Connect with us

Features

Towards secularism

Published

on

By Uditha Devapriya

Secularism is understood in different ways by different people. In Sri Lanka it has been seen, at various times, as an ideal to achieve, a foreign, invariably “Western” conspiracy to fight against, and a reality to adapt to. Like many words in the English language, it lends itself to multiple interpretations. The debates and discussions that has given rise to are not going to go away any time soon. Not surprisingly, both champions and critics of secularism have marshalled arguments in their favour. They defend themselves passionately, often without knowing what it is they are defending, and how best it can be defended.

Nowhere, I think, is this truer than the subject of secularism in our schools. A recent spate of articles, some of them appearing in this newspaper, have drawn our attention to the need to promote religious neutrality and multiculturalism in our secondary schools. These articles have focused on a recent trend, particularly in institutions that have been secular for more than a century, towards the enthronement of certain religious groups over others. Critics charge that by allowing such trends to continue, these institutions risk turning into religious enclaves, in contradiction to their secular character.

I find the case for secularism in our schools strong, strong enough, in fact, to not be put off by the case against it. But I also find most discussions around it somewhat problematic, for two reasons. First, there is a general lack of conceptual clarity regarding secularism, what it means and how best it can be implemented. Second, there is a lack of consensus about how far we should secularise our schools. In both instances we lack a proper framework. Such a framework should account for historical realities. Yet all too often, the model for secularism here tends to be imported from outside and imposed from above.

The first issue has to do with what secularism entails. Does it constitute an affirmation of religious tolerance or a rejection of religious values? Not long ago I was part of a group discussion on the topic. One participant argued that religion should be excluded from the syllabus, while another argued that it should be included. The majority in the group agreed with the latter. The bottom line was clear: not many will accept a form of secularism that rests on the rejection of religious values. Secularism thus cannot be viewed in opposition to religion, especially in a country that plays host to as many faiths as we.

Those pushing for secularism in our schools are critical of State patronage of certain religious groups. The campaign against such patronage has played out at various times for different reasons. One notable example would be the fight over government grants-in-aid in 19th century Ceylon. As historians of Sri Lanka’s education system like J. E. Jayasuriya have pointed out, the Catholic Church lobbied for greater State neutrality, while Protestant denominations lobbied for greater State patronage. The Catholic Church’s advocacy of State neutrality was rooted in widespread perceptions that the British government favoured the Church of England. However laudable, though, its vision of neutrality did not extend to non-Christian communities, since its aim remained, as with all missionary groups at that time, the conversion of indigenous communities to their gospel.

This shows that though far from a secular ideal, religious neutrality had the potential to bring together different bodies and institutions. Today the representatives of some of these groups argue against secularism, going as far as to equate secularism with the absence of morality and with the “decadent”, “materialist” culture of the West. This is a misconception, to be sure, but it has strengthened the case against doing away with religions instruction at our schools. In that sense, I think it would be more constructive to approach secularism from the perspective of neutrality rather than that of rejection.

But such an approach has its share of dilemmas too, and here we come to the second of our issues. Secularism as religious neutrality implies equal treatment of all faiths, which in Sri Lanka boils down to four groups: Buddhist, Hindu, Muslim, Christian. Yet what are we to make of those who argue that Buddhism is primus inter pares vis-à-vis other communities, and that its position must be reflected not just in schools, even the most avowedly secular ones, but also the country’s very Constitution? The Constitution accords to Buddhism the foremost place, though it assures equal treatment for all religions. Those in favour of the status quo say that Buddhism has suffered injustices for centuries, under successive colonial powers, and that these injustices justify its preeminent position today.

My critique of those advocating secularism, be it in schools or any other public space, is that these concerns have not been properly addressed. As Elizabeth Harris has shown us, Buddhism’s confrontation with Evangelical Christianity in 19th century Ceylon was mostly peaceful and peaceable. No attempt at understanding Buddhist nationalism, and the push against secularism by nationalist outfits today, would be enough without accounting for the way in which it was targeted, censured, and vilified by missionary bodies. This is a point Ecumenical groups have conceded in their dialogues with other faiths. Yet those pushing for religious neutrality in our public institutions have not done so, yet.

Secularism as is understood today, in that sense, must take account of two indisputable realities. The first is that it cannot and should not be viewed in opposition to religious values. At school level, this means that we cannot, however one looks at it, do away with religious instruction altogether. Secularism should instead be focused on religious neutrality. The second is that advocates of neutrality must constantly engage with and not reject arguments from the other side, of which the most historically grounded would be that local religions were discriminated against under colonialism and there is no reason why they should not be elevated, or promoted, in secular schools today, be it through the exhibition of icons or the holding of ceremonies at the expense of other communities.

Perhaps, the most insightful comment on these issues came from the recently retired Principal of Royal College. In a cogent response to another article, published in The Sunday Island last week, alleging that such schools were losing their secular character, he wrote that “students, parents, and teachers do not adequately understand what secularism is about” and that the first step towards rebuilding secular values would be to create awareness of those values.

This would obviously involve discussions with school and government officials. Such a campaign must incorporate arguments from the other side. The challenge would be to strike a balance between the two. I am not so pessimistic as to say this is impossible. Certainly, it will be tough. Yet once we achieve this balance, we can achieve a more organic, and historically grounded, model of secularism for all our public spaces.

The writer is an international relations analyst, independent researcher, and freelance columnist who can be reached at udakdev1@gmail.com.



Continue Reading
Click to comment

Leave a Reply

Your email address will not be published. Required fields are marked *

Features

Politics of Enforced Disappearances in Sri Lanka

Published

on

Image courtesy UNHRC

In 2016, I participated in research focused on gathering information about reconciliation mechanisms in post-war Sri Lanka. During one of the interviews, a Tamil mother, from the Eastern part of the country, broke into tears as she shared her story. Her son had disappeared, and, according to some of the neighbours, he was apparently abducted by a paramilitary group. Her story goes as follows: After hearing the news, she began searching for her son and went to the police station to file a case. However, police refused to file the case and directed her to a military camp. In the military camp, she was directed to an officer, who took her to a room with scattered flesh and blood stains. Then the officer, pointing to the room has told the lady that, ‘This is your son’.

In another instance, in the same year, while we were working in Kurunegala, an elderly mother, wearing a white saree, approached us and shared her story. She held a stained envelope, and when she carefully took out a piece of paper, related to her son, she broke into tears. She handled the paper with such tenderness, as though it were a part of her son himself. Her son was abducted by a para military group in 1989 and never returned.

These two stories have remained deeply etched in my mind for several years, leaving a lasting impact. Now, with the release of the Batalanda Commission Report, which sheds light on the atrocities committed during a dark chapter of Sri Lanka’s history, coupled with the release of the movie ‘Rani’, there is renewed attention on enforced disappearances. These disappearances, which were once shrouded in silence and denial, are now gaining significant traction among the public. Thus, it is timely to discuss the stories of enforced disappearances and the political dynamics surrounding them.

The Effect

Enforced disappearance is often employed as a strategy of terror, deliberately designed to instil fear and insecurity within a society. The tactic goes beyond the direct impact on the immediate family members of the disappeared individuals. The psychological and emotional toll on these families is profound, as they are left with uncertainty, grief, and often a sense of helplessness. However, the effects of enforced disappearance extend far beyond these immediate circles. It creates a pervasive atmosphere of fear that affects entire communities, undermining trust and cohesion. The mere threat of disappearance looms over the population, causing widespread anxiety and eroding the sense of safety that is essential for the social fabric to thrive. The fear it engenders forces people into silence, discourages activism, and ultimately weakens the collective spirit of resistance against injustice.

Absence of the body

For years, the families and loved ones of the disappeared hold on to a fragile hope, clinging to the belief that their loved ones may still be alive. The absence of a physical body leaves room for uncertainty and unresolved grief, creating a painful paradox where the possibility of closure remains out of reach. Without the tangible proof of death—such as a body to bury or mourn over—the search continues, driven by the hope that one day they will find answers. This absence extends beyond just the physical body; it symbolizes the void left in the lives of the families, as they are left in a perpetual state of waiting, unable to fully mourn or heal. The constant uncertainty fuels a never-ending cycle of searching, questioning, and longing.

Making a spectacle of unidentified bodies

In 1989, as a small child, I found myself surrounded by an atmosphere that was both suffocating and frightening, filled with sights and sounds that I couldn’t fully comprehend at the time, but that would forever leave a mark on my memory. I can still vividly recall the smell of burning rubber that hung thick in the air, mixing with the acrid scent of smoke that lingered long after the flames had died down. The piles of tyres, set ablaze, were a regular feature of the streets where I lived. Yet, it wasn’t just the sight of the burning tyres that etched itself into my consciousness. As the flames raged on, the shadows of bodies emerged—neither completely visible nor entirely hidden.

Though my parents tried their best to shield me from the horror outside our home, I would sneak a peek whenever I thought no one was watching, desperate to understand the meaning behind what was unfolding before me. It was as though I knew something important was happening—something I couldn’t yet comprehend but could feel in the very air I breathed. I understood that the flames, the smoke, and the bodies all signified something far greater than I could put into words.

The burning piles of tyres—and, of course, bodies—which people spoke of in hushed tones, served as a chilling spectacle, conveying the threatening message the government sent to the public, especially targeting the young rebels and anyone who dared to challenge the state

Unable to seek justice

The absence of the body makes justice seem like a distant, unreachable concept. In cases of disappearance, where no physical evidence of the victim’s fate exists, the path to justice is often blocked. Without the body, there is no concrete proof of the crime, no tangible evidence that can be presented in court, and no clear sign that a crime was even committed. This leaves families and loved ones of the disappeared in a state of uncertainty, with no clear answers about what happened to their dear ones. As a result, families are forced to live in a limbo, where their grief is ignored and their calls for justice are silenced.

Undemocratic actions under a Democratic Government

Governments are meant to serve and protect the people who elect them, not to subject them to violence, fear, or oppression. Irrespective of the situation, no government, under any circumstances, has the right to make its citizens disappear. A government is a democratically elected body that holds its power and authority through the consent of the governed, with the explicit responsibility to safeguard the rights, freedoms, and lives of its citizens. When a government starts to take actions that involve the arbitrary killing or disappearance of its own people, it betrays the very principles it was founded upon.

The act of making people disappear and killing represents a fundamental breach of human rights and the rule of law. These are not actions that belong to a legitimate government that is accountable to its people. Instead, they signal a state that has become corrupt and tyrannical, where those in power are no longer bound by any ethical or legal standards. When the government becomes the perpetrator of violence against its own citizens, it destroys the trust between the state and the people, undermining the core foundation of democracy.

In such a scenario, the authority of law collapses. Courts become powerless, and law enforcement agencies are either complicit in the wrongdoing or rendered ineffective. This breakdown in legal authority does not just mean a failure to protect the rights of individuals; it signals the descent of society into anarchy. When the government wields power in such a violent and oppressive way, it erodes the social contract. When this relationship is violated through actions like disappearances, those in power essentially declare that they are above the law, which leads to a breakdown of social order. It no longer becomes a state that works for its people but rather a regime that rules through fear, repression, and violence.

by Dr. Anushka Kahandagamage

Continue Reading

Features

Hazard warning lights at Lotus Tower

Published

on

Lotus Tower enveloped in mist

Much has been written about the use of Hazard Warning Lights at Lotus Tower (LT)

Now it looks as if the authorities have got the day and night in a ‘twist’.

During the day time LT is in darkness. What should be ‘on’ during the day are the High Intensity Strobe Lights. It is observed that the authorities switch them ‘on’ in the night instead!

According to the ICAO recommendations what should be ‘on’ in the night are the low intensity strobe lights. High intensity in the night as is now, can momentarily blind the pilots.

At this time of the year the island experiences afternoon thunder showers which make the LT and the natural horizon invisible. (See picture) in a phenomenon known as ‘white out’ caused by fog (low cloud), mist and rain. However, the LT is kept dark and not lit up and that could be dangerous to air traffic.

In short what is needed are white strobe lights 24/7 (day and night). High Intensity by day and Low Intensity at night. They are known as ‘attention getters’.

The red lights must be ‘on’ at sunset and ‘off’ by sunrise (as correctly carried out currently).

I am aware that the Organisation of Professional Associations (OPA) has written to the LT authorities at the request of the Association of Airline Pilots, Sri Lanka, about three months ago but strangely the OPA has not even received an acknowledgement!

GUWAN SEEYA

Continue Reading

Features

Ninth Iftar celebration organised by Police Buddhist and Religious Affairs Association, Wellawatte

Published

on

Islam is a peaceful religion that guides people to fulfil the five pillars of Islam, namely, Kalima, Prayer, Sakkath, Fasting and Hajj and through them to attain the grace of God.

The fact that the Holy Quran, the sacred book of Muslims, was revealed on one of the odd nights of the month of Ramadan, makes people realize the special importance of the month of Ramadan.

Fasting, the Holy Quran states, “0 you who believe, fasting is prescribed for you as it was prescribed for those before you, that you may become pure.” (2.183)

Muslims observe the first fast in the early hours of the evening when the first crescent of the month of Ramadan is sighted. The special feature of Ramadan fasting is to wake up early in the morning, eat before the sunrise (Sahur) and then fast for 14 hours until the evening prayer (Mahrib), remember the Creator and worship Him five times a day, break the fast at the time of Iftar (Mahrib), eat food with dates and spend the 30 days of Ramadan.

Ramadan fasting increases fear and faith in Allah, and it is not equal for the wealthy to live luxuriously without realizing the poverty of the poor and the poor to die of poverty. Therefore, fasting has been emphasized as the fourth Pillar in Islam to make the rich aware of the nature of poverty and to make the rich aware of the nature of hunger and to give charity.

Ramadan fasting is a shield for Muslims. The main objectives of fasting are the virtues, characteristics, morality and spiritual attraction of a person.

When approaching fasting from a medical perspective, it is said that ‘a disease-free life is an inexhaustible wealth’, so the good deed of fasting provides great benefits to the body.

Generally, it is a universal law to give rest to all the machines that have power. That is, it allows the machines to continue to function well. Similarly, it is necessary to give rest to our bodies. The fasting of the month of Ramadan explains this very simply.

“Historically, fasting has been proven to be very safe for most people,” says Babar Basir, a cardiologist at Henry Ford Health in Detroit, USA. “Ramadan fasting is a form of intermittent fasting that can help you lose fat without losing muscle, improve insulin levels, burn fat, and increase human growth hormone,” he says.

All wealthy. Muslims are required to give 2’/2 percent of their annual income to the poor in charity. This is why Muslims give more charity in the form of money, food, and clothing during Ramadan.

Anas (Kali) reported that the Prophet (Sal) said, “The best charity is to feed a hungry person.” This shows how great an act it is to feed a hungry person.

Fasting during the holy month of Ramadan, one of the most sacred duties of Muslims, is Providing facilities for fasting and breaking it is also a pious act that brings benefits. In that way, the Sri Lanka Police, as a way of receiving the blessings of Allah, have organized the Police Iftar ceremony to break the fast for the fasting people.

The Police Iftar ceremony, which is organized annually by the Sri Lanka Police Buddhist and Religious Affairs Association for Muslim police officers serving in the Sri Lanka Police, will be held for the 9th time this year on the 24th at the invitation of the Acting Inspector General of Police Mr. Priyantha Weerasooriya and will be held at the Marine Grand Reception Hall in Wellawatte under the participation of the Hon. Minister of Public Security and Parliamentary Affairs Mr. K.M. Ananda Wijepala. Muslim members of Parliament, Foreign Ambassadors of Islamic countries, High-ranking Police officers and Muslim Police officers, as well as members of the public, are also expected to attend the Iftar ceremony.

a.f. fUARD
Chief Inspector of Police
International Affairs
Criminal Investigation Department

Continue Reading

Trending