Features
THE POLICE HOSPITAL: A LEAP INTO MODERNITY
(EXCERPTED FROM MERRIL GUNARATNE’S “COP IN THE CROSSFIRE”)
At the time the Police Hospital was placed in 1996 under my supervision, it was an appendage of the Department of Health Services. In fact it had been so for well over 30 years. The Health Services had actually relegated the institution to the status of a “rural” hospital. As a result, only the buildings and furniture belonged to the police; the medical and paramedical staff were answerable entirely to the National Health Services. To have designated the institution a Police Hospital was therefore a ‘misnomer’. The Health Services also supplied the required drugs and medicines to the Police Hospital. It had been assigned 10 medical officers, of whom four were registered medical practitioners. None of the medical officers had post graduate qualifications.
The Police Hospital thus was hopelessly placed to cater to a service of over 50,000 officers and men. Due to poor resources and facilities, officers injured in the war had invariably to be warded in the National Hospital. Many policemen were reluctant to visit the hospital for even outdoor treatment at that time. Since medical and paramedical officers as well as minor staff were members of trade unions, a strike orchestrated by trade unions in the health sector affected the Police Hospital as well. There had been occasions when pharmacists had locked the pharmacy and taken the keys away at times of strike.
Since the National Health Services administered the hospital, senior police officers attached to it were unable to maintain good disciplinary standards. All that could be done was to report complaints of shortcomings observed to the health authorities. The medical lab technologist at the time even dipped the needle in dettol before extracting blood from a patient’s arm! Disposable plastic syringes had not even been introduced to the hospital. It was therefore not surprising that daily attendance of patients was extremely poor at the time I was assigned the task of administering the hospital. Officers did not place confidence in the hospital since only extremely basic OPD treatment was provided by it.
After 1994, when I found it increasingly difficult to perform duties as Senior DIG (Ranges) due to the prejudices entertained by the government, I informed the Inspector General of Police, W.B. Rajaguru, that I would like a change, preferably to a post which would enable me to administer the hospital as well. It was my desire to accept the challenge of raising it’s standards. The desired change in my duties came about in 1996. The IGP informed me of the government wished to shift me out of what I would describe as “territorial functions” which was my familiar terrain. He therefore thought it appropriate to assign the “Support Services” arm to me which included “inter alia”, the administration of the Police Hospital. I was extremely happy to accept this change, since I could then settle down to work without constraints and fetters which had earlier inhibited my work. Once the administration of the hospital came into my hands, Senior Superintendent of Police Lionel Gunatillake, was appointed Director of Welfare, following a proposal made by me to the IGP. Upon being appointed, Lionel figured actively and enthusiastically in the rapid transformation that was set in motion.
As a first step, I decided to request Dr. Reggie Perera, Director General of Health Services to post more medical officers to the hospital. At the time of my visit to him, I had not thought of plans for the Police Department to take full control of the hospital. Perhaps if Dr. Perera had looked at my request favourably, I may not have embarked on such a radical course of action, as took place later. The Director General assured me that he would post more doctors, but a few days later informed me that it was not possible to offer more medical officers since the Government Medical Officers Association (GMOA) was opposed to it, being disinclined to upgrade the hospital from the status of a rural hospital. I then realized how helpless we were in regard to our efforts to improve the quality of our own hospital.
It was in these circumstances that I decided to seriously explore ways of achieving the total transfer of the hospital to the Police Department. At this time, the Sri Lanka Police Reserve (SLPR) was also under my supervision, and I was aware that there were several vacancies in the ranks of Senior Superintendent, Assistant Superintendent, Inspector and Police Sergeant in it. Funds were allocated annually to the SLPR but returned, since these vacancies remained unfilled. I made a written proposal to the IGP that we obtain the approval of the Ministry of Defence to have the hospital transferred to the department. I also proposed the enlistment of medical and para-medical officers as police reservists under the Sri Lanka Police Reserve Act, in view of the availability of vacancies in ranks from Sergeant upwards. The IGP approved the blueprint submitted. We prepared and sent off a memorandum to Secretary of Defence with a request to obtain the approval of the Cabinet for the hospital to be transferred from the Health Services to the Police, and for authority to enlist medical and para-medical officers as police reservists. The approval given by the cabinet to our memorandum set the stage for the radical transition I had in mind.
Dr. Keerthi Gunaratne, the Chief Medical Officer, played a prominent and valuable role in achieving the transition from the Health Services. Once the formal transfer from the Health Services to the police department was effected in mid 1997, it became necessary to formulate appropriate schemes governing enlistment, promotions, and terms and conditions of service. Several from medical ranks including physicians, an anaesthetist, a surgeon and a large number of medical officers were enlisted to the ranks of Senior Superintendent police, Superintendent of Police and ASPs’ respectively. In respect of para-medical ranks, viz. nurses, pharmacists, lab technologists, radiologists, physiotherapists etc., certain obstacles relating to financial matters had to be surmounted. Basically the problem was that a Sub-Inspector’s total emoluments ran below what para-medical categories in the National Health Services earned.
Although difficulties were not experienced in enlisting medical officers, prospects of attracting para-medical officers therefore remained dim so long as this matter was unresolved. To bridge the gap and attract para-medical officers to join the hospital, special allowances for them were recommended by the department to the Treasury. The payment of these allowances was later approved after a series of discussions with Treasury officials. With the transition, giant strides were also made in installing a wide range of technical facilities for tests, diagnosis and treatment.
The OPD of the Police Hospital, as a result of improvements, became a hive of activity daily. Large numbers began to flock to the hospital for “in house” as well as outdoor treatment. Patients also began to benefit from the clinics of a large number of Visiting Consultants whose services were entirely honorary. They were offered police ranks as incentives. An operating theatre and an intensive care unit were also completed. Police patients were as far as possible provided drugs and medication free of cost.
Dr. R. Ellawela (Surgeon), Dr. G. Nanayakkara (Anaesthetist), Dr. Mrs. Harshini Fernando and Dr. Mrs. Manjula Ranaweera (Physicians), as well as Medical Officer Dr Sunil Pathmasiri were pioneers who actively contributed to the successful transformation of the hospital from it’s rural status to a modern one and to be identified as a police institution. These qualified professionals were so exemplary that their enthusiasm, commitment and efficiency had an infectious impact over the medical and paramedical staff in the hospital.
In conclusion, it must be pointed out that the transformation of the hospital was not achieved easily. It was a story of sweat and toil, with impediments placed by the Health Services trade unions from outside, and fears and concerns expressed about the planned transformation by certain serving senior officers of the Police Department. The hospital became a boon to all officers, the retired ranks in particular, with extensive arrangements in force for treatment of varied ailments, and the availability of free drugs and medicines. Then IGP Rajaguru provided enthusiastic patronage to the project. The vision of a modern hospital could not have become a reality without his inspiration and support.
POSTSCRIPT
THE HOSPITAL, 25 YEARS AFTER. ( This is not part of the book)
I do not know whether a police service elsewhere in the world could boast of a police hospital. I had in mind, plans to improve it in course of time to reach the heights of the military hospital. But I retired not long after its creation.
It is sad but true that the hospital has declined considerably over time. Commitment to the work ethic of a disciplined service, output, a sense of urgency, speed and quality in respect of repairs, renovations, innovations, procurement of drugs, materials and equipment are areas which have seen a serious deterioration of standards. The availability of the two physicians to treat patients is acutely inconsistent. In fact, a retired Senior DIG Leo Perera died in the hospital due to strongly suspected medical negligence. Clinics by Visiting Consultants are being arranged in respect of a number of illnesses. Unfortunately, most of them arrive extremely late, or do not sometimes arrive at all. It is possible that this shortcoming is due to the authorities failing to look after them adequately. Worst of all, the retired police lower ranks who travel from far out to the hospital for treatment receive a poor service.
I would attribute the current plight of the hospital to three major factors. First, all medical and para medical staff do not hold ranks in the police reserve now. Of 58 medical officers in the hospital, as many as 26 are civilians. They no doubt enjoy trade union rights, anathema to a uniformed service. The work ethic required in a disciplined service invariably suffered, with the hospital assuming the appearance of a civilian organization. At the time of the inception of the hospital, it was made mandatory for all medical and para medical ranks to be police officers so that those enlisted would imbibe the discipline required in the service and work with a sense of urgency. Those enlisted as police officers should, before being assigned such ranks, go through proper training and orientation as well. It would be preposterous to offer a police rank without the beneficiary being trained. The required work ethic therefore suffered still further with untrained medical officers merely carrying police ranks.
Second, the key slot, Director of Police Medical Services (D/PMS) is held by a police officer.The Chief Medical Officer (CMO) is a doctor, but he carries only responsibility, whilst the director enjoys power and authority. ‘Dual control’ is repugnant to the efficiency of any institution. The CMO who holds a police rank should be appointed as Director so that he could administer the hospital. I think this serious drawback should be remedied without delay. A hospital cannot be run by a police officer, as much as a police station cannot be administered by a doctor!
Third, police headquarters should treat the hospital like a department, with a separate administrative apparatus. It should have an Establishment Branch (for enlistment and Promotion schemes etc) a separate Tender Board, Finance Branch etc, so that speed and quality would be achieved in postings, reforms, progress, renovations, and procurement of drugs and materials. If such a structure is not in place and the hospital is serviced with structures familiar with police ranges and divisions, there would be danger to life and limb of officers requiring urgent medical attention because of inadequate attention and inordinate delays. In view of chronic inadequacies by police headquarters to put the hospital back on it’s feet, I now begin to wonder whether my enterprise to pioneer a modern hospital had been futile. At the time of inception, the ambitious project envisioned hopes of reaching the standards of the Military Hospital. 25 years later, it appears a distant and elusive goal. Rather, what the hospital now requires is plenty of oxygen for it’s mere survival.
Features
Ethical wealth distribution: Theravada and Mahayana Buddhism
The rules of income distribution as outlined in the Sigalovada Sutta, often referred to as the “householder’s discipline” or the “layperson’s code of conduct,” offer valuable guidance on ethical financial management and distribution of income in Buddhist thought. This sutta is part of the Digha Nikaya of the Pali Canon and addresses how a layperson should conduct their life in relation to family, friends, and community, including the responsible use of wealth.
The Sigalovada Sutta prescribes that wealth should be divided into four portions, each serving a different purpose. This fourfold division serves as a model for ethical financial management that promotes personal security, family care, social responsibility, and spiritual well-being.
* One portion for daily needs: This refers to spending on one’s livelihood, ensuring basic needs are met without excess. It includes food, shelter, clothing, and other essential expenses.
* Two portions for investment: These two portions should be used for increasing wealth, either through business, savings, or investments. The aim is to ensure long-term financial stability, reflecting the Buddhist value of planning for the future with mindfulness and foresight.
* One portion for charity: The final portion should be allocated for charitable giving, supporting religious institutions (such as monks and temples), helping those in need, and contributing to social welfare. This aligns with the Buddhist emphasis on dana (generosity) and the moral responsibility to support others.
Validity and Relevance in Modern
Economic Context
The rules of income distribution in the Sigalovada Sutta remain valid for people who can manage a quarter of their income for daily needs. However, when 10% of people enjoy the lion share of 90% of the wealth while only 10% of the wealth is distributed among 90% of people in developing countries, the practicality of these rules is almost impossible.
Balance Between Consumption and Savings
The Sutta advocates for a balanced approach to spending, saving, and investing, which may aligns with modern financial principles in most advanced economies, where a significant portion of income is often invested in assets like home loans. This approach is consistent with the Sutta’s rule of reinvesting to accumulate wealth. The encouragement to save and invest reflects sound financial planning, helping individuals build long-term financial security and avoid excessive debt, a challenge prevalent in many low and lower and middle-income economies.
Investment for the Future
The recommendation to allocate two portions for investment highlights the importance of growing wealth in a sustainable and ethical way. In a capitalist society, this could translate into saving for retirement, investing in business ventures, or acquiring assets that can generate long-term benefits. Such a strategy encourages people to think beyond immediate consumption and fosters financial stability across generations.
However, the Sutta does not elaborate on the types of investments. While modern investments can generate wealth, some may conflict with Buddhist ethics (e.g., investments in harmful industries). The application of “right livelihood” (samma ajiva) would need to guide modern investment decisions, ensuring that they align with non-harmful, ethical industries.
Charity and Social Responsibility
The portion allocated to charity in the Sigalovada Sutta underscores the importance of generosity, social welfare, and communal support. In Buddhist ethics, dana is a key virtue that promotes not only the well-being of the recipient but also the spiritual growth of the giver. This approach to wealth distribution is particularly relevant today, where growing income inequality has raised concerns about social justice and equity.
Modern systems of philanthropy and corporate social responsibility (CSR) echo this principle of giving back to society. However, the Sutta frames charity not as an optional, occasional act, but as an integral and regular part of one’s financial life. This can serve as a moral critique of modern practices where charity is often viewed as secondary to personal wealth accumulation.
Moderation and Non-Attachment
The Sutta encourages wealth management without attachment, reminding individuals not to become slaves to material wealth. This aspect of the Sutta remains deeply relevant in today’s consumerist society, where the pursuit of wealth often becomes an end in itself, leading to stress, dissatisfaction, and ethical compromises.
In a world where economic success is often measured by material accumulation, the Buddhist approach to moderate consumption and wealth-sharing offers a counter-narrative. The focus on ethical and mindful use of wealth promotes well-being, both at an individual level and within the broader community.
Challenges and Limitations
While the principles of the Sigalovada Sutta provide a strong ethical foundation, there are some challenges in their direct application in a modern, globalized economy:
* Changing Economic Systems: The economy during the Buddha’s time was much simpler, based on agrarian and barter systems. Today’s complex financial systems, with varied forms of income (salary, investments, passive income), may require a reinterpretation of the Sutta’s guidelines to fit different types of financial arrangements.
* Wealth Disparity: The Sutta assumes a relatively equitable distribution of resources and wealth within society. In modern economies, however, there are vast differences in income levels, and what constitutes “enough” for daily needs, savings, and charity can vary significantly across socio-economic classes.
* Capitalism and Profit Maximization: The Sutta’s approach contrasts with modern capitalism’s focus on profit maximization and economic growth at all costs. While the Sutta promotes ethical financial management and redistribution, capitalism often prioritizes individual wealth accumulation. This divergence presents a challenge for applying the Sutta’s principles in highly capitalistic societies where personal gain is incentivized.
Comparison of application of Singalovada
Stta between Theravada and Mahayana
The Sigalovada Sutta holds a significant place in both Theravada and Mahayana Buddhism as a guide for laypeople, particularly in the realm of ethical living and financial management. However, the application and interpretation of its principles, especially in relation to wealth distribution and social ethics, differ between the two traditions. These differences stem from the distinct philosophical and doctrinal foundations of Theravada and Mahayana Buddhism.
Theravada Buddhism’s Application of the Sigalovada Sutta
Theravada Buddhism emphasizes individual ethical conduct and personal enlightenment, applying the Sigalovada Sutta to personal and familial responsibilities. The focus is on personal responsibility and right livelihood (samma ajiva), where individuals are encouraged to earn a living without causing harm. Wealth is seen as a tool for fulfilling basic needs, supporting family, and practicing generosity (dana), particularly towards the Sangha and local community.
Theravada promotes moderation and non-attachment to wealth, in line with the Middle Path, avoiding excessive accumulation. The Sutta’s teachings guide individuals to manage wealth wisely while focusing on personal and community well-being, reinforcing mutual dependence between laypeople and monks for material and spiritual support.
Mahayana Buddhism’s Application of the Sigalovada Sutta
Mahayana Buddhism, through its Bodhisattva ideal, offers a broader interpretation of the Sigalovada Sutta, focusing on the societal implications of wealth distribution and ethical conduct. Wealth in Mahayana is viewed not just for personal well-being but as a tool for societal transformation, used to reduce suffering and promote collective welfare.
In this framework, charity takes on a universal dimension, with Mahayana practitioners encouraged to direct their resources toward large-scale social initiatives like education, healthcare, and poverty alleviation. The emphasis is on benefiting all beings, reflecting the Mahayana ethos of compassion and social responsibility.
Compared to Theravada’s stricter approach to wealth, Mahayana allows greater wealth accumulation, as long as it serves altruistic goals. This aligns with the Mahayana principle of upaya (skillful means), where the ethical use of wealth becomes a method to alleviate suffering and guide others toward enlightenment.
Comparison
The key differences in interpretation between Theravada and Mahayana Buddhism regarding charity, wealth, and ethical conduct can be summarized as follows:
Scope of Charity:
Theravada: Charity is more localized, focusing on immediate responsibilities like family, friends, and the Sangha (monastic community).
Mahayana: Charity is global in scope, aimed at benefiting all beings, reflecting the Mahayana vision of interconnectedness and collective enlightenment.
Ethical Conduct and Wealth:
Theravada: Emphasizes individual ethical conduct and personal spiritual growth, where wealth is a personal responsibility, contributing to individual merit and well-being.
Mahayana: Focuses on collective well-being, with the Bodhisattva ideal promoting the use of wealth for broader social and spiritual welfare.
Wealth Accumulation:
Theravada: Advocates for moderation in wealth accumulation, consistent with the Middle Path, viewing wealth with caution to avoid attachment that may hinder spiritual progress.
Mahayana: Permits greater wealth accumulation if directed toward altruistic goals, using wealth as a tool for social transformation in alignment with the Bodhisattva’s mission.
Common Ground:
Ethical Conduct: Both traditions stress earning wealth ethically through right livelihood, avoiding harm.
Generosity: Charity (dana) is central to both, emphasizing generosity as a way to reduce attachment and contribute to well-being.
Non-Attachment: Both stress non-attachment to wealth, though the degree and application of this differ between the two traditions. Wealth is seen as a means to support ethical living rather than an end goal.
(The writer, a senior Chartered Accountant and professional banker, is Professor at SLIIT University, Malabe. He is also the author of the “Doing Social Research and Publishing Results”, a Springer publication (Singapore), and “Samaja Gaveshakaya (in Sinhala). The views and opinions expressed in this article are solely those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the institution he works for. He can be contacted at saliya.a@slit.lk and www.researcher.com)
Features
Schools can help ease religion-based distancing
by Susantha Hewa
In her article titled “Old Wines in New Democracies: Education in the making” published in The Island of October 1, 2024, Prof. Sivamohan Sumathy, referring to a move which is proposed in the NPP’s election campaign manifesto, commends giving schoolchildren a broader understanding of religions in general, when she welcomes “a holistic civic education where one learns about religions rather than one’s “own” and learns about diversity”. Surely, it will be a decisive first step in the direction of inspiring religious amity.
The proposed scheme will certainly go a long way in building bridges between different religious communities in the country, although it would be upsetting to those who wish to continue the tradition of exposing the children only to the religion of their parents for the fear that learning about other religions would diminish their religious zeal. In a society where people can be parochial enough to fear the extinction of the institution of religion even more than they may fear the very extinction of the human race, the idea of teaching children a religion other than his own may scare many people complacent about the culture of, lets’ say, “one religion, never mind whatever it is”. However, today, even with thousands of missiles whizzing across the sky killing thousands of peace-loving and innocent people, pushing the world to the brink of obliteration, anyone of those single-religion advocates may yet ask, “Bro, I am really worried. What about our religions? Will they be still there in their pristine purity once we are all reduced to ashes”? Tragic, isn’t it? There is little doubt that all those world leaders who are breathing fire and promising sweet vengeance with each provocation have too much of their “own” religious blood coursing through their veins. If only they had an opportunity to transcend the “my religion, my truth, the only truth” mentality in their impressionable years! Let wiser counsels prevail, and, the sooner the better.
The acquisition of the first language is somewhat similar to the acquisition of the (first) religion. Infants acquire both before they are sufficiently cognitively developed to “learn” them in the sense in which learning is generally understood in education. Yet, this “single language – single religion” tradition has apparently done little to make society peaceful. Let’s take language. Being exposed to only one language (monolingualism) in early childhood is not the best way to promote social cohesion. In fact, in the modern world, it is a deprivation and an invitation to introversion. According to research, bilingualism and multilingualism bring many linguistic and non-linguistic benefits to children who will grow up to be more confident, empathetic, more skilled in making friends from different cultural backgrounds, securing better employment, better in learning new languages, etc. For example, according to research, “bilingual preschoolers seem to have somewhat better skills than monolinguals in understanding others’ perspectives, thoughts, desires, and interests” (Bialystok & Senman, 2004; Goetz, 2003; Kovács, 2009). Fortunately, parents and society are informed of the benefits for children who naturally acquire two or more languages rather than one.
Given that they grow up in a multilingual setting, children easily acquire several languages without their parents feeling unduly upset about it. Today parents are too sophisticated to insist that the child should strictly survive on a diet of the parental language so as to be an unadulterated specimen of the ‘ethnicity’, which is falsely identified with the respective language; for example, imagining a Sinhala ‘ethnicity’ joined at the hip with Sinhala language. However, this sophistication ends where religion begins, so to speak. Not many parents would allow their children to get exposed to a religion other than their inherited one. The reason is obvious – the faith factor, which has no role in language acquisition, but embedded in religion.
Many of us who were destined to start as monolinguals later upgrade ourselves to be bilinguals or multilinguals thanks to the enabling quality of language. With every language a child acquires, she becomes stronger and more competent in social and cognitive skills in addition to being linguistically more versatile. However, the crucial difference between language-acquisition and religion-acquisition in early childhood is that the former hardly gets in the way of the child acquiring a second or third language, whereas the latter inevitably resists another religion being acquired due to the invariable buildup of faith in the first religion which is inherent in the process. The glue that binds the members of any religious community is their unconditional trust in the infallibility of their creed. One may argue that even in language acquisition in early childhood, the child surely develops ‘faith’ in the versatility of the language he begins to use. True enough, but this ‘faith’ never acts as a resistance to the acquisition of the next language in the queue.
Why letting schoolers learn religions other than their ‘inevitable’ religion can give a significant fillip to religious harmony is that this “learning” process, unlike the acquisition process in early childhood, will be the natural learning procedure where cognition takes the centre stage of the entire process, which would not demand faith as the final product. The students as mature learners will use their cognitive faculties to question, understand, reason, reject, analyse, accept, etc. to know rather than believe. Such a holistic approach to the teaching of religion will surely but slowly result in the younger generation learning to take a more sober and balanced approach to the whole idea of religion. Hence, the sooner they implement it, the greater the benefits for all.
It would be a fantasy if anyone thinks of persuading parents to let their children be exposed to several religions. Being the products of the same conditioning process, we would be stricken with a terrible sense of guilt and sin if we were to evade our sacred ‘parental obligation’ to mould our children in “our” religion to the exclusion of all the others. Hence the importance of teaching “religions” as a subject in the school curriculum, which will be a better-late-than-never kind of option. Such a project will bring more benefits to the students if “morality studies” can be made a part of the curriculum placing it in a wide framework in which morals are discussed outside the precincts of religion, examining them in their essential web of links covering all aspects of experiential life.
The historian Yuval Noah Harari says, “History isn’t the study of the past; it is the study of change” (Nexus, 2024). This idea questions the somewhat patronizing attitude that history is just learning about the past and is of no ‘practical value’, unlike STEM subjects (science, technology, engineering and mathematics) that take all the prizes. However, the study of history is much more than learning the dates and events, as Harari points out. It’s time that religion, which has been the responsibility of the family and the tradition, was understood as much more than rituals, narratives of the saints and their uniqueness, codified morals, etc. The inclusion of religions as yet another subject in the school curriculum, where students are allowed to study them without the accustomed inhibitions will be quite timely and relevant in a world in which belligerence is preferred to religious values in solving the most crucial problems.
Perhaps, adult education in this regard, too, may not be irrelevant in the present context, where parents are fixated about the mantra of single-religion. They may be persuaded to look at religion in a broader human context to usher in a better world. Possibly, media can help?
Features
New start in international relations can be highlighted in Geneva
by Jehan Perera
Diplomatic missions that took a keen interest in the outcome of the presidential election have lost no time in reaching out to President Anura Kumara Dissanayake after his victory. Prior to the election it appeared that former president Ranil Wickemesinghe was the favourite of the Western bloc of countries. They made frequent public statements commending the president for his handling of the economy which were supplemented by similar supportive statements by the IMF. The Wickremesinghe government also made a special effort to be identified with Western-led initiatives including the promise of participating in naval operations in the Red Sea despite having an ill-equipped ship.
One of the concerns of the Western bloc of countries and India in particular was the foreign policy orientation of the NPP and its presidential candidate. The surmise was that with the NPP’s core constituent the JVP, being a Marxist-Leninist party as stated on its website, that the NPP would be tilted towards countries with a similar ideology. In the aftermath of President Anura Kumara Dissanayake’s victory, the international media gave credence to the view that the government would tilt towards China and Russia, which have been long term allies of Sri Lanka, especially during the period of war and when it came to human rights issues in the context of that war.
However, in the aftermath of his victory, President Dissanayake has given precedence to India, both in terms of economic activities and security interests. The first foreign ambassador to meet him was the Indian ambassador. The first foreign minister to visit Sri Lanka has also been from India at which economic development projects with India was given prominence. President Dissanayake has assured the Indian government that India’s national security will be a priority concern for Sri Lanka. At the same time there have been messages of goodwill from around the world, including countries that are important to Sri Lanka as they provide both markets and economic assistance to it, including the US, Japan, EU, China and Russia.
NEW LEADERSHIP
The government will soon be facing its first major foreign policy challenge. This week the UN Human Rights Council (UNHRC) will be deciding on the level of its scrutiny of Sri Lanka, particularly focusing on accountability for human rights violations and the handling of the country’s economic and political crisis. Since 2009, the year the war ended on the battlefields of the north, the international community led by the Western bloc of countries has been pressing Sri Lanka at the UNHRC to investigate and deal with the past. There is the question as to what happened in the final stages of the war and to ensure accountability, among other matters, which include finding of missing persons, return of land and de-militarising the north and east.
In Resolution 51/1 of October 2022, the UNHRC decided, among other matters, to extend and reinforce the capacity of the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) to collect and preserve evidence of gross human rights violations. This aims to advance accountability and support judicial proceedings in countries that have laws that permit prosecution of war crimes in their jurisdictions. Both the governments headed by presidents Gotabaya Rajapaksa and Ranil Wickremesinghe strongly opposed this resolution. But the legal arguments they made and the evidence they produced to show improvement of the human rights situation on the ground have not changed the approach of the UN system.
This time around, however, the situation can be different and the Sri Lankan government may respond differently. For the first time since the UNHRC resolutions on Sri Lanka made their appearance starting in 2009, Sri Lanka has a government in which none of its members can be accused of having participated in the excesses committed during the course of the war. The members of the present government were not in positions of power where they could have made decisions regarding the deployment and use of force by the security forces. The only time they held cabinet posts was in the period 2004-2005 when the Norwegian-facilitated ceasefire agreement was in operation and armed hostilities between the parties had temporarily ceased. During that time the president served as the Minister of Agriculture, Livestock, Lands, and Irrigation.
SUCCESS STORY
UNHRC Resolution 51/1 of 2022 was for a two-year period, which comes to an end this month. The indications are that the Western-bloc of countries will not let it lapse at a time when most of its recommendations have yet to be implemented by the Sri Lankan government. A draft resolution that has been circulated calls for a one-year extension- “Decides to extend the mandate and all requested work of the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights in Human Rights Council resolution 51/1 and requests the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights to present an oral update at its 58th session, and a comprehensive report on progress on human rights, reconciliation, and accountability in Sri Lanka at its 60th session to be discussed in an interactive dialogue.”
Instead of continuing on the confrontational path taken by the two previous governments, an option for the new government would be to take the position that it needs time to study the provisions in the resolution, ascertain the present state of implementation and what it can implement in the next year. As in the case of the IMF agreement the Dissanayake government can take the position that it will propose amendments to the resolution at the next or subsequent sessions of the UNHRC. The ideal would be a resolution both Sri Lanka and the UNHRC can agree to. There is significant goodwill towards Sri Lanka within the UN system which has been heightened by the peaceful transition of power that has taken place in the aftermath of the presidential election.
The ability of the new government to take forward the national reconciliation process that was commenced but not taken forward by previous governments will also add to the credibility of the new government. The positive work done by civil society in Sri Lanka was given special recognition at the ongoing 57th session of the UNHRC at a side event on Combating Intolerance, Hate Crimes and Islamophobia which was hosted by the United States Delegation to the UN Human Rights Council. Under its new leadership, Sri Lanka has the potential to be the good news story in a world that is increasingly troubled by the breakdown of international norms that need to be reversed, and Sri Lanka can do its part.
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