Features
UN endures, but in the shadow of big powers

Decades on, the UN endures but its dilemmas as regards the major powers continue unresolved. The latest development in international politics that helped highlight this problem is the Russian invasion of Ukraine in February this year. It is plain to see that the UN is helpless in the face of the invasion in which human costs in particular are staggering.
Reservations notwithstanding, the more sensible sections of world opinion would readily agree that the UN, which celebrated yet another anniversary of its establishment on October 24 this year, is doing a commendable job particularly in terms of helping millions of ordinary people all over the world through its specialized agencies. No thinking individual would disagree with the sentiment that the UN should live long and continue to be of service to humans everywhere.
However, there is no denying that the UN faces an uphill task on the question of bringing peace to the world’s conflict and war zones and in establishing its authority over such areas. For instance, the majority of UN member states have decried the Russian invasion of Ukraine and called for the withdrawal of Russian troops from the relevant theatre of war, but this call has gone unheeded by Russia.
The international community’s helplessness on this score extends to the crucial organ which is the UN Security Council, where initiatives to denounce the Russian invasion and bring normalcy to Ukraine consensually are being vetoed by Russia and its close ally China. Consequently, the blood-letting in Ukraine continues. Big power politics, thus, render the UN an almost passive onlooker of the compounded tragedy which is Ukraine.
The UN’s seeming inner paralysis in the face of big power armed intervention in the trouble spots of the global South in particular has been clearly manifest over the past few decades. Western armed interventions in Afghanistan and Iraq, for example, were clear violations of the sovereignty of the states concerned, but the UN proved helpless in the face of these violations of International Law. However, UN specialized agencies, such as the FAO, the WHO and UNICEF, to name just three such bodies, have been bringing relief to the populations concerned and this is a notable victory for humanity.
There are no immediate or simplistic solutions to this tangle of the big powers continually frustrating the peace-making capabilities of the UN. However, the question needs to be asked as to whether the current Permanent Members of the UN Security Council are accurately reflective of the prevailing international distribution of power. Even a cursory assessment of current global power configurations would reveal that this is not so. Considering that many more countries have reached big power status over the past three decades, it could be said that the UNSC, as it stands, fails to mirror prevailing international power realities.
Clearly, India should be a Permanent Member of the UNSC, considering its multi-dimensional strengths, and the same goes for Brazil. If these states are inducted into the UNSC, India would be in a position to represent the interests of South Asia, while Brazil could do so in the case of Latin America. However right now, the composition of the UNSC is such that it could be said to represent predominantly the interests of the West, while other important geographical regions wield little or no influence within the organ.
China and Russia, it could be argued, are well-positioned to represent Southern interests within the UNSC but they suffer from the deficiency of being authoritarian states. Whether they could be effective advocates of the crucial interests of the ordinary people of the South is open to question. Hopefully, they would prove this columnist wrong on this score.
Accordingly, UN reform needs to be speeded up in view of the fact that the current composition of the UNSC is not fully representative of the present international distribution of power. The potential of the UNSC to ensure global peace and security equitably would be strengthened through a widening of the organ’s membership to include those countries that have reached major power status over the years, while remaining representative democracies.
This urgent reform measure could go some distance in rectifying the unrepresentative nature of the UNSC. This process is bound to be controversy-ridden and long drawn out, but it needs to be gone ahead with.
Going forward, the UN would need to figure out as to how it could more effectively protect the sovereign rights of the people in those countries under authoritarian governance or in those states where democratic institutions are weak and not well entrenched. This is particularly true of Myanmar and Afghanistan. The UN has done well to ensure the wellbeing of the people of these democratic-deficit countries to the best of its ability but how does it intend to strengthen the people’s self-governing rights in such crisis-hit states?
The UN would need to evolve answers to posers such as this in the days ahead if it intends to remain relevant and vibrant in the international system. No longer could the response be made that these questions relate to the internal affairs of countries and so the international community should steer clear of these states, because people are being subjected to immense suffering by the relevant authoritarian and anti-democratic regimes on a continuous basis. It is not possible for the UN and kindred sections of the world to ‘look the other way’ in the face of the horrors being unleashed on civilian publics in these repressive states.
Maybe the UN could think in terms of redoubling its efforts to nurture in incoming generations worldwide respect for democratic values and institutions. More and more UN-led public education programs need to be geared to these aims. The UN could be proactively involved in such medium to long term projects, thereby ensuring the emergence of politicians and decision-makers in particularly Southern states who would be promoters and sustainers of democratic governance.
However, in the short term the UN would need to take on itself the task of initiating and facilitating the clamping of economic sanctions on anti-democratic and anti-people regimes. It would need to do this in consultation with those states that are vibrantly democratic. Besides, the UN should look at ways of isolating those regimes that are adamantly anti-democratic and repressive. These, no doubt, are huge, complex challenges but delays could prove fatal for the democratic way of life.
Features
Eurovision 2025: Austria wins with last-minute vote

Austrian singer JJ has won the Eurovision Song Contest in Basel, Switzerland, after a nail-biting finish that saw him topple Israel from pole position at the very last minute.
The 24-year-old, who is a counter-tenor at the Vienna State Opera, took the title with the song Wasted Love, a tempestuous electro-ballad about unrequited love.
“Thank you so much for making my dreams come true,” he said as he accepted the coveted glass microphone trophy. “Love is the strongest force in the world, let’s spread more love.”
The singer scored 436 points, with Israel in second place on 357 and Estonia third on 356.
Eurovision 2025: The top five contestants
- Austria: JJ – Wasted Love
- Israel: Yuval Raphael: New Day Will Rise
- Estonia: Tommy Cash – Espresso Macchiato
- Sweden: KAJ – Bara Bada Bastu
- Italy: Lucio Corsi – Volevo Essere Un Duro

The Austrian said his whole family had arrived to support him at the contest, including his 85-year-old grandfather, and a four-month-old niece, who watched outside with his brother.
It is the third time Austria has won the contest, with previous victories going to Udo Jürgens’ Merci, Cherie in 1966; and Conchita Wurst with Rise Like a Phoenix in 2014. JJ was inspired to take part in Eurovision by Conchita.
The singer had always been one of the favourites to win, but the most hotly-tipped contestants were Sweden’s KAJ – whose tongue-in-cheek ode to sauna culture, Bara Bada Bastu, ultimately took fourth place.
Speaking after the show, JJ said he was “so pleased” that viewers had connected with his story of heartache.
“I wanted to let them have an insight on my deepest soul [and] how I felt when we wrote the song.”
“What I’m trying to commit [to] is that there’s no wasted love. There’s so much love that we can spread around. It’s the strongest force on planet earth.”
Asked how he would celebrate, he replied: “Honestly, I need to sleep now. I’m tired.”

For the second year in a row, there was controversy over Israel’s participation, with protestors arguing for the country’s dismissal over its military action in Gaza.
Pro-Palestinian protests took place on the streets of Basel in the hours before the contest.
Later, a man and a woman were prevented from invading the stage during Israel’s performance.
“One of the two agitators threw paint and a crew member was hit,” said Swiss broadcaster SRG SSR in a statement to the BBC.
“The crew member is fine and nobody was injured.
“The man and the woman were taken out of the venue and handed over to the police.”
The performance, by young singer Yuval Raphael, was unaffected.
The 25-year-old is a survivor of the Hamas attacks of 7 October, 2023, an experience which coloured her delicate ballad, New Day Will Rise.
The Israeli delegation said Raphael was left “shaken and upset” by the incident, but that it was “extremely proud” of her performance “which represented Israel in a respectful manner”.

Elsewhere, Eurovision was its usual explosion of high camp, sexual innuendo and dresses being removed to reveal smaller, tighter dresses.
Malta’s Mariana Conte was forced to rewrite her disco anthem Serving Kant to remove what sounded like a swear word – but performed the censored version with a knowing wink, safe in the knowledge the audience would fill in the blanks.
Although it was a fan favourite, Conte could only manage 17th.
Estonia’s Tommy Cash, who came third, also kept the innuendo train running, with Espresso Macchiato, a caffeinated disco anthem featuring the unforgettable phrase: “Life is like spaghetti, it’s hard until you make it.”
Another highlight was Finland’s Erika Vikman, who dispensed with double entendres entirely on Ich Komme, a vibrant hymn to sexual pleasure.
The singer ended her performance by taking flight on a giant phallic microphone that shot sparks into the air.
It thrust her into 11th position, and a permanent place in the Eurovision pantheon.
The contest also dealt with more weighty subjects like economic migration (Portuguese rock band Napa) and environmental catastrophe (Latvia’s Tautumeitas, who scored 12 points from the UK jury).
Dutch singer Claude delivered a heartfelt tribute to his mother in C’est La Vie – an upbeat anthem that reflected on her positivity as she uprooted the family from their home country of the Democratic Republic of Congo as a child.
In a touching climax, the 21-year-old danced with an image of his childhood self in a mirror on the stage.

Also reflecting on their childhood was French singer Louane, whose tearjerking ballad was dedicated to her mother, who died of cancer when she was 17.
In one of the night’s most striking performances, she was surrounded by a whirlwind of sand as she hollered the word “mother” over and over again.
One of the favourites to win, it ended the night in seventh place, after receiving a disappointing 50 points from the public.
JJ’s performance was similarly dramatic. Shot entirely in black and white, it saw him being tossed around on a rickety boat, as waves (of emotion) threatened to consume him.
An honourable mention also goes to Italy’s Lucio Corsi, whose harmonica solo in Volevo Essere Un Duro marked the first time a live instrument has been played at Eurovision since 1998.

The UK spent a third year in the bottom half of the leaderboard, despite a spirited performance from girl group Remember Monday.
A group of friends who met at high school, their inventive pop song What The Hell Just Happened? drew on their many years of experience in West End theatre.
The girls pulled off their tricky three-part harmonies while dancing around a fallen chandelier, but the performance didn’t connect with voters.
Despite earning a healthy 88 points from juries – including 12 from Italy – it bombed with viewers.
They ended in 19th place, one below last year’s entrant Olly Alexander.
The group laughed off their “nul points” score from the public, holding up peace signs and hugging each other as the score was announced.

The voting was utter chaos.
Thirteen of the 26 finalists received the maximum of 12 points from at least one jury, leaving the competition completely open before the public vote was counted.
Israel, who had been languishing in the bottom half of the table, then received 297 points from the public (out of a possible maximum of 444). Twelve of those points came from the UK.
For a while, it looked like Yuval Raphael’s lead might be unassailable – but Austria’s tally of 178 was the last to be announced, leaving the singer empty-handed.
And spare a thought for Switzerland.
Their contestant, Zoë Më, was in second place after the jury vote, with 214 points. Then the public gave her the night’s only other zero-point score.
To gasps in the arena, her song Voyage was demoted to 10th place.
There was disappointment, too, for fans of Canadian singer Céline Dion, who had been rumoured to appear at the contest.
The singer won Eurovision for Switzerland in 1988, and had appeared in a video wishing the contestants good luck at Tuesday’s semi-final.
Despite hopes from Eurovision organisers that she might turn up, the moment never came to pass.
[BBC]
Features
After Anura, Namal?

“…if this isn’t happening, what is?” Carolina De Robertis (The President and the Frog)
José Mujica, the poorest president in the world, died this week. As a young activist he had joined the Marxist Tupamaros guerrilla movement and was imprisoned for 14 years, most of it in a hole in a ground where he befriended ants and a frog to stay sane. During his five years as Uruguay’s president, he continued to live in his ramshackle farmhouse-home with his wife and three-legged dog Manuela, went about driving his old Volkswagen car, and donated most of his salary to charities.
Since the Uruguayan constitution does not permit consecutive presidential terms, Mr. Mujica bowed out in 2015. Despite a 70% popularity rate, he didn’t consider another presidential run. In one of his final interviews, he criticised left-wing presidents of Nicaragua and Venezuela for clinging to power and wondered at comeback attempts by Cristian Kirchner of Argentina and Evo Morales of Bolivia. “How hard it is for them to let go of the cake,” he marvelled ((https://www.france24.com/en/live-news/20241129-we-re-messing-up-uruguay-icon-mujica-on-strongman-rule-in-latin-america).
Not wanting to ‘let go of the cake,’ is a political norm in today’s Sri Lanka. “Politicians never retire from politics,” Mahinda Rajapaksa said in 2024 (https://www.instagram.com/dailymirrorlk/reel/DBLMDBtsP82/). ). He had done more than most to set that trend in motion. Up until 2005, presidents retired after completing their two terms. President Rajapaksa removed the two-term provision in 2010, contested for a third term in 2015, lost, and, instead of retiring, contested the general election becoming an ordinary parliamentarian.
Anything to keep even a sliver of the cake.
“Attachment is the root of suffering,” The Buddha warned (https://suttacentral.net/mn105/en/sujato?lang=en&layout=plain&reference=none¬es=asterisk&highlight=false&script=latin). When political leaders become attached to power, the suffering becomes nationalised. For instance, had JR Jayewardene not been so intent on maintaining power, there would have been no 1982 Referendum and all the ills which followed.
Mr. Jayewardene wanted power for himself and his party. Mahinda Rajapaksa’s attachment to power is dynastic. He wants power, if not for himself, then for an immediate family member. In 2019, this gave us Gotabaya Rajapaksa. In 2029, it might give us Namal Rajapaksa.
Namal Rajapaksa replacing his father and uncles as the public face of the SLPP doesn’t mean any change in the feudal ethos underlying Rajapaksa politics. The party remains a fief and its activists continue to be vassals. A short You Tube video shot at a local government election meeting in Moneragala symbolises this continuity. In it, young Namal, dressed like his father, descends a long flight of stairs to be worshipped by two young men (possibly candidates). Their backs and heads are bent, their hands pressed together. Mr Rajapaksa is unembarrassed by this display of servility. On the contrary, he seems to be accepting it as his due, a crown prince being venerated by his future subjects (https://www.youtube.com/shorts/_BsTCv6H-bY).
Commenting on our economic prospects, the World Bank said, “Despite the recovery in 2024, medium-term growth is expected to remain modest, reflecting the scarring effects of the crisis…” (Sri Lanka Development Update 2025). That unprecedented crisis birthed two unimaginable outcomes, Ranil Wickremesinghe and Anura Kumara Dissanayake presidencies. Both outcomes were impossible under normal circumstances. At the 2020 general election, Ranil Wickremesinghe had lost his own seat and the NPP/JVP had gained just 3% of the vote. Without President Gotabaya, there wouldn’t have been a President Ranil or a President Anura.
Will the ineptitude of the Dissanayake administration open the door to another unthinkable – a Namal Rajapaksa presidency?
Underwhelming governance
The NPP/JVP administration is yet to spawn a major scandal on par with the innumerable Rajapaksa outrages or the bond scam. Most of its wrongs are of a relatively minor order, more peccadillos than crimes. Yet these delinquencies, together with an absolute genius for sloppiness, are earning for it a reputation of bumbling ineptitude.
Think of that monkey census. Or those May Day buses illegally parked on the Southern Highway. Or the silly sayings of Nalin Hewage, Chatura Abeysinghe, and Nilanthi Kottahachchi.
The Asoka Ranwala saga is emblematic of the aura of maladroitness that is plaguing the NPP/JVP administration. Five months after that needless (indeed infantile) doctorate affair, Mr. Ranwala is yet to produce his PhD certificate from his supposed alma mater. His silence on the matter is understandable. Not so the silence of the government. He continues to be not just a parliamentarian but also a member of the NPP’s executive committee. In fact, the official NPP website continues to list him as Dr Asoka Ranwala! (https://www.npp.lk/en/about). If the NPP cannot update its own website, how can it change a system, let alone create a New Man who embodies civic virtues and humanitarian values?
From l’affaire Ranwala to the chaotic scenes at the Tooth Relic exposition, the missteps of the NPP/JVP government become magnified because of the glaring difference between the party’s promise and the administration’s reality. In its desire to win, the NPP/JVP generated unrealistic and unrealisable expectations, building a pedestal for itself high to the point of perfection. Its inability to live up to those expectations, to remain on that pedestal is causing immense damage to its credibility. Going by the government’s dismal performance at the LG polls so soon after its soaring victory at the parliamentary election, voters feel disillusioned, even cheated. For a six-month old government, that is not a good place to be.
Add to this the government’s inexplicable inefficiency on matters large and small, despite having both the presidency and more than a two-thirds majority in parliament. The rice crisis is an obvious case in point. President Dissanayake went so far as to threaten rice oligopolists in public, on TV. Yet the oligopolists continue to retain the upper hand. Minister Saroja Paulraj’s insensitive attitude to the suicide of a 16-year old student is atrocious; even more unforgivable is the government’s inability to take any action against the tuition class owner (and NPP member) whose alleged public shaming was, reportedly, the immediate cause of that young girl’s suicide.
The missteps continue to multiply, from the prime minister’s intemperate remarks about breaking election laws ‘shape eke’ to limiting government’s weekly media briefings to those journalists registered with the Media Ministry (that ban kept out Shantha Wijesooriya despite his accreditations from the International Federation of Journalists and the Sri Lanka Working Journalists Association).
None of these needed to happen since they were not necessary for the government to maintain power. All of these could have been quenched with a few simple acts, starting with an apology. But they remain unattended and continue to fester, causing government serious reputational damage.
Little wonder the NPP/JVP lost 2.3million votes in under six months. Vote-haemorrhaging on such a scale is probably unprecedented in Lankan electoral history. The NPP/JVP not only lost the 1.2million votes it gained between presidential and parliamentary election; it also lost 1.1million votes from its presidential election score. If not staunched soon, this sort of bleeding cannot but lead to a dismal electoral death in 2029.
Perhaps the NPP/JVP’s greatest defeat is the stunning loss of confidence it suffered among Tamil and Muslim voters. Both communities abandoned the NPP/JVP and gravitated to their traditional parties in substantial numbers at the LG polls.
The government’s insensitivity and arrogance would have played a seminal role in this fall from electoral grace. Take, for instance, the March 2025 gazette stating that close to 6,000 acres of land in the Northern province will be taken over by the government if ownership is not confirmed within three months. The injustice and the discrimination of this proposed measure are palpable. The population in the Northern districts suffered grievously from the war, including destruction of property and displacement. Giving such a people just three months to prove ownership of land is a violation of natural justice. And such an unjust gazette targeting the Sinhala majority is unlikely to be issued by this or any other government. Little wonder Tamils felt disenchanted and a substantial number of them reverted to their traditional party loyalties.
The persecution of Muslims for opposing the war in Gaza was probably a key reason for the erosion of Muslim support. The arrest of 21-year-old Mohammad Rusdi for pasting an anti-Israeli sticker was obviously not an isolated incident. According to SJB parliamentarian Mujibur Rahman, a 31-year-old Muslim man in Eravur has been questioned for writing, Allah will protect Palestine, in a poem. And in Colombo, the police had gone to the house of an organiser of an anti-Israel demonstration, a Muslim, and asked him such question as why do you call Netanyahu a terrorist (he is worse, a genocider) and why demonstrate here when Palestinian children are killed? (Perhaps the new head of SL-Palestine Parliamentary Friendship Association Dr Sunil Senevi can give the police a brief lecture as to why the murder of children in their tens of thousands in Palestine or elsewhere touches us all?).
The government’s only remaining advantage is the opposition’s weakness. That weakness will enable the government to complete its five years. But it will not save the government from defeat in 2029.
Renaissance for the Rajapaksas?
According to the IHP’s SLOTS poll, electoral support for Gotabaya Rajapaksa began to diminish in January 2022. Initially, the beneficiary of this disenchantment was Sajith Premadasa, as the leader of the largest opposition party. By June, public opinion began to shift again, in the NPP’s favour. At first, a party with a mere 3% base beating the main opposition to win presidential and parliamentary polls seemed hardly credible. But as the NPP continued to shore up its support, that outcome began to look inevitable.
The possibility of a repeat performance in 2029 cannot be ruled out. Not with the SLPP more than tripling its vote haul and nearing the one million mark at the local government election in under six months.
The SLPP that might win in 2029 would be not just a Rajapaksa party but also a party which normalises corruption, again. Corruption was not a Rajapaksa creation. Far from it. But it was under Rajapaksa rule that corruption became accepted as an integral part of development itself, an acceptable price we citizens pay for development. Going by a recent public statement by SLPP heavyweight Janaka Tissakuttiarachchi, development through corruption would become a signature trait of a Namal Rajapaksa administration just as it was of Mahinda and Gotabaya Rajapaksa administrations. “There is nothing to hide,” Mr Tissakuttiarachchi told a campaign meeting proudly. “Some local government members would build a road with their friends and would take a profit of 5,000, 10,000 from those contractors. They didn’t buy a packet of milk for their children with that 5,000, 10,000. They took that 5,000, 10,000 to the funeral and the wedding in the village. And that person built himself. He used the development work given by Mr. Mahinda to build himself up, contest the next election, and win.”
As Canadian-American political commentator (and one-time speech-writer for the second President Bush) said of the Trump administration, bad character will become a job qualification under a president Namal just as it was under presidents Mahinda and Gotabaya.
According to the Democracy Perception Index 2025, Sri Lankans believe that the main purpose of democracy is to improve living standards ((https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=_nypzC0gt5c). This is a test the NPP government seems to be failing. If it cannot prevent a salt shortage and the skyrocketing of salt prices, there’s not much chance it can cause a real improvement in the living standards of ordinary Lankans. The promise to bring corrupt politicians to justice is beginning to seem like empty words, as does the boast to suppress underworld gangs and end the drug menace. If the government fails to upgrade its performance substantially by September, its image as ‘incompetent Tarzans’ (weda beri Tarzanla) will become set in stone.
When disenchantment leads to anger (and desire to teach the government a lesson for its false promises), the pendulum will swing as wildly as it did in 2024. It will stop not with Sajith Premadasa (whose verbosity conceals rather than reveals what he actually stands for) but move past him towards the anti-New Man and the natural guardian of the old system, Namal Rajapaksa.
by Tisaranee Gunasekara
Features
Trump accepts gift (grift) of $400 million flying palace from QATAR to replace “dilapidated” Air Force One

China calls Trump’s bluff on tariffs
At a recent interview with Kristen Walker on NBC’s Meet the Press, President Trump was asked, when the subject of due process was being discussed, “Don’t you, as the President of the United States, need to uphold its constitution?”
Trump, who had taken the oath to uphold the constitution on two presidential inaugurations, said, amazingly, “I don’t know”.
The foreign emoluments clause of Article 1, Section 9, Paragraph 8 of the Constitution states: “No title of Nobility shall be granted by the United States: And no person holding any office of Profit or Trust under them, shall, without the consent of Congress, accept any present, emolument, office, or any title, of any kind whatsoever, from any King, Prince or foreign state”.
Trump is at present on the first overseas trip of his second term, covering Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates and Qatar, nations where he has significant private business interests worth billions of dollars, in Trump Towers, golf courses and cryptocurrency deals; where the necessity of personally maintaining the geopolitical balance of these corrupt business deals, which have more than tripled since his first presidential term, takes precedence over any matters of national interest.
Matters of national interest like the pursuit of a peace process which will bring about the cessation of hostilities between Israel and the terrorist groups of Hamas and the Houthis, ending the ongoing genocide of the Palestinian people in Gaza. A humanitarian crisis surely of more urgency than meetings with sponsors of international corruption and terrorism, or a gift of a palace in the sky.
On the eve of the first overseas trip of his second term, Trump confirmed, once again, his apathy towards the constitution, when he decided to accept a $400 million luxury airplane as a gift from the Qatari royal family. A 13-year-old plane, hitherto used by the Emir of Qatar, touted as a palace in the sky. A palace, though considered not good enough for the Qatar royalty, and gifted basically as a 13-year-old hand-me-down to the President of the United States of America.
The gift is from Sheikh Tamim bin Hamad al Thani, a scion of the same royal family of Qatar Trump denounced in 2017 as the largest funder of terrorism in the middle east. Qatar has been a key supporter of terrorist groups, the Houthis and Hamas, giving them political and financial aid in excess of an estimated $1.8 billion during the past decade.
Trump justified the White House decision to accept the gift of the Jumbo Jet, to be used in place of the United States Air Force One, on the ingenuous argument that the gift was made to the United States Air Force, and not personally to him. Converting the Qatar-owned 747 Jet into a new Air Force One for President Trump would involve, according to aviation experts, stripping the plane to its foundations to ensure that it is security-bug free, and the installation of multiple top-secret security systems, that will cost the American taxpayer over one billion dollars and take years to complete. The installation of these new systems will cost far more than the estimated value of the “gift” of $400 million, and probably will not be completed before the end of Trump’s final, presidential term.
So why should Trump act against the constitution and accept a gift of a plane he probably will not be able use during his final presidential term? Because, according to the terms of this gift, the plane will be presented as an exhibit to the yet-to-be-built Trump Presidential Library at the end of his presidency. It will then be available for his personal use until his long-awaited demise, after which it will revert to the possession of the Trump family, ad infinitum.
Unlike the current Air Force One presidential plane, which will be used by his successor, if and when he leaves the White House.
White House press secretary Karoline Leavitt, who follows her boss in thumbing her nose at the constitution, said that “any gift given by a foreign government is always accepted in full compliance with all applicable laws. President Trump’s administration is committed to full transparency!” Attorney General Pam Bondi agrees, confirming that the Qatar gift is “legally permissible and not a bribe, because President Trump is not giving Qatar anything in return”.
Both Leavitt, Bondi and their boss do not seem to understand the significance of that age-old truism – “There’s nothing called a free lunch”. When a sponsor of terrorism gifts the United States a $400 million airplane, he surely would expect more than a sandwich in return!
However, there are rumblings of complaints from even the usually sycophantic Republican members of the House and Senate that may make Trump’s dream of owning a personal palace in the sky after his presidency most unlikely to result in a happy ending.
Prescription drugs
Trump has also decided to reduce the cost of prescription drugs to the levels of prices in every other developed nation. The idea came to him after a telephone call from London from a seriously overweight and highly neurotic business friend, a billionaire, who complained, “What the hell is going on, Mr. President? I am in London, and I just took my ‘fat-shot drug’, as he called it; and it cost me just $88. I pay $1,300 for the same drug in New York – same box, made at the same plant by the same manufacturer. You have to do something about it, Sir”.
Blessed with the svelte six-foot-three, 210-pounds figure of his dreams, Trump nevertheless shared the pain of his neurotic and obese friend. He decided to immediately address the issue, which he was surprised no one had thought of before. Only Trump pretended to be ignorant of the efforts of Democratic Senators Bernie Sanders, Elizabeth Warren and a host of progressive “woke” political leaders before them, who have been demanding the reform of the nation’s healthcare system, including the lowering of pricing of prescription drugs, for decades.
“I called the CEOs of some of the top drug companies, and asked them why drug prices are so high. They said, ‘Sir, it’s all the costs of research and development on which only American companies spend, and marketing costs; that’s why drugs cost so much in America’.
“So I told them – I suddenly thought of the word “equalization” – I bet no one has thought of this word before – I told them “You have to keep drug prices equal to those paid in other developed countries, get them to share in these research and development costs. I don’t care how you do it, but you have to sell these drugs at the same prices they are sold in other developed nations”.
Last Monday, Trump signed, with much fanfare, an Executive Order, instructing drug manufacturers to cut prices of their drugs from 58% to 90%, within six months. Unfortunately, although Trump is already calling this a fait accompli, a big win for an administration desperate for a win, there is no “or else” to this Executive Order. At the end of six months, nothing would have changed, no penalty levied.
Trump is fully aware that other administrations have made similar efforts to reduce drug prices, that the pharmaceutical companies will never reduce their prices – in six month or six years – as long as their lobbyists maintain control of the Republican politicians, who enjoy the majority in both the House and the Senate. Who, in turn, are controlled by Trump and the MAGA (Make America Great Again) cult.
In six months, Trump would have manufactured hundreds of new lies, addressing new scandals, and the public would have forgotten all about the lie of reduced drug prices. They would continue to pay the same high prices for drugs. And so the tried and proven Trump game of Deny, Distract and Delay will continue, until Americans wake up to the 21st century.
Citizens in other developed nations, who do live in the 21st century, often pay less than a tenth of the prices paid for the exact same drugs in the United States, because their governments manage universal healthcare systems. These governments negotiate the cost of drugs directly with the manufacturers, without having to contend with the enormous profits of the middlemen, the insurance and pharmaceutical companies, and, of course, bribes to crooked politicians.
Trump announces triumph in trade war by repudiating tariffs he had himself imposed on “Liberation Day”
Trump claimed yet another big win after his team led by Scott Bessent, Treasury Secretary, held negotiations with officials of the Chinese government over the weekend in Geneva, Switzerland. Secretary Bessent said. “We have reached agreement on a 90-day pause and substantially moved down tariff levels; both sides will move their reciprocal tariffs down by a whopping 115%”.
Given Trump’s mercurial personality, no one can be sure what new trade policies he will conjure up in 90 days.
The Chinese government has successfully called Trump’s “Liberation Day” bluff when he increased tariffs on Chinese imports to 145%. They have done so by ignoring Trump’s unilateral announcements of increased tariffs, but threatening retaliation to the bitter end. The Chinese do not make empty bluffs. The largest American retailers like Walmart and Target took the defiant attitude of the Chinese most seriously, and warned Trump that they will be facing empty shelves within weeks; smaller retailers were already consulting with bankruptcy lawyers in the full knowledge that they would have to close down their businesses by Christmas, if not sooner. Economists were predicting a 60% possibility of a recession within six months, entirely caused by the declaration of Trump’s trade war on April 2, now generally recognized as the “dumbest economic policy in decades”.
So Trump is now renegotiating tariffs, many at a disadvantage to the US from the rates that existed before Trump’s Liberation Day, when he announced the beginning of “trade independence that would make America rich again”. He is touting the reversal of his tariffs, a return to the status quo, having caused immense losses in the stock markets in the interim, as a tremendous win for his unparalleled excellence in the Art of the Deal.
Which takes us back to the tale of political satirist, Jon Stewart’s dog, who poops all over the carpet, and returns after a few days and eats the poop, leaving an indelible stain and a noisome stink. But he looks proudly at Stewart, as if to say, “Haven’t I been a good dog, the greatest dog you have ever seen?” This pathologically narcissistic, triumphant expression on the face of Jon Stewart’s dog, having partially cleaned up a mess of his own making, is the expression I see on Trump’s face whenever he announces his phony “accomplishments” on TV.
In a mere 100 days, Trump has transformed the economy he inherited from the Biden administration, headlined by The Economist of October 2024 as “The Envy of the World” to an economy of increased prices and rising rates of inflation, teetering on the brink of a recession.
by Kumar de Silva
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