Features
The Elusive Rs. 1,700
by Vijaya Kumar
It is now six months since Ranil Wickramasinghe announced at the Kotagala May Day Rally of the Ceylon Workers’ Congress that the daily wages of estate workers would be increased to Rs. 1,700 and that they would be paid Rs 80 for every kilogram of green leaf plucked above the norm. The government gazetted the decision as an order from the Commissioner of Labour, the daily wage being made up to Rs. 1,700 by adding a Rs. 350 special allowance not liable to statutory payments of EPF and ETF to the basic wage of Rs 1,350. However, the Regional Plantation Companies (RPCs) obtained an interim injunction against implementing the gazette as they were legally challenging the decision as being unilateral and arbitrary.
The government realizing that the delay meant they would not be able to use it to muster estate votes for Ranil in the forthcoming Presidential Election, withdrew the gazette and made a decision at the Wages Board to increase wages. The wage decided on at the Wages Board was still Rs. 1,700 but the Rs. 350 special allowance added to the basic wage of Rs. 1,350 was now loosely worded as a payment based on a productivity model.
This was further clarified by the Planters’ Association as being available to workers as payment of Rs 50 per kilogram of green leaf plucked above the norm, gleefully announcing that this would allow workers to earn well above Rs 350 as there were no limits. However, this was a fraud perpetrated on the workers as the over kilogram rate was an existing benefit available to the tea and rubber workers and could not be considered a wage increase, although the rate had been increased from Rs 40 to Rs 50, nowhere near the Rs 80 per kilogram promised by Ranil.
Wages in the plantations were based on Wages Board decisions until private management took over in 1992. Under private management, they were decided on by a Collective Agreement negotiated between employers and trade unions every two years. Over the years, the 22 RPCs (Regional Plantation Companies) which were managed by different companies, each controlling 10-12 estates, became consolidated with Hayleys controlling a quarter of the estates and Richard Pieris controlling slightly less.
Half the estates are now controlled by two big companies. This monopoly situation has bolstered the ability of management to suppress workers and their rights. The management techniques practised by RPC Managements to increase profitability appear to be focused on undermining workers’ rights by converting permanent staff into informal workers offered contract work or independent work through a pernicious outgrower system, paying them poverty level wages and reducing their social protection benefits.
Wage negotiations became protracted with pay rises implemented only after three or four years, worker demands for a pay rise routinely dismissed on the claim that it would bankrupt the industry, often ending in workers having to accept a nominal increase with no arrears being paid when settlement was reached. Management has meanwhile made a fine art of hiding profits by transferring them to associate companies to justify their claims of running at a loss. But one does not understand and it remains unexplained why companies are taking on more and more estates if in fact they are making a loss. Management is able to offer low wages knowing full well that any strikes by workers living on the kind of subsistence wages paid to estate workers cannot last long and are bound to fail.
Things came to a head in 2021 when the RPCs fought against a budgetary decision based on an election promise by the government to increase wages from Rs 750 to Rs 1,000. This was at a time of high inflation with workers finding it difficult to afford basic food for their families while at the same time rupee earnings of the companies from tea and rubber exports had almost doubled due to the devaluation of the rupee against the dollar. However, management refused to come up with a reasonable offer.
Minister Nimal Siripala de Silva faced with the paltry offers of the RPCs decided to enforce the wage increase through a Wages Board mechanism. The Wages Board decided on a Rs 900 wage plus a Rs 100 allowance in April 2021. The RPCs as usual went to courts and the wage increase was implemented only in October that year. The RPCs also announced that they were no longer bound by Collective Agreements. They reduced the number of days of work offered to workers and arbitrarily increased the norms by around 15-20% penalizing workers by paying a reduced wage, the so-called ara per (half name) if the norm was not achieved.
The 2024 decision of the Wages Board is problematic. Unlike Collective Agreements, Wages Boards prescribe a minimum wage that has to be paid to all workers (Section 24 of the Wages Board Act). The fact that a reduced wage cannot be paid has been legally established as long back as 1931 in a case brought by the Attorney-General against the Superintendent of Perth Estate, Kalutara who had paid workers three quarters of the Wages Board determined wage and given them six hours of work (104-NLR-NLR-V-34-The-Attorney-General-v.-Urquhart.pdf).
The productivity-based allowance is an incentive payment which is variable and it is difficult to understand how this could be part of a minimum wage. Furthermore, the productivity-based allowance is available only to tea pluckers and rubber tappers with many workers coming under the same Wages Board like factory workers, weeders, watchers, drivers and personal staff in bungalows unable to claim the allowance.
The only variation permitted by the Act (Section 20.2) is if on an agreement at the Wages Board a formula is accepted to change wages at intervals as was seen in the incorporation of a cost-of-living (C-O-L) allowance in 1984 of four cents on the daily wage per unit increase in the C-O-L index in 1984. The Commissioner of Labour was empowered by the Wages Board to issue an order on the wages to be paid each month based on the C-O-L index of the preceding month.
Since the Wages Board has decided on a minimum wage and this minimum wage is Rs 1,700 per day, it is incumbent on management to pay every worker this wage unless he or she is unwilling to complete a full day’s work (eight hours or nine hours if a one-hour lunch break is allowed) provided such work has been offered to the worker by Management (Section 24). Non-payment of the Wages Board prescribed minimum wage to workers in that particular trade is an illegal act.
The attempt to dupe the workers by Ranil’s campaign has backfired on the RPCs. It is clear that all workers should be paid Rs 1,700 per day as the Wages Board decision stands and it is the duty of the Commissioner-General of Labour to enforce this decision.
Furthermore, it may be necessary for the Commissioner-General to revisit many of the techniques, used by the RPCs since 2021 to pay less than the Wages Board determined daily wage. They may have been permissible under the Collective Agreements but are not under the Wages Board Act. Management has and is even now resorting to several illegal acts which go against Wages Board decisions. Many estates are still paying the old rate of Rs 900 or Rs 1000 per day for workers who have not been registered and therefore not on the check-roll and this is clearly illegal.
So is the practice of reducing wages including the payment of ‘half name’ due to non-achievement of norms as any reduction of wages determined by the Wages Board is clearly illegal unless Management can prove that a full day’s work was offered and the worker was unwilling to work. Perhaps, there is even a case for workers to take legal steps to recover the amounts deducted by estate management in paying the ‘half name’.
It was the greed of the Management Companies for more and more profits that forced the Minister to take plantation wages out of the Collective Agreement scheme into Wages Boards. Their participation in a fraudulent scheme to cheat plantation workers into thinking that that their daily wage rate is to be increased to Rs. 1,700 as part of Ranil’s election strategy is thankfully going to end up ensuring that all workers in the tea and rubber trade are paid the Rs. 1,700 daily wage proposed by Ranil, bringing it almost in line with the Indian Rupees 482 (1 Ind. Rupee = 3.55 SL Rupee) daily wage of tea workers in Kerala, India.
Vijaya Kumar is Emeritus Professor, University of Peradeniya, the President of the Lanka Estate Workers’ Union and a member of the Executive Committee of the National Peoples Power.
Features
Innovating systems: Need to build over reinventing the wheel
Modern challenges demand innovative solutions. As society evolves and technology advances, the systems designed to support citizens must keep pace. Yet, time and again, we find ourselves trapped in outdated processes, wasting resources on incremental fixes rather than boldly creating new systems. A recent incident involving a lost mobile phone, reported in this newspaper, and the systemic inefficiencies it revealed underscores why it is time to embrace innovation rather than simply reinvent the wheel.
Case for Inventing New Systems
Inventing new systems allows us to break free from the constraints of outdated frameworks and design solutions that are fit for purpose in a changing world. In the case of phone tracing, a modern system could leverage cutting-edge technologies such as blockchain for secure data handling or AI for real-time tracking. Such innovations would not only enhance efficiency but also address vulnerabilities like hacking, which rendered the old system ineffective.
By building anew, institutions can focus on creating systems that are: Resilient: Designed to withstand emerging threats and challenges. User-Centric: Prioritising the needs and convenience of citizens. Transparent: Ensuring accountability and public trust.
Why Reinventing the Wheel Persists
Despite its limitations, reinventing the wheel persists because it appears easier and less costly in the short term. Decision-makers often fear the risks and disruptions associated with building new systems. However, this mindset ignores the long-term costs of inefficiency and the missed opportunities for innovation.
The Path Forward
To break free from the cycle of reinvention, we must adopt a mindset of innovation: Invest in Research and Development: Allocate resources to design and implement systems that meet modern needs. Foster Collaboration: Engage stakeholders, including citizens, experts, and policymakers, to create inclusive and effective solutions. Embrace Change: Recognise that bold decisions to build anew are often necessary for meaningful progress.
Overseas experiences
In the United States, the Internal Revenue Service (IRS) has long faced criticism for relying on antiquated tax processing systems. Despite numerous updates and patches, these systems struggle to handle the complexity of modern tax codes and the volume of filings. Efforts to revamp the IRS’s technology have been incremental rather than transformative, resulting in persistent inefficiencies and public frustration.
Similarly, in India, the implementation of the Goods and Services Tax (GST) initially relied on legacy systems that were ill-equipped to handle the scale and diversity of transactions. While adjustments were made, these efforts highlighted the limitations of reinventing outdated systems rather than designing new, robust frameworks from scratch.
Examples of Successful Innovation
Estonia’s e-Government System is a global leader in digital governance. Instead of attempting to modernise traditional bureaucratic structures, Estonia built an entirely new e-governance system. Citizens can access services like voting, tax filing, and healthcare online through a secure digital platform. This system’s design prioritises transparency, efficiency, and user experience, saving citizens time and fostering trust in government.
Singapore’s Urban Mobility System developed a world-class public transport system using data-driven planning and cutting-edge technology. Instead of retrofitting existing systems, Singapore invented a new approach to urban mobility, integrating autonomous vehicles, cashless payments, and predictive maintenance. This innovation not only improved efficiency but also positioned Singapore as a global leader in smart transportation.
Rwanda’s Drone-Based Healthcare Delivery the government partnered with private companies to deploy drones for delivering medical supplies to remote areas. This innovative system bypassed outdated infrastructure, directly addressing the country’s unique challenges and improving healthcare access.
Learning from Failures to Embrace Innovation
Conversely, when systems are merely reinvented rather than reimagined, they often perpetuate inefficiencies. The European Union’s Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) has faced criticism for repeated reforms that fail to address fundamental issues like sustainability and fairness. By focusing on patchwork solutions, the CAP has struggled to meet the evolving needs of farmers and the environment, demonstrating the risks of clinging to outdated frameworks.
Global Implications of Inefficiency
The consequences of reinventing rather than inventing extend beyond inconvenience and inefficiency. Outdated systems can undermine trust in institutions, stifle innovation, and hinder economic growth. For instance, legacy financial systems in developing countries often exclude large segments of the population from accessing banking services, perpetuating poverty and inequality. By contrast, mobile-based financial innovations like Kenya’s M-Pesa have revolutionized access to banking, empowering millions.
The Need for a Paradigm Shift
Globally, governments and institutions must recognise that sticking to old systems often comes at a higher cost than inventing new ones. However, the reluctance to innovate stems from several factors: Fear of Disruption: Decision-makers often view new systems as risky and disruptive, opting for the perceived safety of incremental changes. Resource Constraints: Developing new systems requires significant investment in time, money, and expertise. Resistance to Change: Institutional inertia and fear of the unknown can stifle creativity and innovation.
Overcoming these barriers requires a shift in mindset, emphasising the long-term benefits of bold, transformative action over the short-term comfort of familiarity.
The Role of Communication and Collaboration
Innovation also demands effective communication and collaboration among stakeholders. The Sri Lankan phone-tracing case highlights the importance of ensuring that all parties—regulatory bodies, service providers, and the public—are informed and aligned. Estonia’s e-government success, for instance, was driven by a coordinated effort involving government, private sector, and citizens. Clear communication about new systems, their benefits, and their usage is crucial to building trust and ensuring adoption.
Barriers to Innovation and Strategies for Overcoming Them
Despite its advantages, inventing new systems faces several obstacles: Institutional Inertia: Established organisations often resist change due to entrenched interests and fear of disruption. Resource Constraints: Designing new systems requires significant investment in expertise, time, and funding, which many institutions are reluctant to allocate. Cultural Resistance: Societal norms and perceptions can hinder the adoption of innovative systems, as seen in the public’s skepticism toward digital governance initiatives in some countries.
Overcoming these barriers requires a combination of leadership, collaboration, and education. Research by many scholars emphasise the importance of visionary leadership in driving systemic innovation. Effective communication and stakeholder engagement are also crucial to building trust and ensuring the adoption of new systems.
The Way Forward: Embracing Innovation
To foster innovation, governments and institutions must prioritise long-term goals over short-term fixes. Policymakers should invest in research and development, adopt agile methodologies, and encourage cross-sector collaboration to design systems that are adaptable and future-proof. As seen in Estonia, Singapore, and Rwanda, the benefits of such investments far outweigh the initial costs.
Moreover, international cooperation can accelerate innovation by sharing best practices and pooling resources. Organizations like the United Nations and the World Bank have a critical role to play in promoting systemic innovation, particularly in developing countries where resource constraints are more pronounced.
Reinventing the wheel may feel familiar, but it is not sustainable in an era of rapid change. The challenges of today require us to invent systems that are resilient, efficient, and responsive. As the incident with the lost phone demonstrates, clinging to outdated frameworks not only wastes resources but also erodes public trust.
By embracing innovation, we can create systems that not only solve current problems but also anticipate and adapt to future challenges. It is time to stop patching the cracks and start building the foundations for a better tomorrow.
The challenges of today cannot be solved by reinventing the wheel. From inefficient phone-tracing mechanisms in Sri Lanka to outdated tax systems in the United States, the costs of clinging to old frameworks are evident. By embracing innovation and inventing new systems, governments and institutions can create solutions that are resilient, efficient, and responsive to modern needs.
Global examples like Estonia’s e-government and Rwanda’s drone-based healthcare delivery demonstrate the transformative potential of new systems. It is time to shift from patching cracks to building robust foundations, ensuring that the systems of tomorrow meet the demands of an ever-changing world. Only by prioritizing innovation over reinvention can we truly unlock progress and improve the lives of citizens worldwide.
Features
More on cynicism; new initiative applauded
In Cass’ last Friday’s Cry, she quoted the late Dr Manmohan Singh on terrorism; “It is clear that terrorism is a global threat …. Terrorism is cowardice aimed at innocent people. It is fed on hatred and cynicism.”
Cynicism
Cass was rather surprised that among all the reasons and causes for terrorism, Singh singled out ‘hatred and cynicism.’ Hatred yes and obvious. But cynicism instigating terrorism? The meaning of ‘cynicism’ is “an inclination to believe that people are motivated purely by self-interest. Skepticism.”
She went back to 1989 – a year of absolute terrorism caused by the JVP rising against the government. Hatred was an underlying cause. Have-nots rising against haves? Yes, to a certain degree. A predilection for creating mayhem and even killing people and destroying expensive infrastructure; bloodthirstiness being catchy and spreading among the terrorising rioters? Yes, for certain reasons. Where does cynicism come in? The terrorists, the JVP diehards, believed they were given short shrift. Yes, they must have thought and believed much was denied to them. And others lived well. This could be equated to cynicism. And so they retaliated in the vilest way they knew then.
In the present context what Cassandra writes is that cynicism often clouds issues and turns white to grey and even black. For instance, while many who not even voted for the NPP in the last general election and not for AKD in the presidential polls, are very in favour of the NPP government under Prez AKD. Some remain skeptical and doubtful. Justified. Many Sri Lankans have come to accept them as a good government on whom hope can be reposed. However, facts, hearsay, pictures must not be twisted and turned to make them appear bad.
Most approved is the simplicity of the two top most in the land. Anura Kumara Dissanayake and Dr Harini Amarasuriya are admired and praised for their ordinariness – the PM doing her own grocery buying and wearing sari on official occasions and jeans as informal wear; and AKD, visiting his mother in a hospital; being driven on official occasions but opening the car door himself.
These to most are good signs, unplanned, unmotivated, just being natural, but to some people, they are gimmicks to gain popularity. These cynics believe the VIPs’ cameramen are directed to photograph them and splash pictures in the print media. Here clearly is demonstrated an inclination to believe that people are motivated purely by self-interest. And what is that? Skepticism, cynicism. Not good at all, wrong assumptions which can be harmful to the people thus thought about; in this case AKD and Harini.
If such critics want a concrete example of manoeuvring events purely for self-interest they should recall Princess Diana and her phoning and asking photographers to be present when she went on a mission of charity and then complaining the paparazzi would not leave her alone to even get about her good work sans publicity. The aforesaid example is not out of Cass’s hat. She was so bent on demeaning Prince Charles that she stooped low.
Thus, the plea for no cynicism. Accept at face value and criticise when criticism is due, not on supposition and hearsay. Congratulations are due to our PM and Prez. They go about their private lives like ordinary people. No heavy escorts; no panjandrum belief of being powerful personages or pretentious officials. They come across as ordinary persons but holding competently the two most powerful positions in Sri Lanka.
Clean Sri Lanka Initiative
Cass’ initial thoughts on this project were mixed. Flashed across her mind were Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s Colombo City clean-up and renovation of old buildings. Good results. Then as Prez, his advisors – no need to mention them – led him to harm and in many instances destroy our agriculture, commercial tea included. So, Cass was wary of slogans.
However, she strongly feels AKD’s cry to Clean Sri Lanka is a genuine call for a shake-up right through the country: its systems, administration, government and the people themselves. Cass then recalled Most Ven Madihe Pannaseeha Maha Mayaka Thera’s wise statement as translated from Sinhalese by the then CCS administrator Olcott Gunasekera, who co-founded the Dharmavijaya Foundation. “It is not possible to develop a country without the moral development of man; let us develop the country along with the moral development of man.” The initiative to ‘clean Sri Lanka’ includes the moral behaviour and make up of all Sri Lankans.
In his inspiring, very clear and sincerely given address at the New Year, President Dissanayake mentioned cleanliness as starting from bus stands and railway stations to government departments, Parliament, and people of the land themselves. This cleaning was so badly needed but no action was taken by relevant authorities. “A cleaner physical environment and a nationwide moral commitment to enhance ethical principles. Enhancement of the three pillars of sustainability; Economic, Social and Governance have been identified as the framework to address the overarching objectives of this strategic plan with specific stakeholder goals, actions, time lines and outcomes.”
The President spoke to a distinguished audience of local persons and foreign diplomats. Heartwarming it was to see Prez Dissanayake move to Kumar Sangakkara and Mahela Jayawardena and even pat Sanga in a friendly gesture. These two cricketers are true citizens of this land.
No one will deny that this once wonderful island, famed for its beauty, contented people and serendipity was dragged down by its own people so it went into bankruptcy, spreading poverty, misery, corruption of all sorts and made a drug haven, where however, some dynastic families and individuals lived like kings – in luxury and immunity. It had to change; we were sunk in a pit of hopelessness. And now a call and acceptance of the challenge to change, by no less than the government itself. Other leaders too, while electioneering, promised a country flowing with kiri peni. But they would not, even one of them, actually have made a considerable change if they came to power. They, those leaders of course and their closest, dearest and coteries would have lived well, but not you and I – the Ordinaries. We would have continued existing poorly with no hope.
Of course, there are critics of this Clean Sri Lanka initiative. Rightly so. Reading a Sunday newspaper Cass found one columnist against the setting up of a Trust Fund and the 18 member Task Force. Criticism is welcome and this has been said by the highest of the land, ensuring free speech.
Reading about the project, Cass found this statement which she does not know whether the President said, or whether it is an interpolation. “The government will launch a special project ‘Clean Sri Lanka’ aiming to make Sri Lanka the cleanest country in the Asian region.” Goodness, gracious! Far too ambitious. To exceed Japan, Singapore, South Korea? But then the word aiming is present. So, OK. One can aim even at the stars. Time and commitment by all are of the essence.
The project’s Vision and Mission are down to earth and reachable/attainable.
Vision: “Beautiful Island, Smiling People.” Very realisable. We are already a very beautiful island, unique in certain characteristics. We were noted for our smiles. With better living, those happy smiles can be regained on faces.
“Mission: “To reposition the nationwide efforts of environmental, social and governance initiatives through introducing change, interaction, and collaboration.”
Features
Piyasara Samaya: Lest History be Forgotten
By Ashanthi Ekanayake
Chandrarathna Bandara’s most recent novel Piyasara Samaya, of which the title might be loosely translated as A Time for Flying(or even a Time to Flee), is a thought -provoking novel which offers the reader a space to connect their lived experience with the narrative. It deals with the socio-political realities which were our lived experience as Sri Lankans in the recent past. The novelist’s previous work Premanishansa received the Swarnapusthaka award and the Vidyodaya award for best novel in 2022. Piyasara Samaya which came out this September has themes which are in common with Premanishansa and the novel is set in such a way that the narrative deals with recent happenings in Sri Lanka. However, what is most noteworthy is its contribution to the literary genre of diasporic writing or novels of expatriation.
The novelist introduces two protagonists and through their characters offers many insights to certain aspects of life.
Chamath is a young graduate who is forced to flee to Canada as a fugitive because of his involvement in the aragalaya. The narrative reveals that he is forced to leave the country due to the imminent threat of being arrested. He scrapes money together by mortgaging land. Milanka is a university academic who has political affiliations due to marriage as well as the fact that her mother is an influential person in Sri Lankan politics. Milanka also leaves Sri Lanka due to political upheaval and the fact that her husband Pushpe is a corrupt politician. The novel explores themes of expatriation and how one becomes part of the diaspora through the experiences of these characters. The novel explores certain themes which are common to expatriate literature such as assimilation by examining how the characters become comfortable in their new lives.
Milanka and Chamath are from two different social milieus and through them the novelist explores certain aspects of the sociopolitical landscape of Sri Lanka. The narrative is thoughtful and the characters develop with depth and the writer brings them to life through minute details which renders them realistic.
Chamath has been influenced at an early age by his father who was an active trade unionist. As such he has been involved in student movements and plays a key role in the aragalaya movement. The narrative explains the experiences of activists like Chamath who are arrested and harassed. The novel gives a back story to this period of Sri Lankan history and attempts to reveal certain elements which were not easily observed.
Milanka is an illegitimate child and knows only her mother Letitia Wijewickrama and has lived a somewhat sheltered and privileged life. At the start she is a university academic who is well known and loved by all. Milanka’s character is developed carefully and Bandara recreates the feminine ideal who is a combination of beauty, brains and strength that the reader encountered in his earlier novel. Milanka is a strong contrast to Pushpe due to her individuality and her ability to protest things which don’t sit right with her. In fact, her illegitimacy itself becomes a metaphor which influences the reader’s understanding of the novel. However she is principled in the utmost.
Mrs. Wijewickrama is an enigma. She is developed along the lines of a hetaera. The hetaera were upper class courtesans in ancient Greece who entertained and provided relief to statesman of Pericles ilk. Aspasia was said to be his favored companion and she held sway during the Golden Age of ancient Athens. Mrs. Wijewickrama is described as a confidante and a mover and shaker who is very powerful in the political arena. Thus, she too plays an important part in the progress of democracy as did the ancient hetaera.
Pushpe is the epitome of the current politician. Developed as an unpolished individual with humble beginnings and promise he soon assumes the shape of the uncouth, corrupt and unscrupulous common politician as we know them. He has humble beginning and is groomed by Wijewickrama who is a doyen in the political arena.
Other than the characters who are introduced purposefully and with care the striking thing about Bandara’s writing as always is how he incorporates real events and real people into the narrative. Bracegirdle, Barbara Sansoni and many individuals who are mainly forgotten by the current generation are mentioned and even much-loved individuals like Harold Peiris, who is well known among artists as someone who encourages and helps them, find their way into the narrative and make the novel a real and lived experience. In addition, the novelist introduces themes of religion, literature, history, culture and the arts, making readers engage in these aspects effortlessly.
In the events leading up to the visit to Cuba and during the visit the reader is made to engage with the narrative because of the aspects of art and literature which come to be mentioned. Jose Marti and the monument dedicated to his memory and the story behind the structure and how it came to be where it is all have significance in the story structure as a whole. Frieda Kahlo and Trotsky are mentioned as well as Diego Rivera. The reader cannot escape the parallels between Cuba and our own homeland as both suffer when the powerful countries sneeze.
As a whole, the novel fulfils the artistic requirements of such a work and provides a satisfying read but in addition it lays bare certain aspects of Sri Lankan society and politics. One can only congratulate the novelist for his timely work which does its duty regarding opening the eyes of the reader.
-
Midweek Review3 days agoUnfolding AKD security strategy
-
News6 days agoLanka on alert as deadly HMPV outbreak spreads in China
-
News7 days agoReshuffle of senior cops on the cards
-
Latest News1 day agoMembers of Parliament Prof. Chrishantha Abeysena and Shanakiyan Rasamanickam elected as Co-Chairs of the Parliamentary Caucus for Open Parliament Initiative
-
Sports3 days agoZumri steps onto a field of rugby magicians
-
News5 days agoProf. Udagama condemns Peradeniya Uni ban on IMF austerity programme lecture
-
Editorial7 days agoSaving children from corporate greed
-
Features4 days agoThe future is female

