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THE POST-WAR PERIOD AND INDEPENDENCE

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Continued from last week

NU’s Career Advances

In May of 1942, a month after the Japanese attack, NU was promoted to a higher post within the Department of Commerce and Industries. He was also seconded to serve as Deputy Commissioner in the Department of Commodity Purchase, where he was placed in charge of arranging the supply of commodities such as desiccated coconut and copra to the Food Ministry in Britain. (Interestingly, NU had selected “The Oil Seed Trade with Specific Reference to Copra” as his special subject when he applied for his M.Sc. (Econ.) degree. Correspondence from his Personal Files show that, while NU was studying at the LSE, Professor Paish, who was one of his professors, recommended NU to a London merchant dealing in edible oils, to carry out a survey of “The Trade in Edible Oils… from Production, through Importation, Distribution and Marketing to Consumers’ Demand” (N.U. Jayawardena Personal Files).

In NU’s words:

As Deputy Commissioner of Commodity Purchase, it fell to my lot to plan out the organization of the department in the early stages, particularly in regard to the purchase schemes for copra, oil and plumbago. Later I was engaged in reorganizing the operative methods of the Department and, in this connection, compiled a comprehensive code of departmental instructions.

He listed the activities of the Department of Commodity Purchase, “which was run on business lines,” and described the strength of the staff:

[There were] 11 Staff Officers including a full-time Commissioner and myself as Deputy, a store personnel of 112, and a clerical establishment of 117, while the annual turnover of the transactions of the Department exceeds Rs. 50 million. (N.U. Jayawardena Personal Files)

The Department of Commodity Purchase was based in the Bristol Hotel, which was located opposite the Cargill’s store, in the Colombo Fort. The Director of the Department was L.J.B. Turner, for whom NU had earlier worked at the Registrar General’s Office. In his rapid career ascent, NU would begin to catch up with and overtake persons for whom he had worked earlier. In 1946, he was appointed Acting Commissioner of War Risks Insurance to fill in for F. Leach, who had left the country. One may recall that it was F. Leach who had tried to appoint a Mudaliyar’s son over NU when he had applied for his first government job as a junior clerk of the District Road Committee in Hambantota (see Chapter 5).

Another Career Landmark

In June of 1946, NU was seconded to serve in the newly created post of Additional Controller of Finance and Supplies (Economics), in addition to the other posts he held. This was the first posting in the Treasury Department and it would have brought him much satisfaction, as the Treasury Department was considered to be the pinnacle of the civil service. Such a swift ascent was bound to create problems. The ‘mandarins’ of the Civil Service did not take kindly to the promotions which NU, the outsider, was given by the time he was 38, and to the multiple posts he held. Their resentment was all the more because the salary he received from these combined posts was ‘somewhat in excess of two Officers of State, one of whom was [his] superior authority’ (N.U. Jayawardena, 11 May 1987, p.3).

NU had risen on proven merit, rather than by passing the Civil Service examination, and as head of four separate departments, he received an income equal to a Class 1, Grade II official of the Ceylon Civil Service – even though he was not a member. This led the

Ceylon Civil Service Association to lodge a strong protest against NU. ( There is a letter addressed to NU in his Personal Files, dated 18 November 1946, in which the Chief Secretary wrote to inform him of his provisional appointment, to act “in addition to your own duties… as Additional Commissioner, Commodity Purchase, and Commissioner, War Risks Insurance, pending receipt of the advice of the Public Services Commission” (emphasis added). In this connection, NU described in detail a revealing episode involving the Acting Financial Secretary, C.E. Jones, which clearly exemplifies the phenomenon of the dethroning of the old guard elite – the “cultivated gentlemen” – by specialist technocrats who succeeded on merit (mentioned in the previous chapter):

There was, before [the Acting Financial Secretary] a rather bulky file containing dispatches from the Secretary of State on a highly complex subject of Economic Relations, which it fell to my lot to study, analyse and present in the form of a comprehensive report to… the Governor… to be signed by the Financial Secretary, together with a lengthy dispatch to the Secretary of State. [This was] a subject he did not know, [and] on which he could rely without reservation on my analysis and presentation. He then handed them the file with the request that if they or their colleagues felt they could do a better job than I had done, they were free to identify such a person to take over my position and other positions I held, and also receive the aggregate emoluments I was paid. (Apart from being dependent on NU to get through his work, it is interesting to speculate whether C.E. Jones’ sympathies with NU may have been strengthened due to the fact that Jones, too, had graduated from the London University (BSc.), unlike many of the senior members of the Ceylon Civil Service who were mostly products of Cambridge and Oxfor (ibid)

Following this interview with Jones, the representatives of the Civil Service Association left NU – as he triumphantly termed it – “severely alone.” Whether he was disturbed or not by the episode, NU was not slow to see its moral. Though he noted that it spoke volumes for the Association’s sense of ‘fair play’ and ‘merit,’ it no doubt made NU aware of the pitfalls and hazards of holding important positions in public life. Chapter 10 can read online on https://island.lk/nu-at-the-london-school-of-economics/

In regard to finance, my government intends to seek expert advice with regard to changes in our financial structure which may be necessitated by the transition from a colonial to a free, national economy.

(Throne Speech, Sir Henry Monck-Mason Moore, Governor, 25 Nov. 1947)

Slaughter tapping a rubber tree

The post-war period presented the country with a series of further economic hardships and challenges. The burdens of inflation, shortages of food and other imported items, as well as rationing and a series of controls, increased in the war’s aftermath. The State continued to play an interventionist role in the market, stepping up its regulatory controls, due to the continuing shortages of essential goods and the scarcity of exchange with which to buy these goods. Stanley Wickramaratne has aptly described, the “plethora of controls” regulating the supply of goods and services, and in general the free mobility of its citizens during and after the Second World War, which

… were departmentalized by the State and named Food Control, Textile Control, Rubber Control, Tea Control, Milk Food Control, Petrol Control, Poonac Control, Price Control and Import-Export and Exchange Control…

[After] Independence these control mechanisms gradually ceased to function except the last two mentioned. (Wickramaratne, 2002)

Sri Lanka was adversely impacted by factors associated with the worldwide economic and physical destruction caused by the war and had to hold its own in a world reeling from economic breakdown. Competing for access to markets and limited resources from a weak position, Sri Lanka had few options and was held hostage to the vagaries of the international market. As a small nation with an undiversified economy, it relied heavily on the export of a few agricultural commodities – primarily tea and rubber – for a large part of its revenue. (According to Das Gupta (1949, p.9), Sri Lanka produced “only a few things, but produces them almost entirely for export,” and derived about 60% of

its income from agricultural exports, producing only a quarter to a third of its total rice requirements.) Furthermore, it was not self-sufficient in the production of essential goods and was disadvantaged by an undeveloped banking system and capital market, as well as the lack of an industrial base. Thus, Sri Lanka had next to no recourse to internal financing that could help provide a financial cushion to tide over this period, nor the means to provide the investment capital to step up local production of essential goods to replace costly imports.

There was much that needed to be worked out and negotiated, and new institutions had to be set up to help meet the needs of the soon-to-be independent Sri Lanka and the challenges of the evolving post-war economic order. In addition, financial and trade arrangements had to be planned to bridge the immediate needs of the nation. After independence, Sri Lanka would be faced with the additional challenge of asserting itself as an independent sovereign nation.

NU described his work during this period of transition as a time when he “performed the functions of the principal financial and economic adviser to the Ceylon Government” (N.U. Jayawardena Personal Files). Over the four-year period, which stretched from 1946 to 1950, NU attended and assisted in several international conferences and negotiations. On the eve of national independence, NU would rise from his position as Controller of Finance and Supplies (Economics) to become both Controller of Exchange and Controller of Imports and Exports, and would set up the machinery for the operations of exchange control.

Declining Terms of Trade

By the war’s end, Sri Lanka had managed to accumulate substantial foreign-exchange surpluses, which were largely due to increased earnings from stepped-up rubber production, a reduction in imports during wartime as well as payments for basing the British South East Asia Command in Sri Lanka. However, as pointed out by Das Gupta (1949, p.31), these surpluses were “a measure not so much of prosperity but of privation,” since during the war, these could not be utilized as desired to purchase essential imports, and consumption had to be curtailed at great hardship to the population. Furthermore, following the war, these hard-earned savings actually lost value in real terms as the prices of imports rose sharply and the rise in the export price of rubber – Sri Lanka’s major export – did not keep pace. The restoration of Malaysian and Indonesian rubber stocks to the world market, and consequent increase in supply, had a somewhat dampening effect on the world price of rubber.

Sri Lanka’s foreign-exchange surpluses were quickly depleted, even though consumption continued to be restricted by the government to meet this dilemma. Ironically, by the year 1947, although imports were reduced to about the same level they had been in 1938, the economy experienced a balance-of-payments crisis, owing to a decline in the terms of trade. The case of rice imports starkly illustrates the economic dilemma Sri Lanka faced. According to Das Gupta, in 1947, Sri Lanka imported half the quantity of rice it had in 1938, but the bill for this was about two and a half times what it had been in 1938 (ibid, pp.90-91).

Workers loading dry goods in a Colombo warehouse

NU’s Link with Oliver Goonetilleke

In 1945, Oliver Goonetilleke (OEG) was appointed to the prestigious post of Financial Secretary – one of the three Officers of State – as the first (and last) Sri Lankan to hold this position. NU would now work more closely with him. In 1946, on one of his first high-level visits abroad, NU accompanied OEG to the UK to assist him in the negotiations with the British government on “post-war financial issues affecting Sri Lanka” (Ceylon Civil List, 1950, p.86). According to Jeffries, during this period one of the chief areas of negotiation involved “the continual struggle to secure an economic price for Ceylon rubber” (1969, p.106). When Indonesia and Malaysia fell under Japanese control during the war, both Britain and its allies relied heavily on Sri Lanka to step up production to meet the shortfall in this critical war material. At the war’s end, Sri Lanka’s rubber yields were adversely affected due to the wartime “slaughtertapping” (over-tapping) of its rubber trees. ( Das Gupta stated that at least one-quarter of all the rubber trees in Sri Lanka had been slaughter-tapped during the war.) According to Jeffries:

The [Sri Lankan rubber] industry had already sacrificed its interest in order that the war might be won, but now Ceylon was being expected to compete on equal terms in the market with Malaya and Indonesia whose plantations were in full production after the enforced wartime rest. (Jeffries, 1969, p.106) ( Sri Lanka’s strong reliance on rubber for its revenue continued into the early 1950s. In 1952 R.G. Senanayake, who was Minister of Trade and Commerce, negotiated a Rubber-Rice Pact with the People’s Republic of China, in which the former agreed to purchase Sri Lanka’s entire annual output of rubber for five years at a premium, in exchange for rice supplied at a price well below the world market price (see de Silva & Wriggins, 1988, pp.269-71).)

OEG, who had a reputation as an astute negotiator, would have reminded the British government of Sri Lanka’s loyal support and sacrifices made during the war and of Britain’s moral obligation towards Sri Lanka. His skills of persuasion were legendary both in Sri Lanka and in Britain. A British government official was said to have woefully remarked that, “after shaking hands with him, it was advisable to check that all one’s fingers were there” (ibid, p.82). OEG once described himself as “no chicken in either strategy or in tactics” (ibid, p.74); and NU characterized him as someone who was “uncommonly intelligent,” and “highly imaginative… astute to the point of being uncanny, and an able negotiator” (quoted in de Zoysa manuscript, p.15).

Negotiations in London took place over a period of three and a half months from the end of July to mid-November 1946. An interesting side note to this episode is that during this time, NU visited his professors at the London School of Economics to inquire into the possibilities of resuming studies for his interrupted M.Sc. degree. He apparently had not abandoned hopes of completing his studies for a postgraduate degree. Although records show that his professors were amenable to this proposition, NU’s career again overtook him and he never completed this degree (LSE Student Records on N.U. Jayawardena).

Independence

Earlier in 1942, when the British government entered into discussions with India on the question of its independence, the Sri Lankan leadership also began to place pressure on the British regarding the same issue. According to Charles Jeffries, the Civil Defence Department

became the regular meeting place for “the triumvirate” of D.S. Senanayake, Oliver Goonetilleke and Ivor Jennings, who planned and worked out the negotiating points and strategies that would be undertaken towards this goal (Jeffries, pp.68-69). By 1943, this group had managed to wrest preliminary terms of agreement from the colonial government. In December 1944, a Commission composed of Lord Soulbury, Sir Frederick Rees and Frederick Burrows visited the island, and the resulting Soulbury Constitution (1947) introduced to the country a parliamentary government with a cabinet system for the first time. Elections were held under this constitution in August and September 1947, and the newly founded United National Party (UNP) formed the government. Its leader, D.S. Senanayake became the first Prime Minister of Sri Lanka and J.R. Jayewardene (JR) was appointed Finance Minister.

Working with J.R. Jayewardene

NU worked with JR in various official capacities over a period of nearly six years. He first came to know JR in 1946, when NU was appointed, along with his colleague K. Williams, to the Treasury in the newly created positions of Controller of Finance and Supply (Economics) – a year before JR assumed office as Finance Minister. NU was to work for him successively in his capacities as Controller of Exchange, Deputy Governor and Governor of the Central Bank.

NU found JR to be an unassuming and courteous Minister, who was never “intellectually stubborn or arrogant,” and who possessed a “fine sense of humour.” He found him “more ready to learn than to talk” and felt he “brought to bear a trained… [and] legal mind”

(N.U. Jayawardena, c.1985, p.59). According to NU:

JR wanted facts and their analysis, but would not accept any rendering of analysis unless he was convinced of its validity… He was thus more concerned with the substance and less with the detail… JR was quick to perceive and was not slow to decide, which he did with deliberation but once he had decided he remained unshakeable unless new facts or new situations emerged to justify the review of decisions taken. (ibid)

For NU, working for JR was “both a demanding duty and an intellectual pleasure” (ibid). He found in JR an eagerness to learn – a quality which NU himself valued and shared. JR, a lawyer by profession, felt he needed a grounding in economics. NU worked closely

with him, explaining the economic realities to the Minister – as did Professor B.B. Das Gupta of the Economics Department of the University, whom JR consulted on economic issues. The new Finance Minister had to absorb his lessons quickly, as he had to contend with several technically complex issues and crises during this period, including the international negotiations that led to two Sterling Assets Agreements with the UK, setting up the exchange control machinery required to ensure the success of these agreements, as well as laying the groundwork for the creation of a Central Bank. NU would be centrally involved in all of these areas.

Controller of Exchange

NU was appointed Controller of Exchange in April 1947. This was a prestigious post in which he was the implementer of some “purely central banking functions,” including “the determination of foreign exchange rates, control of foreign exchange holdings of commercial banks, and arrangements for forward cover” (N.U. Jayawardena, 1950, p.11). Exchange control originally came into operation in Sri Lanka upon the outbreak of war in Europe in September 1939, and was initially restricted to financial transactions in the non-sterling area. NU started out with a “skeleton staff” of nine members, working from an office on the first floor of the De Mel Building on Chatham Street (N.U. Jayawardena, 1949, p.29).

Near the end of 1947, Sri Lanka suffered a severe drain on its “overseas balances,” which was also causing “serious financial difficulties” to Britain. This crisis resulted in the government’s tentative decision to extend exchange control to include the sterling area – in other words, it would now cover “all financial transactions between Ceylon and the outside world” (ibid, p.10; and N.U. Jayawardena, 1950, p.3). Before undertaking this step, NU was sent to spend a “short but useful period” at the Reserve Bank of India in Mumbai to study the exchange control operations of that institution.( . A couple of months earlier, in September 1947, India had already extended her controls to cover the sterling area, due to similar circumstances (N.U. Jayawardena, 1949, p.10). He later spent additional time studying the exchange control operations at the Bank of England to obtain further technical training. When exchange control was extended to cover the sterling areas in June 1948, NU was appointed full-time Controller of Exchange and relieved of his other duties to enable him to devote his full energies and attention to exchange control (ibid, p.12).

This extension of controls “multiplied the volume of work manifold,” demanding “a new orientation of policy on principles which bore little relationship to the practices pertaining to non-sterling area transactions” (The increased scale of operations can be put into perspective if one bears in mind that at that time, 60% of all imports and 70% of all exports were transacted with sterling-area countries (see de Silva & Wriggins, p.220).

Also, earlier, exchange control was limited to a few but not all countries in the non-sterling area, and these “transactions were mainly derived from instructions received from the Secretary of State for the Colonies” (N.U. Jayawardena, 1949, p.11). (ibid, p.11). With the introduction of extended controls, every transaction involving foreign trade or foreign remittances had to pass through the Exchange Control Department and therefore required close coordination with other government departments such as Customs, the Post Office, Import and Export Control, and Food Control. In addition, an advisory committee, which included the heads of the main banks such as the Bank of Ceylon and the Imperial Bank, was formed to give advice to the Controller.

A comprehensive manual was drawn up and distributed to banks and authorized exchange dealers as well. A large number of staff members had to be recruited to carry out the expanded operations, requiring the Department to locate to more spacious quarters on York Street. ( The extent and rate of increase in staff numbers gives some indication of the onerous nature of exchange control operations. After relocating to York Street, by the end of 1948, a mere one and a half years after NU took over as Exchange Controller, the staff would increase to 191 members. “Congested conditions” later necessitated a further move to more spacious quarters in Echelon Barracks, some time in 1950 (N.U. Jayawardena, 1949, p.32).

In spite of the recruitment of additional staff, NU noted that: “it was still necessary to work long hours at a stretch to keep the machinery of control working and to avoid delays and inconvenience to the… public.”

Another challenge during the first year of operations was to train the staff, who initially did not have the technical knowledge required to carry out these controls. According to NU, it was “to their credit that they overcame this handicap in a short time” (N.U. Jayawardena,

1949, p.11). In his Administrative Report for the year 1949, NU described the year as a “trying and strenuous year” for his staff. He proudly noted that it gave him “no little pleasure to record that the Department of Exchange Control has, on the whole, maintained a high

reputation… an achievement of which every member of the staff should justly be proud” (N.U. Jayawardena, 1950, p.22). NU described exchange control as “an irksome restriction,” however, noting that it was a necessity at that time to promote a “more equitable distribution of goods in short supply.” Nonetheless, NU’s firm belief in the superiority of the market mechanism clearly comes out in this report, when he speculates about alternatives to exchange control, asking whether its ends could not be better served by:

methods based on the alternative principle of regulating the demand for foreign currencies at a stable exchange rate through the price mechanism. This is undoubtedly a question with many implications, administrative, economic and financial… It… deserves close study… by everyone who naturally resents the irksome restrictions of control. (ibid, p. 23, emphasis added)

A Passion for Work

There was no cutting back on his working hours when NU reached the position of Controller of Exchange. As before, a twelve-hour workday was the rule – with eighteen hours not being unusual. His daughter Neiliya recalls how NU would often ask her mother to

bring her for a drive and to pick him up in office:

I remember my mother and myself going to the Exchange Controller’s office, and sitting in the car for an hour or more waiting for my father to finish work. But he always kept us waiting. His assistant would bring bundles and bundles of files when he finally came down and put them in the luggage boot. This was always after 7:30 or 8 p.m.

Neiliya recalls how at other times:

I would have my dinner and go with my mother and pick him up. I would be given an ice-cream cone on the way home. He would go home and have a shower, have dinner and sit with his files from about 10 p.m. and work until around 2 a.m. He would then get up at 5 a.m., work until 7.30 a.m. and we would see him at his desk on our way out to school.

To be continued

(Excerpted from N.U. JAYAWARDENA The first five decades)
By Kumari Jayawardena and Jennifer Moragoda ✍️



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Features

El Niño under way and threatens weather extremes, scientists say

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El Niño – the natural Pacific weather pattern that pushes up global temperatures – has officially begun, US scientists say.

The US National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration (NOAA) has declared that El Niño conditions are now under way in the tropical Pacific, with sea surface temperatures having risen sharply in recent months.

Many forecasts suggest this could end up as a so-called “super” El Niño, and even be among the strongest ever recorded.

Coming on top of decades of human-caused warming, it could bring another record-hot year – most likely in 2027 – with disruption to weather, food supplies and economies running well into that year.

This announcement by NOAA is not a surprise as forecasters have expected this warming phase, after the cooler “sister” pattern, La Niña, ended earlier this year.

Sea surface temperatures in the central and tropical Pacific have now passed the 0.5C-above-average threshold that US scientists use to define an El Niño event.

El Niño conditions developed over the past month, as shown by above-average sea surface temperatures (SSTs) across the central to eastern equatorial Pacific Ocean,” the agency said.

NOAA has also seen the winds above the equatorial Pacific begin to shift – a sign that the atmosphere is now responding to the warmer ocean, not just the ocean warming on its own.

A graphic of two global maps with one showing in blue, cooler conditions in a key section of the Pacific in December last year, with a second one showing conditions in May this year, with red indicating a far greater amount of heat coming to the surface of sea.

What has surprised the researchers is how confident the computer models already are about its strength.

El Niño‘s intensity is measured by how far sea surface temperatures rise above average in a key zone of the Pacific.

A strong event is defined as more than 1.5C above average; a very strong one above 2C.

According to NOAA’s June outlook, “there is a 63% chance of a very strong El Niño during November-January, that would rank among the largest El Niño events in the historical record going back to 1950,” the agency said.

The three strongest events since then have been in 1982/83, 1997/98 and 2015/16.

Some of the latest US and European (ECMWF) models go further, showing temperatures in the tropical Pacific potentially climbing more than 3C above average by the end of the year.

But the US agency urged some caution on what their strength prediction implies.

“Even very strong El Niño events do not lead to the expected impact everywhere, but stronger events can more significantly tilt the odds in favour of expected outcomes.”

The bigger concern is that all this is happening on an already much hotter planet.

“We do need to worry about the impacts,” said Prof Adam Scaife, head of monthly to decadal prediction at the UK Met Office.

“The current El Niño is… riding on top of a substantial amount of global warming.

“This means that the actual temperatures in affected regions could well be unprecedented, as the warming from El Niño is being topped up by climate change.”

A very strong El Niño typically lifts global air temperatures by around 0.2C, releasing heat stored in the ocean into the atmosphere. That extra blast now lands on a world that is already setting records.

The year 2024 – the warmest on record – was boosted by an El Niño that was not even especially strong.

And despite the cooling drag of a La Niña event, 2025 still came in as the third warmest year on record, hotter even than the super El Niño year of 2016.

Line graph showing monthly global temperatures since 1975 compared with pre-industrial levels of the late 19th Century. Temperatures show a long-term rising trend - the result of climate change. But temperatures tend to spike in El Niño periods, shown in red, and fall in La Niña periods, shown in blue.

“At the end of this year and into 2027, we’re likely to see very high temperatures globally,” Prof Scaife said.

“In 2027, we’re likely to see excess heat on top of the global warming we’ve already got, and that could easily lead to another year above 1.5 degrees [of warming above late-19th-Century levels].”

EPA-EFE/REX/Shutterstock A farmer holds a small pale ear of corn, grown on his farm in Zambia, that was affected by drought, driven in part by a previous El Niño event.
A farmer in Zambia shows a small ear of corn grown in a field impacted by drought during a previous El Niño event.[BBC]

No two El Niños are alike, but the disruption is felt most sharply in the tropics.

Flooding is common in northern Peru and southern Ecuador, and can reach parts of East Africa, Central Asia and the southern United States.

At the same time, the risk of drought and wildfire rises across much of Australia, Indonesia and northern South America – hitting agriculture and global food stocks.

El Niño also tends to suppress Atlantic hurricanes, and forecasters already expect a quieter-than-average season.

“While that sounds like a good thing, for Central America that leads to a lot less rainfall and potentially drought conditions,” said Liz Stephens, professor of climate risk and resilience at the University of Reading.

Even the UK feels it, if faintly: El Niño can tilt the odds towards a mild start and cold end to winter, though the links are loose.

For many, the forecast is far from abstract.

“An El Niño declaration is not just another weather forecast – for millions of people it is a deadly siren to be feared,” said Mohamed Adow, director of campaign group Power Shift Africa.

“It means failed rains, dying crops, rising food prices, and families pushed to the edge yet again. In East Africa especially, this will land on communities already battered by droughts and floods in recent years.”

Japan’s Meteorological Agency (JMA) takes a similar view to NOAA, judging that El Niño conditions are present. It adds it is all but certain to last into the autumn.

Not every agency is ready to call it, though. Australia’s Bureau of Meteorology (BoM) uses a stricter criterion, requiring sea surface temperatures to exceed 0.8C above average.

This week it said the tropical Pacific was “approaching El Niño conditions”, with central Pacific temperatures already crossing its thresholds, but it stopped short of formally declaring the event had begun.

It expects El Niño to develop later this year, and says it could be strong.

El Niño occurs every two to seven years and usually lasts about a year.

There is still no conclusive proof that climate change is making these events stronger or more frequent – but a warming world can supercharge their effects.

[BBC]

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The Sniper Approach: Precision Medicines to Fight Cancer

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For a considerable length of time in the past, the global war on cancer relied on a strategy similar to carpet-bombing or shooting from the hip in a wider circle. Traditional chemotherapy, while lifesaving for millions, has always been a blunt and aimless instrument. It floods the body with medications that attack any cell that divides rapidly, and because cancer cells divide ever so speedily, they too are destroyed. However, those chemotherapy drugs also attack the healthy multiplying cells all over the body, including those in the hair follicles, stomach, intestinal lining, and bone marrow. It was a kind of an all-encompassing blunderbuss approach. The end result is the all-too-familiar gauntlet of severe nausea, loss of appetite, hair loss, bone marrow depression, as well as profound exhaustion.

But a quiet and profound revolution has been unfolding in the corridors of oncology. Western medicine is rapidly shifting away from this one-size-fits-all assault. Instead, we are entering the era of precision oncology: a paradigm shift where treatments are tailor-made to target the specific genetic and molecular aberrations lurking inside a tumour. In a telling analogy, modern cancer therapy is deploying snipers instead of grenades or carpet bombs. Nowhere is this revolution more visible or more successful than in the fight against blood cancers and lymphomas.

Decoding the Enemy: What are Antigens and Tumour Markers?

To understand how this new generation of medicine works, we have to look at the microscopic histological landscape of a cancer cell. Every cell in the body is covered in unique surface proteins, which act like microscopic identification badges. The immune system scans these badges to differentiate between one’s own healthy tissue and foreign invaders like bacteria or viruses. When any such protein triggers an immune response, it is called an antigen.

When a normal cell transforms or mutates into a cancerous one, its identification badges change. It begins to overexpress certain proteins, display mutated or altered versions of them, or throw out chemical distress signals. Scientists refer to these telltale chemical signatures as tumour markers.

In the past, two patients with the same type of lymphoma would receive exactly the same chemotherapy regimen because their tumour cells looked identical under a standard microscope. Today, molecular testing can reveal that Patient X’s tumour cells are covered in a specific antigen, while Patient Y’s tumour even lacks it entirely. Though the cancer has the same name, the underlying biology is completely different. By identifying these distinct tumour markers, doctors can now select a drug designed specifically to latch onto that exact marker, leaving the neighbouring healthy cells virtually untouched. It is akin even to modern drone technology.

The Breakthrough in Blood Cancers and Lymphomas

While precision medicine is making waves across all of oncology, its most dramatic victories have been won in haematological malignancies; the cancers of the blood, bone marrow, and lymph nodes. Blood cancers are uniquely suited for targeted therapies. Unlike a solid tumour in the lung or colon, which can be a chaotic, structurally complex mass of many different cell types, blood cancers often stem from a single, rogue line of immune cells circulating through the body. This makes it easier for scientists to isolate the specific “glitch” or antigen common to the entire cancerous population and then attack it specifically.

The Story of Rituximab: The First Smart Bomb

Consider the case of a Non-Hodgkin Lymphoma, a cancer of the lymphatic system. A vast majority of these lymphomas arise from cancerous B-cells (a type of lymphocytic white blood cell). Scientists discovered that these malignant cells almost universally carry a specific surface antigen called Cluster of Differentiation or Cluster of Designation, universally known by the abbreviation CD20.

This discovery led to the creation of the medication Rituximab, one of the earliest and most successful monoclonal antibodies. Monoclonal antibodies are laboratory-produced molecules engineered to mimic the body’s natural immune system. They act like guided missiles, designed to seek out and bind to specific proteins or foreign invaders to block disease processes, stop inflammation, or flag infected cells for natural destruction. Engineered in a lab, Rituximab behaves like a heat-seeking missile or a drone, designed to seek out and bind exclusively to the CD20 antigen.

Once it locks onto the cancer cell, it does two things: It delivers a direct blow to the cell’s internal machinery and simultaneously acts as a neon sign, screaming to the patient’s own immune system: “Come and destroy this specific cell.” The introduction of targeted therapies like Rituximab radically transformed the prognosis for lymphoma patients, turning what was once a highly fatal diagnosis into a highly manageable, often curable condition.

Turning the Patient’s Body into the Medicine: CAR-T Cell Therapy

If monoclonal antibodies are smart bombs, the latest frontier in tailored treatment is akin to training an elite, personalised army. CAR-T Cell Therapy (Chimeric Antigen Receptor T-cell therapy) is a highly specialised form of immunotherapy that genetically modifies a patient’s own white blood cells (T-cells) to seek out and destroy cancer cells. The use of the term Chimeric ” indicates a tissue with two or more genetically distinct populations of cells. This is the essence of CAR-T cell therapy, a living drug tailored not just to a type of cancer, but to the individual patient.

The process sounds like science fiction, but it is saving lives today. A patient’s white blood cells (T-cells, the foot soldiers of the immune system) are harvested from their blood. These cells are then genetically re-engineered in a specialised laboratory by using a harmless virus to insert a new gene into these T-cells. This gene instructs the cells to grow a specialised receptor on their surface called a Chimeric Antigen Receptor (CAR). This receptor is custom-built to recognise the exact antigen on the patient’s cancer cells (such as CD19 in acute leukaemia). Then these newly armed “super-cells” are grown by the millions in a laboratory and infused back into the patient.

Once back inside the body, these living weapons hunt down the cancer cells with astonishingly targeted precision. As they are the patient’s own cells, they can persist in the body for years, acting as a vigilant, microscopic security guard against any relapse.

The Benefits: Better Results, Kinder Side-Effects

The most immediate benefit of tailored therapy for the average patient is the reduction in collateral damage. Because these drugs are engineered to ignore cells that do not bear the target antigen, the devastating side effects of traditional chemotherapy are heavily mitigated. Patients generally do not lose their hair, and the severe, debilitating nausea that once defined the cancer experience is significantly lessened.

Furthermore, these treatments work where chemotherapy fails. Cancer cells are notoriously cunning; they often evolve mechanisms to pump chemotherapy drugs out of their system or repair the DNA damage caused by standard drugs. Targeted therapies bypass these defence mechanisms by attacking the cell’s unique structural vulnerabilities or cutting off the specific growth signals the tumour needs to survive.

Challenges on the New Frontier

Despite the immense promise, the transition to fully tailored cancer care is not without its hurdles. At these initial times, these therapies are not panaceas for all ills.

Cancer cells are highly unstable and prone to frequent mutations. A drug may successfully eliminate 99% of tumour cells bearing a specific antigen, but the remaining 1% might mutate, stop producing that antigen, and begin to multiply. This is known as “antigen escape,” leading to drug resistance. To counter this, researchers are now developing therapies that target multiple different markers simultaneously, trapping the cancer in a molecular crossfire.

Tailored treatments are marvels of modern biotechnology, but they are incredibly complex and expensive to manufacture. Designing a unique cellular therapy for a single individual requires highly sophisticated infrastructure, specialised laboratories, and pristine quality control. Lowering the cost of production so these life-saving treatments are accessible to patients worldwide remains one of the greatest challenges of 21st-century medicine.

A targeted drug is only useful if you know exactly what you are targeting. This requires patients to undergo advanced genetic sequencing and biomarker testing at the time of diagnosis. Integrating these sophisticated diagnostic tools into routine medical care globally is essential if we are to realise the full potential of precision oncology.

The Road Ahead: A Future Without “Cancer” perhaps!!!

It is not wishful thinking. We are rapidly approaching a future where the word “cancer” will no longer be treated as a single, terrifying megalith. Instead, a patient’s diagnosis will be defined by its specific molecular profile: a unique combination of antigens, genetic mutations, and tumour markers. The swing towards tailored treatments in Western medicine represents more than just a technological advancement. It perhaps represents a philosophical shift. We are no longer treating the disease in isolation; we are treating the specific, unique manifestation of that disease within an individual person.

While there is still a long winding road ahead to conquer drug resistance and ensure equitable access to these therapies, the future trajectory is quite clear. The era of carpet-bombing is drawing to a close. The age of precision medicine has arrived, bringing with it unprecedented hope, gentler recoveries, and a brighter dawn, especially for cancer patients around the world. Hail Personalised Medicine; Vivat Medicina Ad Personam.

by Dr B. J. C. Perera
MBBS(Cey), DCH(Cey), DCH(Eng), MD(Paediatrics),
MRCP(UK), FRCP(Edin), FRCP(Lond), FRCPCH(UK), FSLCPaed, FCCP, Hony. FRCPCH(UK), Hony. FCGP(SL)
Specialist Consultant Paediatrician and Honorary Senior Fellow,
Postgraduate Institute of Medicine, University of Colombo, Sri Lanka.
An independent freelance correspondent.

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Lest We Forget – V

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The Pilot

Francis Gary Powers was born in Jenkins, Kentucky on August 17, 1929, the only son in a family of six children. His father, Oliver Powers, was a coal miner struggling through the Depression years. At the age of 14, Francis took a joy ride in a light aircraft at a country fair in exchange for $2.50. Immediately bitten by the ‘flying bug’, he decided that he wanted to be a pilot someday, although his father wanted him to be a doctor. By then World War II was on, and Francis planned to join the US Navy after completing high school graduation. But when the time came, the war had ended and Francis missed that opportunity.

However, at his father’s suggestion he enrolled at the Milligan College in Tennessee. In his senior year there he applied to become a US Air Force cadet, and was selected, with the stipulation that only after graduating from Milligan would he be allowed to sign his papers for entry as a cadet. As the Korean war had begun, Powers’ father preferred him to return home after graduation and wait for his draft notice for war service. Powers complied, but after two months he applied again to the US Air Force, was selected and enlisted.

His initial training was in skills other than flying, mainly photography. Eventually, in November 1951 he joined the flight school and commenced training on a North American T-6 Texan. Six months later, he began learning to fly jet aircraft, with Powers desperately wanting to participate in combat over Korea. But he was stricken with appendicitis and missed out on the action.

Subsequently, in October 1953 he was sent to New Mexico to train on aerial nuclear bombardment missions at the Watertown airbase, believed to be the birthplace of the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) and later dubbed ‘Area 51’. Meanwhile, Powers was planning to enter ‘civvy street’ as an airline pilot after completing his period of military service. However, he discovered that by the time of his release from the USAF he would be overage for selection by the airlines, so now with a wife to support, Powers decided to renew his tour of duty with the USAF.

In late 1955 Francis was approached by the CIA to fly a specialised type of intelligence-gathering airplane. Manufactured by Lockheed and developed in Area 51, the aircraft was dubbed the ‘Utilities 2’ (‘U-2’ for short). However, he would work ostensibly as a civilian pilot for the CIA. While regular pilots in the USAF were earning $400 per month, this job came with a monthly salary of somewhere between $1,500 and $2,000, with the pilot based overseas basing. For Powers it was an attractive proposition, not least because it was an opportunity to do something patriotic in a new type of aircraft.

As for operations in the U-2, because flights were conducted close to outer space, pilots could see the curvature of the earth, and had to wear a proper space suit, like astronauts. As sunlight was reflected from below, at those altitudes when pilots looked up all they saw was darkness. Once a pilot was cocooned inside his partial-pressure space suit, like an astronaut’s, his full-pressurized helmet was ‘hermetically sealed’ to the extent that he couldn’t even scratch his nose! And if the suit failed or was damaged, the pilot’s blood would literally boil.

The Aircraft

After WWII, with the advent of the ‘Cold War’, the USSR put up their ‘Iron Curtain’. US President Dwight Eisenhower realised it was imperative for the US to look over the other side of that invisible wall to see what was happening there. By then the Soviets had also acquired nuclear capability. While the USAF had aircraft such as the Boeing B-52 Stratofortress with sufficient range and capability for intelligence-gathering, unfortunately the bombers could operate only at lower altitudes, within easy reach of Soviet missiles and fighter jet aircraft. What the USAF needed was an aircraft which could fly above 70,000 ft for at least ten hours at a time.

After evaluating many options, Lockheed applied the resources of its legendary top-secret ‘Skunk Works’ development programme to design and produce a single-engine aircraft with a 105 ft wingspan (measured from wing tip to wing tip) capable of meeting the USAF’s latest requirements. Working under the direction of Lockheed’s equally renowned designer, Kelly Johnson, the team built a prototype in only eight months by combining the fuselage of a Lockheed F-104 Starfighter (a type labelled by pilots as the ‘widow maker’) with newly-designed ultra-long wings. As much weight as possible was saved by providing the barest minimum of equipment, without any armaments, except for the high-resolution camera. Even the canopy enclosing the pressurised cockpit wasn’t fitted with an electric motor to open and shut it, as that would have added to the airplane’s weight. With the ‘empty’ aircraft weighing much less than it otherwise would have, a spin-off benefit was greater fuel efficiency by carrying the maximum amount of fuel, in integral tanks in the wings and nose, for the long surveillance flights for which the U-2 was primarily designed.

The U-2’s landing gear (undercarriage) comprised two main wheels mounted in tandem at the nose and tail along the longitudinal axis, not unlike wheels on a bicycle. For stability during taxiing and takeoff, two smaller wheels were attached to outriggers at each wingtip. These wheels were designed to fall away as the aircraft lifted off, then retrieved for reuse by a ground crew. However, the absence of the outrigger, or ‘pogo’, wheels made the U-2 difficult to land and roll along the runway at the end of a mission.

The spy-plane’s long wings were so efficient that they produced lift even with the General Electric turbofan engine on idle power close to the ground (with the aircraft flying in what is called ‘ground effect’), while the landing gear, flaps and spoilers helped to create drag to slow the aircraft down. During the landing process another U-2 pilot in a chase car (called the ‘mobile’) followed the aircraft when it was directly above the runway, giving the pilot of the landing U-2 guidance in flying parallel close to the ground, before he induced an aerodynamic stall to touchdown by raising the nose. Performance-wise the aircraft could take off within less than 1,000 ft of runway and climb quickly to the planned very high altitude.

Pilots called the U-2 the ‘Dragon Lady’. It was relatively slow with a cruise speed of Mach 0.7, i.e. 70% the prevalent speed of sound. (Today’s big commercial jets fly at speeds between Mach 0.80 and 0.85.) For the more technically minded, the difference between the low-speed stall and high-speed stall was only eight knots. (‘Stall’ in this instance refers to an aerodynamic stall, whereby the lift-generating airflow over the wings deteriorates causing the airplane to descend. It is distinct from an engine stopping, or ‘stalling’.) Consequently, U-2 pilots had to be very gentle with the controls.

Another characteristic of the U-2 is that it flew very close to what is known as ‘Coffin Corner’ at high altitude. To explain that term and phenomenon, an aircraft remains airborne as the force of lift, produced by airflow over its wings, is equal to the airplane’s weight, while the thrust generated by its engines is equal to aerodynamic drag, or resistance. Lift is also proportional to the density of the air through which the aircraft flies. As an aircraft reaches higher altitudes, air density reduces, and consequently the ‘lifting power’ deteriorates too. If nothing is done to stabilize the aircraft it will begin descending or literally fall out of the sky from lack of lift. Therefore, to maintain the value of the lift component and keep the airplane aloft at those ultra-high altitudes, the aircraft must fly faster with the engine(s) at full throttle.

Additionally, as the aircraft approaches the speed of sound, the air flowing over the top of the wing, which is usually curved to generate lift, tends to move faster than the speed of sound and creates a shock wave. However, the speed of sound reduces with Absolute Temperature, therefore the aircraft reaches the sound barrier earlier at a lower speed at high altitude. Again, the aircraft could fall out of the sky by going too fast. Those are the problems that must be reckoned with when flying at high altitudes, hence the expression ‘Coffin Corner’.

The Mission

On May 1, 1960 Francis Gary Powers was assigned to a mission code-named ‘Operation Grand Slam’, to fly from Peshawar, Pakistan to Bodø in Norway, taking photos along the way. As the USSR was busy celebrating May Day in its usual grandiose manner, CIA planners thought it would be a good opportunity to launch the covert photo reconnaissance flight on that day. Ater lining up for takeoff, Powers had to await authorisation from Washington. The ‘Go Signal’ would be received on High Frequency (HF) Radio relayed via Turkey by Morse code.

Departing Peshawar at 0626 hours, Powers climbed quickly through 66,000 ft, then clicked his microphone twice to indicate that he was well and operations were normal. That was the last anyone monitoring the flight heard from him. Reaching 70,000 ft, the U-2 entered USSR airspace from over Lake Van in Northeastern Turkey. But the Soviets were monitoring his flight almost from departure point and waiting for him.

As it happened, there had been a similar U-2 flight the day before. But as none of the Russian fighter jets or missiles could reach 70,000 ft, complacency had set in among the Americans. This morning however, when Powers was passing Lake Van, an explosion occurred behind his U2. Three missiles had been launched by the USSR, one of which struck one of their own fighter aircraft in error, with another going astray. But the missile that detonated in close proximity to Powers’ U-2 was more successful. As the spy-plane was relatively ‘flimsy’ for the purpose of saving weight, the explosion’s shock wave was strong enough to tip the aircraft over in a nose-down attitude. The resulting g-forces pushed Gary Powers up in his seat toward the cockpit canopy and out of reach of the self-destructive switch designed to destroy the on-board camera and film. Still in control of the airplane, Powers descended to 30,000 ft but found that he was now too low to eject. Then a second missile struck the aircraft, throwing him out of the cockpit. His parachute deployed automatically and he landed on a Soviet community farm where he was soon apprehended and handed over to the authorities (KGB). Powers did not, however, use the lethal poison-laced pin, hidden in a coin he carried, to kill himself.

Meanwhile, the CIA realised that one of its U-2 spy-planes had gone missing, so they put out a standard cover story from their files saying that it was an unarmed NASA weather observation aircraft that had been shot down. They claimed that the airplane had suffered an oxygen system problem, with the resulting hypoxia possibly disorientating the pilot. The CIA added that almost certainly the pilot would not have survived, and that was the version announced to the world by President Eisenhower.

However, it wasn’t until May 7 when Soviet Prime Minister Nikita Khruschev announced that an American U-2 had been shot down and its pilot captured. Finally, Eisenhower was forced to admit on May 11 that he had lied, and that he had authorised the spy flights over the USSR.

With the Cold War showing signs of thawing slightly (although the Cuban missile crisis was still two years in the future), a high-level summit meeting had already been planned for May 16 between the US, USSR, Great Britain, and France in Paris. The other Communist nations were not pleased with Khrushchev for agreeing to participate. But the U-2 ‘incident’ on May Day now provided him with a convenient excuse not to attend that highly anticipated meeting. Eventually though, he only met French President Charles de Gaulle and British Prime Minister Harold Macmillan individually, then withdrew from the summit in a huff.

Later, on August 31, 1960 – Francis Gary Powers’ 31st birthday – a ‘show trial’ began at the Hall of Columns (Dom Soyuzov) in Moscow. The pilot’s family was present too. But the verdict was preconceived. Although Powers was expected to be executed, as a spy, he was sentenced to ten years’ imprisonment, with a 100 rubles per month of pocket money and permitted to send one letter home each month. But after serving 21 months, on February 10, 1962 Powers was exchanged for a Soviet intelligence officer named Rudolf Abel (born Vilyam Fisher), who had been convicted on espionage charges and incarcerated on a 30-year sentence at the Atlanta Federal Penitentiary in Georgia, USA.

The much-publicised, almost stage-managed exchange took place at the Glienicke Bridge linking West Berlin to East Germany, and later formed the subject of the Steven Spielberg movie ‘Bridge of Spies’ starring Tom Hanks. Significantly, by the time of the prisoner exchange, CIA chief Allen W. Dulles (brother of John Foster Dulles, the former US Secretary of State under President Eisenhower) had been forced to resign over the Bay of Pigs debacle in Cuba and other perceived strategic failures.

Although, after extensive series debriefings the CIA remained ostensibly pleased with Powers’ actions while in captivity in the USSR, President John F. Kennedy cancelled a formal reception to celebrate his return to the USA. Even Powers’ private writings, in the form of a diary he kept during captivity in the USSR, were suppressed by the CIA. However, they were released many years later in the book titled ‘Letters from a Soviet Prison’.

On March 6, 1962, Powers, who had been awarded the CIA Intelligence Star on his return from captivity, fronted an Armed Services Senate Committee who wanted to ensure that he hadn’t divulged state secrets to the Soviet Union. At the end of the sessions the Senate Committee members were so pleased with his conduct whilst in Soviet captivity, they gave him a standing ovation.

Although the media at that time was making things uncomfortable for Powers, he received the back pay that had accrued while he was out of the country, and he resumed flying but as a civilian U-2 test pilot for Lockheed. Over-flights of the USSR were suspended, but surveillance missions continued over countries such as Vietnam, Cuba and Indonesia. Today the U-2 still flies, mainly on weather and communications missions.

Much later, Francis Gary Powers joined Los Angeles TV station KNBC as a helicopter pilot on traffic-reporting duties. But on August 1, 1977, the Bell JetRanger Powers was flying whilst filming brush fires in Santa Barbara County, ran out of fuel and crashed over the San Fernando Valley, killing him and cameraman George Spears.

Frances Gary Powers was only 47 years old at the time of his death. Dick Spangler, President of the Radio and Television News Association of Southern California, lobbied to have Powers buried at Arlington National Cemetery. The request was duly granted by President Jimmy Carter on the basis of Powers having been awarded the CIA Intelligence Star (equivalent to a military Silver Star) for his service as a CIA spy-plane pilot.

Posthumous Awards received by Capt. Francis Gary Powers (in 2000 & 2012):

· Silver Star: Awarded by the US Air Force in 2012 for valor and exceptional loyalty while being held captive.

· Distinguished Flying Cross:

Awarded for actions during his flights.

· Prisoner of War Medal:

Awarded in 2000 for his time imprisoned in the Soviet Union.

· CIA Director’s Award:

Given for extreme fidelity and courage.

· National Defense Service Medal:

Awarded by the Department of Defense.

God Bless America and no one else!

BY GUWAN SEEYA

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