Features

The US in a brave new world

Published

1 month ago

2025/02/16

Thilina Walpola

Elon Musk and Donald Trump

By Uditha Devapriya

Washington’s systematic gutting of government funded foreign aid has given rise to a flurry of debates. On the one hand, critics of the move say it both undermines the humanitarian work that the US has poured billions of dollars into and undercuts US national interests vis-à-vis its rivals, which in the present context includes China and Russia. On the other hand, as Elon Musk tweets every hour on what institutions like USAID were spending money on, critics contend that such programmes have served no purpose and retrenchment of these institutions would be in everyone’s interest, including the affected countries.

Donald Trump’s dismantlement of foreign aid signals what I see as the third wave of the US conservative right’s attack on the Kennedy-Johnson consensus that guided US foreign policy for much of the last half-century. In the first wave, during the Reagan years, Washington did away with many of the domestic programmes which had been set up by John F. Kennedy at the heyday of Keynesian economics. In the second wave, which I trace to both the Clinton and George W. Bush administrations, domestic social programmes were again singled out for attack, with welfare and healthcare facing much of the brunt.

President Trump’s attacks on foreign aid programmes, barely five years after Joe Biden revived them, including in countries like Sri Lanka – a good example being Peace Corps – are as radical and far-reaching as they are going to get. Over the last two decades, going back to the Tea Party movement, Washington has lurched so far to the right that older generation of conservatives identified by Trump supporters as warmongers and establishment folk – the likes of Liz Cheney and her father Dick, the Bushes, and so on – resemble in no way their critics in the Republican Party. Musk’s battle of the tweets with the likes of conservative commentators like Bill Kristol and Republican senators like Liz Cheney is telling in that sense because it underscores a pivotal ideological shift in US politics.

This shift mirrors a broader lurch to the right that continues to characterise the anti-woke right in much of the Global North and, I would say, parts of the Global South. In the US, the anti-woke right has been incensed by what they frame as the doling out of taxpayer dollars to divesiry, equity and resilience (DEI), climate resilience, and gender initiatives in countries like Sri Lanka, programmes which in their view have served no one. As more and more disclosures about what USAID programmes were used for here – prominently in media and democratic governance NGOs, to say nothing of parliamentary committees – come to light, it becomes easier to see why the right has become so angry. That the likes of Victor Orban have been openly happy at Trump’s ongoing retrenchment of foreign aid is understandable, if you factor in Orban’s and Vladimir Putin’s past attitudes to USAID and even private donors.

In that sense, what of the contention that US national interests will be undermined by these developments? The argument, in my view, has some merit for two reasons. First, it is an admission of something the Left, particularly the anti-imperialist Left, has voiced for years if not decades: that organisations like USAID were used as tools and instruments of US foreign policy, as a means of entrenching American hegemony.

In response to Musk’s criticism of her involvement with USAID, Liz Cheney declared that she was “proud” of having helped defeat the Soviet Union via such institutions. This goes to show that, far from being a benevolent bequest, foreign aid has very much been linked to the geopolitical ambitions of powerful countries. To say this is to remember that, during the Kennedy years, institutions like the Alliance for Progress, while doing necessary, good work in a postcolonial world, was shaped by that administration’s priority of economic stability in countries which seemed vulnerable to Communism.

There were times when such organisations were used in more explicit ways to achieve these geopolitical objectives. Costa-Gavras’s beautiful and searing film State of Siege, a fictional account of USAID employee Dan Mitrione, who taught torture and interrogation techniques to the Uruguayan police before being kidnapped and killed by left-wing guerillas there, is a stark case in point. Yet even if one concedes this point, it is possible to acknowledge the good work such institutions have done on the humanitarian front – as liberal commentators like Nicholas Kristof have constantly reminded us today.

The second reason as to why the national interest argument has merit is that once the US withdraws from the multilateral order vis-à-vis foreign assistance, it theoretically becomes possible for countries like China and Russia to take their place. I say “theoretically” because, for all the rhetoric about Beijing filling the gap that the US will leave behind in institutions like the World Health Organisation, it is questionable whether those countries will, in fact, devote their budgets to financing them in the long run. I believe it is in everyone’s interests, not least of all China’s, that they do. This is precisely what the older conservative right in the US, represented by the likes of Liz Cheney and Mitch McConnell, fear.

But really, such fears are unwarranted. In a context of growing tensions between the US and the rest of the world, these developments will be bemoaned by the liberal and conservative establishment yet accepted as necessary collateral damage by the hardcore, Trumpist right. Until now, the US political establishment took great pains to distinguish between ally and enemy – even if, as was seen during the Reagan years, the government engaged in verbal gymnastics (“autocratic” versus “authoritarian”) to justify its foreign policy. Today, no such distinctions exist – Elon Musk continues to attack elected heads of state, while both the US President and Vice-President support the work he is doing as “good” and “necessary.” What we are seeing now is a return to the days of naked big stick diplomacy, with Trump as symbol of the pre-Wilsonian phase of US foreign policy.

The writer is the Chief International Relations Analyst at Factum, an Asia-Pacific-focused foreign policy think tank based in Colombo and accessible via www.factum.lk. He can be reached at uditha@factum.lk.

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Features

Politics of Enforced Disappearances in Sri Lanka

Published

3 hours ago

2025/03/24

Thilina Walpola

Image courtesy UNHRC

In 2016, I participated in research focused on gathering information about reconciliation mechanisms in post-war Sri Lanka. During one of the interviews, a Tamil mother, from the Eastern part of the country, broke into tears as she shared her story. Her son had disappeared, and, according to some of the neighbours, he was apparently abducted by a paramilitary group. Her story goes as follows: After hearing the news, she began searching for her son and went to the police station to file a case. However, police refused to file the case and directed her to a military camp. In the military camp, she was directed to an officer, who took her to a room with scattered flesh and blood stains. Then the officer, pointing to the room has told the lady that, ‘This is your son’.

In another instance, in the same year, while we were working in Kurunegala, an elderly mother, wearing a white saree, approached us and shared her story. She held a stained envelope, and when she carefully took out a piece of paper, related to her son, she broke into tears. She handled the paper with such tenderness, as though it were a part of her son himself. Her son was abducted by a para military group in 1989 and never returned.

These two stories have remained deeply etched in my mind for several years, leaving a lasting impact. Now, with the release of the Batalanda Commission Report, which sheds light on the atrocities committed during a dark chapter of Sri Lanka’s history, coupled with the release of the movie ‘Rani’, there is renewed attention on enforced disappearances. These disappearances, which were once shrouded in silence and denial, are now gaining significant traction among the public. Thus, it is timely to discuss the stories of enforced disappearances and the political dynamics surrounding them.

The Effect

Enforced disappearance is often employed as a strategy of terror, deliberately designed to instil fear and insecurity within a society. The tactic goes beyond the direct impact on the immediate family members of the disappeared individuals. The psychological and emotional toll on these families is profound, as they are left with uncertainty, grief, and often a sense of helplessness. However, the effects of enforced disappearance extend far beyond these immediate circles. It creates a pervasive atmosphere of fear that affects entire communities, undermining trust and cohesion. The mere threat of disappearance looms over the population, causing widespread anxiety and eroding the sense of safety that is essential for the social fabric to thrive. The fear it engenders forces people into silence, discourages activism, and ultimately weakens the collective spirit of resistance against injustice.

Absence of the body

For years, the families and loved ones of the disappeared hold on to a fragile hope, clinging to the belief that their loved ones may still be alive. The absence of a physical body leaves room for uncertainty and unresolved grief, creating a painful paradox where the possibility of closure remains out of reach. Without the tangible proof of death—such as a body to bury or mourn over—the search continues, driven by the hope that one day they will find answers. This absence extends beyond just the physical body; it symbolizes the void left in the lives of the families, as they are left in a perpetual state of waiting, unable to fully mourn or heal. The constant uncertainty fuels a never-ending cycle of searching, questioning, and longing.

Making a spectacle of unidentified bodies

In 1989, as a small child, I found myself surrounded by an atmosphere that was both suffocating and frightening, filled with sights and sounds that I couldn’t fully comprehend at the time, but that would forever leave a mark on my memory. I can still vividly recall the smell of burning rubber that hung thick in the air, mixing with the acrid scent of smoke that lingered long after the flames had died down. The piles of tyres, set ablaze, were a regular feature of the streets where I lived. Yet, it wasn’t just the sight of the burning tyres that etched itself into my consciousness. As the flames raged on, the shadows of bodies emerged—neither completely visible nor entirely hidden.

Though my parents tried their best to shield me from the horror outside our home, I would sneak a peek whenever I thought no one was watching, desperate to understand the meaning behind what was unfolding before me. It was as though I knew something important was happening—something I couldn’t yet comprehend but could feel in the very air I breathed. I understood that the flames, the smoke, and the bodies all signified something far greater than I could put into words.

The burning piles of tyres—and, of course, bodies—which people spoke of in hushed tones, served as a chilling spectacle, conveying the threatening message the government sent to the public, especially targeting the young rebels and anyone who dared to challenge the state

Unable to seek justice

The absence of the body makes justice seem like a distant, unreachable concept. In cases of disappearance, where no physical evidence of the victim’s fate exists, the path to justice is often blocked. Without the body, there is no concrete proof of the crime, no tangible evidence that can be presented in court, and no clear sign that a crime was even committed. This leaves families and loved ones of the disappeared in a state of uncertainty, with no clear answers about what happened to their dear ones. As a result, families are forced to live in a limbo, where their grief is ignored and their calls for justice are silenced.

Undemocratic actions under a Democratic Government

Governments are meant to serve and protect the people who elect them, not to subject them to violence, fear, or oppression. Irrespective of the situation, no government, under any circumstances, has the right to make its citizens disappear. A government is a democratically elected body that holds its power and authority through the consent of the governed, with the explicit responsibility to safeguard the rights, freedoms, and lives of its citizens. When a government starts to take actions that involve the arbitrary killing or disappearance of its own people, it betrays the very principles it was founded upon.

The act of making people disappear and killing represents a fundamental breach of human rights and the rule of law. These are not actions that belong to a legitimate government that is accountable to its people. Instead, they signal a state that has become corrupt and tyrannical, where those in power are no longer bound by any ethical or legal standards. When the government becomes the perpetrator of violence against its own citizens, it destroys the trust between the state and the people, undermining the core foundation of democracy.

In such a scenario, the authority of law collapses. Courts become powerless, and law enforcement agencies are either complicit in the wrongdoing or rendered ineffective. This breakdown in legal authority does not just mean a failure to protect the rights of individuals; it signals the descent of society into anarchy. When the government wields power in such a violent and oppressive way, it erodes the social contract. When this relationship is violated through actions like disappearances, those in power essentially declare that they are above the law, which leads to a breakdown of social order. It no longer becomes a state that works for its people but rather a regime that rules through fear, repression, and violence.

by Dr. Anushka Kahandagamage

Features

Hazard warning lights at Lotus Tower

Published

3 hours ago

2025/03/24

Thilina Walpola

Lotus Tower enveloped in mist

Much has been written about the use of Hazard Warning Lights at Lotus Tower (LT)

Now it looks as if the authorities have got the day and night in a ‘twist’.

During the day time LT is in darkness. What should be ‘on’ during the day are the High Intensity Strobe Lights. It is observed that the authorities switch them ‘on’ in the night instead!

According to the ICAO recommendations what should be ‘on’ in the night are the low intensity strobe lights. High intensity in the night as is now, can momentarily blind the pilots.

At this time of the year the island experiences afternoon thunder showers which make the LT and the natural horizon invisible. (See picture) in a phenomenon known as ‘white out’ caused by fog (low cloud), mist and rain. However, the LT is kept dark and not lit up and that could be dangerous to air traffic.

In short what is needed are white strobe lights 24/7 (day and night). High Intensity by day and Low Intensity at night. They are known as ‘attention getters’.

The red lights must be ‘on’ at sunset and ‘off’ by sunrise (as correctly carried out currently).

I am aware that the Organisation of Professional Associations (OPA) has written to the LT authorities at the request of the Association of Airline Pilots, Sri Lanka, about three months ago but strangely the OPA has not even received an acknowledgement!

GUWAN SEEYA

Features

Ninth Iftar celebration organised by Police Buddhist and Religious Affairs Association, Wellawatte

Published

3 hours ago

2025/03/24

Thilina Walpola

Islam is a peaceful religion that guides people to fulfil the five pillars of Islam, namely, Kalima, Prayer, Sakkath, Fasting and Hajj and through them to attain the grace of God.

The fact that the Holy Quran, the sacred book of Muslims, was revealed on one of the odd nights of the month of Ramadan, makes people realize the special importance of the month of Ramadan.

Fasting, the Holy Quran states, “0 you who believe, fasting is prescribed for you as it was prescribed for those before you, that you may become pure.” (2.183)

Muslims observe the first fast in the early hours of the evening when the first crescent of the month of Ramadan is sighted. The special feature of Ramadan fasting is to wake up early in the morning, eat before the sunrise (Sahur) and then fast for 14 hours until the evening prayer (Mahrib), remember the Creator and worship Him five times a day, break the fast at the time of Iftar (Mahrib), eat food with dates and spend the 30 days of Ramadan.

Ramadan fasting increases fear and faith in Allah, and it is not equal for the wealthy to live luxuriously without realizing the poverty of the poor and the poor to die of poverty. Therefore, fasting has been emphasized as the fourth Pillar in Islam to make the rich aware of the nature of poverty and to make the rich aware of the nature of hunger and to give charity.

Ramadan fasting is a shield for Muslims. The main objectives of fasting are the virtues, characteristics, morality and spiritual attraction of a person.

When approaching fasting from a medical perspective, it is said that ‘a disease-free life is an inexhaustible wealth’, so the good deed of fasting provides great benefits to the body.

Generally, it is a universal law to give rest to all the machines that have power. That is, it allows the machines to continue to function well. Similarly, it is necessary to give rest to our bodies. The fasting of the month of Ramadan explains this very simply.

“Historically, fasting has been proven to be very safe for most people,” says Babar Basir, a cardiologist at Henry Ford Health in Detroit, USA. “Ramadan fasting is a form of intermittent fasting that can help you lose fat without losing muscle, improve insulin levels, burn fat, and increase human growth hormone,” he says.

All wealthy. Muslims are required to give 2’/2 percent of their annual income to the poor in charity. This is why Muslims give more charity in the form of money, food, and clothing during Ramadan.

Anas (Kali) reported that the Prophet (Sal) said, “The best charity is to feed a hungry person.” This shows how great an act it is to feed a hungry person.

Fasting during the holy month of Ramadan, one of the most sacred duties of Muslims, is Providing facilities for fasting and breaking it is also a pious act that brings benefits. In that way, the Sri Lanka Police, as a way of receiving the blessings of Allah, have organized the Police Iftar ceremony to break the fast for the fasting people.

The Police Iftar ceremony, which is organized annually by the Sri Lanka Police Buddhist and Religious Affairs Association for Muslim police officers serving in the Sri Lanka Police, will be held for the 9th time this year on the 24th at the invitation of the Acting Inspector General of Police Mr. Priyantha Weerasooriya and will be held at the Marine Grand Reception Hall in Wellawatte under the participation of the Hon. Minister of Public Security and Parliamentary Affairs Mr. K.M. Ananda Wijepala. Muslim members of Parliament, Foreign Ambassadors of Islamic countries, High-ranking Police officers and Muslim Police officers, as well as members of the public, are also expected to attend the Iftar ceremony.

a.f. fUARD
Chief Inspector of Police
International Affairs
Criminal Investigation Department