Features
The Premadasa years:how a new leader mobilized the energies of a nation
Premadasa’s love of the arts drew him to resuscitate the old cultural theatre of Sri Lanka. The centre was the Tower Hall at Maradana. He rescued, too, the old and now feeble artistes, who had sung and danced their way into the hearts of the people since the 1920s. He gave many of them, like Lakshmi Bhai, Romulus Master and Mohideen Baig, a new lease of life. He brought them back on to center stage and into the limelight, after many years spent in the shadows. He enabled the ‘stars’ to come out again after many years, stiff but erect, to centre stage where they belted out their patriotic songs. Several of them still sang full of verve and true to tone and melody.
Premadasa clearly understood that music and dance appealed to people. He gave the Tower Hall ‘stars’ an important place in the Gam Udawa ceremonies.
Premadasa played a leading role in the 1977 election which J R Jayewardene won with a record five-sixth majority. He canvassed throughout the country, spending many days and night on the campaign trail. His deadly invective against the misdeeds of the United Front (Sirimavo’s Administration) drew vast crowds. Seven years in the opposition had been an exacting crucible. He had always been deeply aware of the inner dynamics of mass audiences. With his earthly anecdotes and devastating wit, he derided his opponents and rallied enthusiastic crowds around the UNP.
J R Jayewardene chose Premadasa for the post of prime minister. The choice provided J R with the ‘balance’ which the UNP needed to change the conventional view of the party as one representing the elites, the mercantile interests and the Western-educated. With his popular acceptance as a ‘man of the masses’ with his national dress and his simple lifestyle, his totally indigenous background, and his rapport with the Sangha, the Sinhala literati and the man in the street, Premadasa was the perfect counterpoise to J R.
Although now the post of prime minister had become only nominal and constitutionally powerless, this did not deter Premadasa from assuming all of the roles and status that the post had earlier possessed. A lesser man would have been inhibited with a post shorn of the customary powers. But to Premadasa, it was a further challenge to be addressed. He followed a simple strategy. It was to utilize all the space he perceived he had, until he touched the boundaries of someone else’s territory. It was a bold and imaginative approach to carving out a role and function for a new position. After all, there were no accepted norms for what a prime minister did in an executive presidential set-up.
There were two important factors that helped him in establishing his new role. The first was clearly the implicit trust that J R Jayewardene had in him. J R provided him with a great deal of flexibility of movement. This faith and trust was fully reciprocated by Premadasa. He was the perfect second-in-command; the deputy who would take infinite pains to give the head of state all the respect and regard that that position deserved. He was exemplary in doing this freely and enthusiastically.
J R fully appreciated this, and the bond between the two men was always close. Only towards the end of J R’s term as president, after the signing of the Indo-Sri Lanka Accord, while Premadasa was out of the country, did the relationship show signs of strain.
The second factor that assisted Premadasa to expand his role of prime minister was that the position of prime minister still had attached to it many of the perquisites of office of the former holder. This included the prime minister’s official residence, the graceful Temple Trees in Kollupitiya, which the family now moved into, and the ‘The Lodge’ in Nuwara Eliya. Premadasa also established an imposing new prime ministerial office at ‘Sirimathipaya’, No 58 on Sir Ernest de Silva Mawatha (Road), one of the stately homes of Colombo 7, which had been acquired by the previous government under the Ceiling on Houses Law and given to the department of education. With Eardley Goonewardene, his then secretary, Premadasa spent much time and effort in transforming this building into an impressive and efficient secretariat. He had always believed that the work environment must be conducive for successful results.
For Premadasa, cost was not to be a constraint in this area. His offices were not only to be functionally efficient. He had a keen eye for harmony and balance. And over time, these offices like the presidential secretariat today, acquired a special grace and lustre. If at all he could be faulted in this area it was for over elaboration and a ceaseless drive for further ‘improvement’ which sometimes resulted in grotesque decoration, as in his Flower Road office.
He would often act quite contrarily to the views of the new breed of architects he consulted, who, influenced by their mentor Geoffrey Bawa, would stress authenticity and simplicity. For Temple Trees and for Sirimathipaya, Premadasa personally chose the furniture, so that it blended with the character of the buildings. He looked for an indigenous, and if possible, antique style. He took great pains to recover from the ‘estate’ bungalows in the up-country several beautiful pieces in ebony and tamarind, which had once graced the drawing rooms of the white ‘periya dorais’. (big bosses)
This furniture had moved over time to the backs of the estate bungalows. Premadasa had these often broken pieces reconditioned, and placed in the official residences. Unfortunately many of these pieces went missing with the movement of the original occupant and appeared to be replaced by less expensive ‘fake antiques’ as in the present state Guest House Visumpaya, the former ‘Acland House’ of the Colombo Commercial Company.
Premadasa was attracted by the people’s need for housing. He had experienced at close hand the squalor of the urban slums. But the situation in the village was no different and a far cry from the conventional picture of the idyllic village in the mind of the urban rich. The need was acute. Literally, millions of people were living in sub-standard housing.
Premadasa began by building a powerful organization for conceptualizing, articulating and implementing a massive house-building program. Initially, it was fully supported by the state but with lessons learnt along the way, he introduced several innovations which brought in greater people’s participation, some private sector involvement and less state expenditure.
He realized that to capture the nation’s imagination, he had to dramatize what was hitherto a mundane and peripheral subject. He had to transform the job of constructing houses of brick and stone, into something primary and compelling. So Premadasa adopted the word ‘shelter’ and invested it with an almost spiritual quality. The home, the family, the awakened village (Gam Udawa), were all to be integral parts of the new, better-housed society he saw being created.
He got together a team of first-class planners and administrators – Dustan Jayawardena, R Paskaralingam, Susil Sirivardana, and W D Ailapperuma – and motivated the team to deliver the goods. His targets were always high, almost unachievable to begin with – 100,000 houses in the first five years, and a million houses in the second five-year term. He broke it down into so much per year and so many per electorate and set about it with a vengeance involving the local politicians in a socially productive adventure.
Premadasa never took ‘no’ for an answer. His personal involvement in the effort was immense. He looked at every aspect of the process. From articulating his vision, to research in low-cost techniques, supplies management – he created the Building Materials Corporation and brought in private sector dynamism by recruiting Ajantha Wijesena – to fund-raising for the Sevana (Shelter) Fund, and to monitoring very regularly progress on the ambitious targets he set, at the operations room in the department of housing.
He travelled incessantly by car across the length and breadth of the country. Hundreds of Udagam (reawakened villages) were born with lyrical new names. Arunodagama (the first light of dawn); Yovungama (village for youth); Ekamuthugama (village of unity) and so on. He brought the entire population of the area together for the formal opening ceremony and the personal, very often, handing-over of houses and keys. His Gam Udawa ‘openings’ became regular, monthly affair. The ceremonies were elaborate. The members of parliament of the district, the Sangha in large numbers, and the Tower Hall artistes from Colombo, all joined in the celebrations.
Premadasa knew that ceremonies were an important aspect of village life. The Gam Udawa function provided entertainment and spice in the normally uneventful village scene. It also provided a splendid opportunity of communicating government policies and plans to the people. He made use of these functions for reflecting on a wide variety of national issues. As prime minister, and later, as president, he made use of these many opportunities of public speaking to make important policy announcements.
The most dramatic of these was perhaps his call to the former and late prime minister of India, Rajiv Gandhi, to recall the IPKF (Indian Peace Keeping Force) from Sri Lanka, made at a temple ceremony in Battaramulla, outside Colombo, in June 1989.
The Udagama (Reawakened Village) was a fully functional, integrated community, complete with houses, a school, pipe-borne water, home gardens, a post office, health facilities, and a temple, kovil or church.
Each year in June, for one week beginning with his birthday which fell on the 24th Premadasa organized a national Gam Udawa, which brought in literally a million people for a celebration staged in some distant part of the country. It had the effect of bringing the world to the doorstep of the village, and the rural people responded by coming in large numbers. Premadasa gave these annual Gam Udawa’s an attention which was extraordinary.
Planning for the next year would start 12 months ahead. Many ministries and departments would be co-opted mostly by more than gentle persuasion. I was Chairman and CEO of Air Lanka Ltd after I came back from London in 1989, and he was then the president of Sri Lanka but his interest in the Gam Udawa that year was so great that he wanted me to do an Air Lanka stall in Mahiyangana where the Gam Udawa was being held.
It meant a lot of work. Building a model of a life-size Lockheed Tristar aircraft and cutting it in half so that passengers could mount the stairway and be strapped to their seats by a pretty Air Lanka stewardess. It was all make believe but Premadasa surmised that it would give the villager an idea of what it was like once you were up in the air. Up to then all that they had seen was a speck in the sky moving at great speed towards the east in the morning and back in the evening.
All government agencies with work to do performed at peak efficiency during the period. So, roads would be repaired, bridges and culverts strengthened, government buildings painted, and everything for miles around, spruced up. It was as if the beam of a searchlight had been focused for a while on some dark corner. The private sector would also be brought in and persuaded to open up new industrial units like the garment factories in the hinterland.
By 1988, since Premadasa continued as prime minister after the Referendum of 1982 which substituted for the general elections, he had conducted 10 such great national Gam Udawas. The national show was inaugurated by the president and different ministerial colleagues were chief guests on other days. The opening ceremony itself was akin to a religious experience with a collective recital of the Gam Udawa oath. Premadasa himself usually spent the entire week in the village. His purpose in holding this annual festival, was as he put it, to empower the poor and the weak.
He was undeterred by the criticisms of those who said that the expenditure was wasteful. In his view the work that was done, repairing roads, bridges, and so on, was anyway the duty of departments and ministries. Moreover, what was built for the Gam Udawa remained as permanent assets to be used by the local community. Overall, it was an occasion for national togetherness, where the great rubbed shoulders with the masses which generated an esprit de corps between different arms of the government
In 1980, with the housing program in full steam and with his concept of shelter fully fleshed out, Premadasa took his idea of ‘Homes for the Homeless of the World’ to the international stage.
It was a propitious beginning for an idea that became a world issue with the acceptance by the United Nations of an International Year of Shelter (IYS) in 1987. It began with Premadasa’s address that year to the 35th session of the General Assembly of the United Nations. It was his first appearance on the foremost international stage, and he wanted it to be something which would remembered and leave a lasting mark.
As usual, his preparation for the task was thorough and exacting. There was the content of the address to being with. It had to deal with both global and national issues; it had to reflect his own special concerns — the gap between the rich and the poor, globally and nationally — his holistic view of development (not only material goods, but more values as well), and his particular experience in housing. There should be also something distinctly Eastern and Sri Lankan — a Pali stanza, a blessing to the entire world.
I began work on the speech at least three months before the scheduled date. I opened a special file which I named `Anatomy of a Speech’ to record the tremendous amount of work which went into the 20-minutes event in New York late in September that year. There was also the question of the timing of the speaking slot. To be most effective and to achieve maximum coverage, it had to be delivered at mid-rooming. Not too early, after 10 am when the General Assembly began and the chamber was still filling up. Not too close to the lunch break, when members were moving out to the lounges, Ben Fonseka, who was our permanent representative at the time, managed to secure the best slot.
The speech was to be on Monday morning. We arrived in New York on Saturday and on the day before the speech, Premadasa went down to look over the arrangements in the Chamber. He even tested the rostrum for height. It was not quite right and a little too high for the short man he was. He thought about a little fabricated stool which would give him the required height but where in this first city of the world would you find a carpenter who would work on a Sunday.
The speech itself was a great success, strongly delivered, full of resonance and rich in substance. It ended as he had wished with a powerful and moving Pali benediction so familiar to Sri Lankans and Buddhists the world over.
Devo vassatu Kalena
Sasse sampatthhi he to cha
Pito bhavatu lo ko cha
Raja bhavatu Dhammiko
(May the rains fall in due season; may the good earth be bounteous; may all being in this world be blessed; and may the rulers be just.)
The distinguished Shirley Amerasinghe, veteran of many, usually boring General Assembly interventions, and at the time chairing the Law of the Sea Conference, came up to Premadasa in the Delegates Lounge where we gathered later and complimented him on the speech in his home-spun Sinhala, “Bohoma shoke kattawak ,Sir (A very fine speech, Sir).”
(Excerpted from Rendering Unto Caesar, by Bradman Weerakoon)
Features
Meet the women protecting India’s snow leopards
In one of India’s coldest and most remote regions, a group of women have taken on an unlikely role: protecting one of Asia’s most elusive predators, the snow leopard.
Snow leopards are found in just 12 countries across Central and South Asia. India is home to one of the world’s largest populations, with a nationwide survey in 2023 – the first comprehensive count ever carried out in the country – estimating more than 700 animals, .
One of the places they roam is around Kibber village in Himachal Pradesh state’s Spiti Valley, a stark, high-altitude cold desert along the Himalayan belt. Here, snow leopards are often called the “ghosts of the mountains”, slipping silently across rocky slopes and rarely revealing themselves.
For generations, the animals were seen largely as a threat, for attacking livestock. But attitudes in Kibber and neighbouring villages are beginning to shift, as people increasingly recognise the snow leopard’s role as a top predator in the food chain and its importance in maintaining the region’s fragile mountain ecosystem.
Nearly a dozen local women are now working alongside the Himachal Pradesh forest department and conservationists to track and protect the species, playing a growing role in conservation efforts.
Locally, the snow leopard is known as Shen and the women call their group “Shenmo”. Trained to install and monitor camera traps, they handle devices fitted with unique IDs and memory cards that automatically photograph snow leopards as they pass.
“Earlier, men used to go and install the cameras and we kept wondering why couldn’t we do it too,” says Lobzang Yangchen, a local coordinator working with a small group supported by the non-profit Nature Conservation Foundation (NCF) in collaboration with the forest department.
Yangchen was among the women who helped collect data for Himachal Pradesh’s snow leopard survey in 2024, which found that the state was home to 83 snow leopards – up from 51 in 2021.

The survey documented snow leopards and 43 other species using camera traps spread across an area of nearly 26,000sq km (10,000sq miles). Individual leopards were identified by the unique rosette patterns on their fur, a standard technique used for spotted big cats. The findings are now feeding into wider conservation and habitat-management plans.
“Their contribution was critical to identifying individual animals,” says Goldy Chhabra, deputy conservator of forests with the Spiti Wildlife Division.
Collecting the data is demanding work. Most of it takes place in winter, when heavy snowfall pushes snow leopards and their prey to lower altitudes, making their routes easier to track.
On survey days, the women wake up early, finish household chores and gather at a base camp before travelling by vehicle as far as the terrain allows. From there, they trek several kilometres to reach camera sites, often at altitudes above 14,000ft (4,300m), where the thin air makes even simple movement exhausting.
The BBC accompanied the group on one such trek in December. After hours of walking in biting cold, the women suddenly stopped on a narrow trail.
Yangchen points to pugmarks in the dust: “This shows the snow leopard has been here recently. These pugmarks are fresh.”

Along with pugmarks, the team looks for other signs, including scrapes and scent‑marking spots, before carefully fixing a camera to a rock along the trail.
One woman then carries out a “walk test”, crawling along the path to check whether the camera’s height and angle will capture a clear image.
The group then moves on to older sites, retrieving memory cards and replacing batteries installed weeks earlier.
By mid-afternoon, they return to camp to log and analyse the images using specialised software – tools many had never encountered before.
“I studied only until grade five,” says Chhering Lanzom. “At first, I was scared to use the computer. But slowly, we learned how to use the keyboard and mouse.”
The women joined the camera-trapping programme in 2023. Initially, conservation was not their motivation. But winters in the Spiti Valley are long and quiet, with little agricultural work to fall back on.
“At first, this work on snow leopards didn’t interest us,” Lobzang says. “We joined because we were curious and we could earn a small income.”
The women earn between 500 ($5.46; £4) and 700 rupees a day.
But beyond the money, the work has helped transform how the community views the animal.

“Earlier, we thought the snow leopard was our enemy,” says Dolma Zangmo, a local resident. “Now we think their conservation is important.”
Alongside survey work, the women help villagers access government insurance schemes for their livestock and promote the use of predator‑proof corrals – stone or mesh enclosures that protect animals at night.
Their efforts come at a time of growing recognition for the region. Spiti Valley has recently been included in the Cold Desert Biosphere Reserve, a Unesco-recognised network aimed at conserving fragile ecosystems while supporting local livelihoods.
As climate change reshapes the fragile trans-Himalayan landscape, conservationists say such community participation will be crucial to safeguarding species like the snow leopard.
“Once communities are involved, conservation becomes more sustainable,” says Deepshikha Sharma, programme manager with NCF’s High Altitudes initiative.
“These women are not just assisting, they are becoming practitioners of wildlife conservation and monitoring,” she adds.
As for the women, their work makes them feel closer to their home, the village and the mountains that raised them, they say.
“We were born here, this is all we know,” Lobzang says. “Sometimes we feel afraid because these snow leopards are after all predatory animals, but this is where we belong.”
[BBC]
Features
Freedom for giants: What Udawalawe really tells about human–elephant conflict
If elephants are truly to be given “freedom” in Udawalawe, the solution is not simply to open gates or redraw park boundaries. The map itself tells the real story — a story of shrinking habitats, broken corridors, and more than a decade of silent but relentless ecological destruction.
“Look at Udawalawe today and compare it with satellite maps from ten years ago,” says Sameera Weerathunga, one of Sri Lanka’s most consistent and vocal elephant conservation activists. “You don’t need complicated science. You can literally see what we have done to them.”
What we commonly describe as the human–elephant conflict (HEC) is, in reality, a land-use conflict driven by development policies that ignore ecological realities. Elephants are not invading villages; villages, farms, highways and megaprojects have steadily invaded elephant landscapes.
Udawalawe: From Landscape to Island
Udawalawe National Park was once part of a vast ecological network connecting the southern dry zone to the central highlands and eastern forests. Elephants moved freely between Udawalawe, Lunugamvehera, Bundala, Gal Oya and even parts of the Walawe river basin, following seasonal water and food availability.
Today, Udawalawe appears on the map as a shrinking green island surrounded by human settlements, monoculture plantations, reservoirs, electric fences and asphalt.
“For elephants, Udawalawe is like a prison surrounded by invisible walls,” Sameera explains. “We expect animals that evolved to roam hundreds of square nationakilometres to survive inside a box created by humans.”
Elephants are ecosystem engineers. They shape forests by dispersing seeds, opening pathways, and regulating vegetation. Their survival depends on movement — not containment. But in Udawalawa, movement is precisely what has been taken away.
Over the past decade, ancient elephant corridors have been blocked or erased by:
Irrigation and agricultural expansion
Tourism resorts and safari infrastructure
New roads, highways and power lines
Human settlements inside former forest reserves
“The destruction didn’t happen overnight,” Sameera says. “It happened project by project, fence by fence, without anyone looking at the cumulative impact.”
The Illusion of Protection
Sri Lanka prides itself on its protected area network. Yet most national parks function as ecological islands rather than connected systems.
“We think declaring land as a ‘national park’ is enough,” Sameera argues. “But protection without connectivity is just slow extinction.”
Udawalawe currently holds far more elephants than it can sustainably support. The result is habitat degradation inside the park, increased competition for resources, and escalating conflict along the boundaries.
“When elephants cannot move naturally, they turn to crops, tanks and villages,” Sameera says. “And then we blame the elephant for being a problem.”
The Other Side of the Map: Wanni and Hambantota
Sameera often points to the irony visible on the very same map. While elephants are squeezed into overcrowded parks in the south, large landscapes remain in the Wanni, parts of Hambantota and the eastern dry zone where elephant density is naturally lower and ecological space still exists.
“We keep talking about Udawalawe as if it’s the only place elephants exist,” he says. “But the real question is why we are not restoring and reconnecting landscapes elsewhere.”
The Hambantota MER (Managed Elephant Reserve), for instance, was originally designed as a landscape-level solution. The idea was not to trap elephants inside fences, but to manage land use so that people and elephants could coexist through zoning, seasonal access, and corridor protection.
“But what happened?” Sameera asks. “Instead of managing land, we managed elephants. We translocated them, fenced them, chased them, tranquilised them. And the conflict only got worse.”
The Failure of Translocation
For decades, Sri Lanka relied heavily on elephant translocation as a conflict management tool. Hundreds of elephants were captured from conflict zones and released into national parks like Udawalawa, Yala and Wilpattu.
The logic was simple: remove the elephant, remove the problem.
The reality was tragic.
“Most translocated elephants try to return home,” Sameera explains. “They walk hundreds of kilometres, crossing highways, railway lines and villages. Many die from exhaustion, accidents or gunshots. Others become even more aggressive.”
Scientific studies now confirm what conservationists warned from the beginning: translocation increases stress, mortality, and conflict. Displaced elephants often lose social structures, familiar landscapes, and access to traditional water sources.
“You cannot solve a spatial problem with a transport solution,” Sameera says bluntly.
In many cases, the same elephant is captured and moved multiple times — a process that only deepens trauma and behavioural change.
Freedom Is Not About Removing Fences
The popular slogan “give elephants freedom” has become emotionally powerful but scientifically misleading. Elephants do not need symbolic freedom; they need functional landscapes.
Real solutions lie in:
Restoring elephant corridors
Preventing development in key migratory routes
Creating buffer zones with elephant-friendly crops
Community-based land-use planning
Landscape-level conservation instead of park-based thinking
“We must stop treating national parks like wildlife prisons and villages like war zones,” Sameera insists. “The real battlefield is land policy.”
Electric fences, for instance, are often promoted as a solution. But fences merely shift conflict from one village to another.
“A fence does not create peace,” Sameera says. “It just moves the problem down the line.”
A Crisis Created by Humans
Sri Lanka loses more than 400 elephants and nearly 100 humans every year due to HEC — one of the highest rates globally.
Yet Sameera refuses to call it a wildlife problem.
“This is a human-created crisis,” he says. “Elephants are only responding to what we’ve done to their world.”
From expressways cutting through forests to solar farms replacing scrublands, development continues without ecological memory or long-term planning.
“We plan five-year political cycles,” Sameera notes. “Elephants plan in centuries.”
The tragedy is not just ecological. It is moral.
“We are destroying a species that is central to our culture, religion, tourism and identity,” Sameera says. “And then we act surprised when they fight back.”
The Question We Avoid Asking
If Udawalawe is overcrowded, if Yala is saturated, if Wilpattu is bursting — then the real question is not where to put elephants.
The real question is: Where have we left space for wildness in Sri Lanka?
Sameera believes the future lies not in more fences or more parks, but in reimagining land itself.
“Conservation cannot survive as an island inside a development ocean,” he says. “Either we redesign Sri Lanka to include elephants, or one day we’ll only see them in logos, statues and children’s books.”
And the map will show nothing but empty green patches — places where giants once walked, and humans chose. roads instead.
By Ifham Nizam
Features
Challenges faced by the media in South Asia in fostering regionalism
SAARC or the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation has been declared ‘dead’ by some sections in South Asia and the idea seems to be catching on. Over the years the evidence seems to have been building that this is so, but a matter that requires thorough probing is whether the media in South Asia, given the vital part it could play in fostering regional amity, has had a role too in bringing about SAARC’s apparent demise.
That South Asian governments have had a hand in the ‘SAARC debacle’ is plain to see. For example, it is beyond doubt that the India-Pakistan rivalry has invariably got in the way, particularly over the past 15 years or thereabouts, of the Indian and Pakistani governments sitting at the negotiating table and in a spirit of reconciliation resolving the vexatious issues growing out of the SAARC exercise. The inaction had a paralyzing effect on the organization.
Unfortunately the rest of South Asian governments too have not seen it to be in the collective interest of the region to explore ways of jump-starting the SAARC process and sustaining it. That is, a lack of statesmanship on the part of the SAARC Eight is clearly in evidence. Narrow national interests have been allowed to hijack and derail the cooperative process that ought to be at the heart of the SAARC initiative.
However, a dimension that has hitherto gone comparatively unaddressed is the largely negative role sections of the media in the SAARC region could play in debilitating regional cooperation and amity. We had some thought-provoking ‘takes’ on this question recently from Roman Gautam, the editor of ‘Himal Southasian’.
Gautam was delivering the third of talks on February 2nd in the RCSS Strategic Dialogue Series under the aegis of the Regional Centre for Strategic Studies, Colombo, at the latter’s conference hall. The forum was ably presided over by RCSS Executive Director and Ambassador (Retd.) Ravinatha Aryasinha who, among other things, ensured lively participation on the part of the attendees at the Q&A which followed the main presentation. The talk was titled, ‘Where does the media stand in connecting (or dividing) Southasia?’.
Gautam singled out those sections of the Indian media that are tamely subservient to Indian governments, including those that are professedly independent, for the glaring lack of, among other things, regionalism or collective amity within South Asia. These sections of the media, it was pointed out, pander easily to the narratives framed by the Indian centre on developments in the region and fall easy prey, as it were, to the nationalist forces that are supportive of the latter. Consequently, divisive forces within the region receive a boost which is hugely detrimental to regional cooperation.
Two cases in point, Gautam pointed out, were the recent political upheavals in Nepal and Bangladesh. In each of these cases stray opinions favorable to India voiced by a few participants in the relevant protests were clung on to by sections of the Indian media covering these trouble spots. In the case of Nepal, to consider one example, a young protester’s single comment to the effect that Nepal too needed a firm leader like Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi was seized upon by the Indian media and fed to audiences at home in a sensational, exaggerated fashion. No effort was made by the Indian media to canvass more opinions on this matter or to extensively research the issue.
In the case of Bangladesh, widely held rumours that the Hindus in the country were being hunted and killed, pogrom fashion, and that the crisis was all about this was propagated by the relevant sections of the Indian media. This was a clear pandering to religious extremist sentiment in India. Once again, essentially hearsay stories were given prominence with hardly any effort at understanding what the crisis was really all about. There is no doubt that anti-Muslim sentiment in India would have been further fueled.
Gautam was of the view that, in the main, it is fear of victimization of the relevant sections of the media by the Indian centre and anxiety over financial reprisals and like punitive measures by the latter that prompted the media to frame their narratives in these terms. It is important to keep in mind these ‘structures’ within which the Indian media works, we were told. The issue in other words, is a question of the media completely subjugating themselves to the ruling powers.
Basically, the need for financial survival on the part of the Indian media, it was pointed out, prompted it to subscribe to the prejudices and partialities of the Indian centre. A failure to abide by the official line could spell financial ruin for the media.
A principal question that occurred to this columnist was whether the ‘Indian media’ referred to by Gautam referred to the totality of the Indian media or whether he had in mind some divisive, chauvinistic and narrow-based elements within it. If the latter is the case it would not be fair to generalize one’s comments to cover the entirety of the Indian media. Nevertheless, it is a matter for further research.
However, an overall point made by the speaker that as a result of the above referred to negative media practices South Asian regionalism has suffered badly needs to be taken. Certainly, as matters stand currently, there is a very real information gap about South Asian realities among South Asian publics and harmful media practices account considerably for such ignorance which gets in the way of South Asian cooperation and amity.
Moreover, divisive, chauvinistic media are widespread and active in South Asia. Sri Lanka has a fair share of this species of media and the latter are not doing the country any good, leave alone the region. All in all, the democratic spirit has gone well into decline all over the region.
The above is a huge problem that needs to be managed reflectively by democratic rulers and their allied publics in South Asia and the region’s more enlightened media could play a constructive role in taking up this challenge. The latter need to take the initiative to come together and deliberate on the questions at hand. To succeed in such efforts they do not need the backing of governments. What is of paramount importance is the vision and grit to go the extra mile.
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