship with Rabindranath Tagore.

In 1910, he founded the Indian Society in London to provide a better appreciation of Greater India in the West. He wanted to have a museum built in Varanasi and donate his collection of artifacts to the government and people. Since there was no such prospects from the Indian government, he left for the USA in 1915 where he was appointed as Research Fellow at the Boston Museum of Fine Arts and later he became its curator of the Indian and Eastern section of the museum.

Under his guidance and supervision the Boston Museum acquired some of the finest collection of exhibits and he held this post until his retirement three months prior to his demise on September 9, 1947.

He lived to witness the dawn of Indian independence in 1947. During the last 15 years of the illustrious life he led from 1931 to 1947, he worked unceasingly devoting his time to writings. His publications were voluminous – more than 500 monographs including translations, critical evaluations on art and culture of India. The other writing of his cover a wide range of aspects of historical, sociological, philosophical and in the field of metaphysics.

In spite of his fame and recognition among the literati he remained modest about writing about himself saying “anything personal must not intrude in my work. It would be Aswargya to allow such things…..not I the I that I am but he is the part in me that should interest you.”

After his demise his wife Dona Luisa who edited some of his books he had almost finished, visited India in 1964, like a true Ardhanagi (partner) with his ashes to fulfill his last wish.

(DBT Kappagoda, No.221/3, Pallegunnepana, Polgolla)

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