Organizing big rallies, contacts with Denzil Kobbekaduwa

(Excerpted from vol. 3 of the Sarath Amunugama autbiography)

There was such a big demand for our public rallies that we planned to hold two large meetings every week in addition to other small electorate based meetings. The upshot of our popularity was that even SLFPers, including some of their leaders, were seen at our meetings. Many of them preferred to keep a distance by remaining in the periphery of the meeting grounds. But some others, particularly those who had distanced themselves from their party infighting, figured more prominently by getting on to our stage.

For instance SD Bandaranayake, a grandee of SLFP battles from before 1956, indicated that he would come onto our stage in Gampaha and also address the meeting. This was a considerable victory for our fledgeling party as SDB was part of the radical, and anti UNP, history of Siyane Korale. We assembled at his “Madugaha Walawwe” in Gampaha for lunch and from there accompanied him to the meeting grounds where he received a rousing welcome. It was a memorable meeting for me also because I began addressing DUNF party rallies from the Gampaha meeting onwards. It was the beginning of a hectic speaking schedule which has since taken me to all parts of the country for close on 30 years.

Another leading SLFPer who helped us from behind the scenes was Bertie Dissanayake who was one of the political leaders of Anuradhapura district. Our local leaders had characterized Bertie as violence prone and we were somewhat apprehensive when Gamini, Premachandra and I were billed to speak at a meeting in his Kalawewa electorate. It was a largely attended meeting which was held in a scenic grounds overlooking a reservoir. We need not have worried since Bertie, who was seen driving about in a jeep in the vicinity, had asked his supporters not to obstruct us in anyway.

Since the Kalawewa electorate was one of the beneficiaries of the Mahaweli project there was a large gathering to greet Gamini. Bertie himself had earlier benefited from the ex-Mahaweli minister’s largesse. We were pleasantly surprised when many of the Mahaweli settlers met us after the meeting. Many of them had been selected from Kandyan villages for settlement in Kalawewa under the Mahaweli project. They insisted on our visiting the “Teldeniya Ela” or “Tumpane Ela” where they had been relocated after coming to the “Raja Rata”. It was nightfall when we got back to our vehicles after enjoying a Kandyan meal with them. Though they were UNP supporters earlier we were able to draft them into our new party. Several UNP MPs of the Rajarata like HGP Nelson helped us on the sly and even paid our hotel bills after the Polonnaruwa meeting.

I had a similar experience when we held a meeting in Hiniduma in the hilly periphery of Galle district. I attended this meeting with Gamini, Lalith and Premachandra. As a researcher with Gananath Obeyesekere in the sixties and later as Assistant Government Agent of Galle district I had worked with the villagers of Hiniduma and they turned up in strength at our meeting held in Neluwa. After listening to our leaders they insisted that I speak to them much to the delight of our organizer for Hiniduma electorate who found a welcome “block” of voters for his campaign in an electorate which had been a leftist stronghold. Here again we were fortunate that the UNP organizer Sarath Amarasiri was the son of MS Amarasiri who was Lalith’s deputy minister during the JRJ regime. He made no attempt to sabotage our meeting unlike many of Premadasa’s favourite MPs who confronted us in their bailiwicks.

Anuradhapura

The growing success of our meetings were reported to the President who was by now getting anxious and was preparing for a showdown. His opportunity came when we planned to hold a large rally in Anuradhapura. In order to capitalize on the large crowds that congregate there on religious holidays we had arranged to hold our meeting on a Poya day in a large playground. We were sure of a historic gathering and every effort was made to make it a major event. This must have been conveyed to Premadasa who banned the meeting by slapping a prohibitory order.

When the party leaders met at the Anuradhapura Resthouse, Police bigwigs came there with copies of the order and requested us to cancel the meeting. Following the President’s wishes they had been ordered by the IGP to stop the DUNF meeting at any cost. In the meanwhile our supporters were coming in from all parts of the country and were congregating in the new city area expecting to attend the rally. After a hurried consultation we decided that it would be a fatal blow to the party if we abandoned the meeting. However there was no doubt regarding the determination of the police to stop us. So we decided on a strategy of making it appear to be a religious gathering.

We divided our followers into four groups who wended their way from different directions to the Ruvanweliseya carrying baskets of flowers to be offered at the dagoba. Each group was led by party seniors who were to ensure that there was no violence. Fortunately a chief of a temple in Anuradhapura who was earlier an undergraduate at Vidyodaya University and a well known Sinhala lyric writer and a friend of mine, agreed to my request to come to the dagoba area to administer pansil thereby giving credence to our claims of religious devotion. This got us out of a difficult predicament as my friend the priest was well regarded by the police who then decided to stand by rather than confront us.

I can remember as an aside that the famous singer Gunadasa Kapuge, who was attached to the Raja Rata Radio, also joined us in an inebriated state and started chanting Buddhist stanzas much to the amusement of the audience. He had come to meet the priest and wandered into our meeting. We dispersed peacefully and held a press conference the following day in Colombo probably annoying the President who was spoiling for a fight and did not want a peaceful resolution in the sacred city. By this time the DUNF was beginning to attract much attention and was setting the political agenda by highlighting anti-government issues which the SLFP had been reluctant or unable to convey to the masses of voters who were now beginning to get disenchanted.

Denzil Kobbekaduwa

Gamini, Denzil Kobbekaduwa and I were friends from our time as students at Trinity College in Kandy. With the civil war sapping the growth momentum of the country the government was losing its popularity and many were turning to the army as a saviour of the integrity of the country. This was symbolized by the emergence of the charismatic Denzil K as a leader of the new national minded army. Earlier Army Commanders, however competent they may have been, were “Sandhurst types” who did not win national recognition. The SLFP and the DUNF were all praise for Denzil adding to the fears of Premadasa. All Sri Lankan presidents, including Mahinda Rajapaksa, were afraid of Army Commanders and were on the lookout for any suspicious move by the army top brass.

Mahinda Rajapaksa who got on well with army Commander Fonseka during the war later became apprehensive after the victorious army boss planned a massive celebratory jamboree in Colombo. Premadasa who knew of Denzil’s kinship links with the Ratwattes and personal friendship with several DUNF leaders, began to keep tabs on him though there was no open confrontation. Since Gamini was already under surveillance it was decided that Denzil should contact me with messages which I would then convey to the DUNF leaders. In addition to our Trinity connection my younger brother, Major General Asoka Amunugama, had served as Denzil’s ADC in the northern theatre.

I must emphasize here that although he told me about army plans to attack the LTTE, Denzil at no time appeared to be disloyal to the elected head of the country. He was personally concerned that the country was sliding towards further turmoil but he did not contemplate involving the army in national politics. However I had the distinct feeling in our discussions that he was thinking of a political role as a civilian once he retired from the army. His sympathies were with the DUNF and the SLFP and the opposition had no hesitation in referring to him as a politician in the making in their propaganda by constantly extolling his leadership qualities.

The President could be excused for thinking that Denzil will become a problem for him in the future. This does not mean that he plotted the army hero’s murder as the opposition whispered after the Aralai point debacle when Denzil, Wimalaratne and several other senior commanders of the army and navy were killed by the LTTE which had planted land mines on the terrain which was to be used to launch an amphibious landing across the lagoon. However it must be stated that the commanders were breaking their own rules that they should not travel together. Denzil and Wimalaratne were in the same jeep and paid the price. Before he left for Jaffna for this operation Denzil phoned me at home early in the morning and we agreed to have a meeting with Gamini once he returned after Aralai. Sadly it was not to be.

The death of Denzil, Wimalaratne and their staff led to a wave of hatred against Premadasa who hastily tried to win back sympathy by declaring a major road as Denzil Kobbakaduwa Mawatha to no avail. As opposition leaders we followed the cortege from his residence in Rosmead Place to Kanatte where there was a large gathering of people, some of whom were shouting slogans. This was followed by ugly scenes when well known supporters of Premadasa were manhandled. They fled to safety and one wrote later to say that he thought that he would be killed by the mob that day These incidents were game changers and the Premadasa government was fast losing its popularity. This compelled the President to take several strategic decisions which culminated with his murder by the LTTE only a week after the assassination of Lalith Athulathmudali.

Second Provincial Council Elections

The term of office of the first Provincial Councils were nearing its end and new elections were due in 1993. This created a dilemma for Premadasa since his popularity had plummeted. He also received information from his acolytes that the DUNF, which was gaining public favour, was locked into a battle for leadership which was eyed by both Lalith and Gamini. Gamini was senior but he was already in the doghouse when Lalith made a great sacrifice and left the Cabinet. He could have easily betrayed Gamini and earned Premadasa’s favour. Indeed even after the rupture Mrs. Hema Premadasa was busily engaged in trying to get Lalith back and isolating Gamini thereby weakening the DUNF and even driving it out of electoral contention. The President believed that the two ambitious leaders would fall out if he played for time. Such a rift would create the opportunity for him to call for a snap provincial council election. For us in the DUNF the opposite was true. We had to hold together and force an early election.

Lalith

Since I was acceptable to both leaders I was entrusted with finding a way to settle the leadership issue. A few us would meet in PBG Kalugalle’s house in Cambridge Terrace to find a way out. I remember that Ravi Karunanayake, who was part of Lalith’s entourage, coming to Gamin’s house on his old motorcycle to plead the case for his mentor. Our small group first decided that the first leader would hold office for six months of the year to be followed by the other who also will have a six month tenure. During the leadership of one the other would hold the office of national organizer and vice versa. This idea was acceptable to Lalith and Gamini. But the all important question of who would first ascend the “gadi” was left open for further discussion.

At this stage I suggested to Gamini that he should make a grand gesture by inviting Lalith to be the first leader. After all we would simultaneously announce that he will hold that office in six months time. Such a gesture would enhance his image and ensure the competitiveness of the DUNF in the forthcoming elections. A leadership impasse at this stage would weaken the party at a crucial testing time. With some reluctance Gamini agreed to my suggestion and I typed out the compromise formula.

I must say that Lalith who was the beneficiary of this formula behaved impeccably by thanking Gamini and consulting him every day on the progress of the party. He also, much to his rival’s relief, undertook the responsibility of collecting funds for the forthcoming electoral battle. This act of cooperation and reconciliation set shock waves in both the UNP and SLFP who were used to bitter internecine warfare in their recent history. I read recently in an interview given by a Lalith confidante that his leader was so moved by Gamini’s gesture that he had decided to nominate the latter for the Presidential bid and await his turn after Gamini’s term of office.

Premadasa’s Response

Within days of our announcement of satisfactory leadership arrangements a disappointed President Premadasa called for provincial council elections. He knew that with more time the DUNF would now grow in strength and cut into the UNPs membership as well as its vote bank. Our meetings were exceptionally successful and our “attack team” of Premachandra and Weerawanni was tearing up Premadasa’s image. It is also likely that the SLFP was looking on this contest with glee and were encouraging their members to attend our meetings to swell the crowds and thereby demoralize the UNP. We were in friendly competition and often worked together on human rights and media issues.

Premadasa who was unforgiving pulled out an old murder charge against Parliamentarian Lakshman Senewiratne who had joined he DUNF. He was remanded and locked up in Bogambara prison. We and the media took this issue up and organized a demonstration and motorcade in which Anura Bandaranaike of the SLFP joined us. This common front helped in winning many of the prison officials to our side who looked the other way when we sent food and other amenities to Lakshman from outside.

These gifts included a smart phone for him to speak to his family who were then in Australia. The phone was smuggled into his cell in a hollowed out birthday cake. Mrs. Bandaranaike herself was very cooperative and probably preferred to interact with us rather than some of her own party members like Mervyn Silva who humiliated her on the orders of the anti-Sirima faction of the SLFP. The SLFP was in turmoil with Anura loyalists fighting tooth and nail to keep Chandrika out of the Central Committee of the party though Mrs. B wanted her in. CBK was a new face and the wife of the late Vijaya Kumaratunga. She with her obvious sincerity and commitment was rejuvenating the SLFP.

I was researching with ICES at that time and remember the enthusiasm with which Neelan Tiruchelvam and his group were promoting the “new political star” on the horizon. I was a speaker at a seminar organised by ICES at which CBK was also invited to be a speaker. As usual she was late, but when she did turn up there was such a “buzz”in the audience which clearly indicated that she had “star quality”and would figure in the political struggle to come. By this time she had a

faction in the SLFP led by Ratnasiri Wickremanayake, Mangala Samaraweera and S. B. Dissanayake who were engaged in promoting her with the blessings of Mrs. B.