Connect with us

Features

The corrosive Impact of Politics on India-Pakistan Test Cricket

Published

on

Virat Kohli embracing the Pakistani player Mohammad Rizwan. This was after Pakistani beat India about a year ago.

By Sanjeewa Jayaweera

The recent decision by the Asian Cricket Council to allocate a reserve day for the India-Pakistan match in Colombo was no doubt taken to placate the commercial interests of those who would have paid for advertising slots during the live telecast of the game. Given the massive interest that matches between these two countries generate, particularly among the supporters of both teams, those who advertise pay the top dollar in anticipation of the enormous viewership.

Unfortunately, most supporters treat the matches between the two countries not merely as a sporting event where one team wins and the other loses, at least in the white ball formats. There have been instances in the past where the captain and the senior players of the losing team have had their houses attacked by enraged supporters. Many are abused on social media if a poor performance leads to a loss. On the other hand, a good performance that results in a victory will elevate the player and the team to national heroes.

Thankfully, the players of both teams, going back many decades, have treated the matches between the two countries strictly as a sporting event sans the jingoism. There has been great mutual respect among the players from both nations for each other’s cricketing ability. In the 1970s and 1980s, many from both sides played county cricket in England.

Even now, despite the tense political situation, It is great to see visuals and read interviews of players of both teams socializing and complimenting the opposition’s cricketing abilities. The visuals of Virat Kohli talking and laughing with Pakistani players and the Pakistani fast bowler Shaheen Shah Afridi presenting the Indian fast bowler Jaspith Bumrah a gift to celebrate the birth of a child just about sums up the folly of these two great cricketing teams not having toured each other’s countries for nearly 15 years.

The last occasion that Pakistan toured India was in 2007/08 to play a three test match series, whilst India last toured Pakistan in 2005/06 for a three test match series. Since the 2008 terrorist attack in Mumbai that killed 164 people, the Indian government has been adamant that no Indian team will be allowed to visit Pakistan as they attribute the attack to a terrorist group based in Pakistan.

The terror attack in 2009 on the bus carrying the Sri Lankan team to a match in Lahore has also no doubt contributed to why the Indian government might be averse to allowing the Indian national team to tour Pakistan. In 2019, the Sri Lankan team toured Pakistan to mark the resumption of test cricket in Pakistan. Since then, nearly all cricketing nations other than India have toured Pakistan. However, it appears that the prospect of India touring Pakistan in short to medium term is non-existent as India exercises considerable influence in both cricketing and political terms and the nationalistic fervour generated by the Modi government.

Despite two major and two minor wars being fought since 1947, the two countries have played 59 test matches, with Pakistan winning 12 and India 9. In spite of the war between the two nations in 1971, when the Indian forces captured East Pakistan and established an independent state of Bangladesh, cricketing ties were reestablished in 1978/79 when India toured Pakistan and played three test matches. After that, Pakistan reciprocated by touring India in 1979/80 for a three-test series. All six games were riveting as both the teams had exceptionally gifted players.

It was in 1971 that India established their credentials as a powerful test-playing team, defeating both the West Indies and England in their respective backyards. Whilst the West Indies were a team in transition, the English team were the unofficial test champions. The cricketer who stood out was Sunil Gavaskar, a diminutive batsman who scored four test centuries in his debut series in the West Indies. He was to carry the fortunes of the Indian team for two decades as he pitted his great skill against some of the most ferocious fast bowlers that the world had seen.

In addition to scoring 10,122 test runs and 34 test centuries and carrying the Indian batting on his shoulders, he also proved to the world that Asian batters could fearlessly face fast bowlers. He is an iconic player whose achievements were to galvanize thousands of other Indians, Pakistanis, Sri Lankans and Bangladeshis. The records and accomplishments of Sachin Tendulkar and Virat Kohli might be greater, but for me, Sunil Gavaskar is the Christopher Columbus of Asian cricket.

I also believe that the cricketing ability and the exploits of Imran Khan of Pakistan are equally important to Asian and World cricket as those of Sunil Gavaskar. Whilst Imran was an accomplished all-rounder, his fast bowling was comparable to the four West Indian fast bowlers and that of Lillee and Thompson. He proved to the cricketing world that Asians could also bowl at high speed. He also crafted a group of talented but undisciplined players into a great team as a captain. Imran was followed by Wasim Akram and Waqar Younus, both exceptional fast bowlers who invented the art of reverse swing.

Some other batting greats from India who left a mark on world cricket were Gundappa Vishwanath, Dilip Vengsarkar, Mohammed Azharudeen, Mohinder Amarnath and Kapil Dev, who was a genuine all-rounder. Since the 1990s, India has produced exceptional players like Dravid, Ganguly, Laxman, Shewag, Dhoni, Kumble, Harbhajan, Zaheer Khan, Pujara, Ashwin, Jadeja and Rahane.

No doubt, post the 1984 World Cup victory over the West Indies, cricket in India has taken off both in terms of producing an endless supply of talented players and vast amounts of money that attracts youngsters to the game and gives the Board of Control for Cricket India the most amount of influence in the world stage. Unfortunately, at times, they seem to be using that advantage to bully the other members. Furthermore, the captaincy of Kohli, particularly in test cricket and Dhoni in white ball cricket, has made India a force to be reckoned in all the formats.

In contrast, Pakistan’s batting lineup in the 1970s comprising Majid Khan, Zaheer Abbas, brothers Sadiq and Mushtaq Mohammed, Javed Miandad, Asif Iqbal, and Imran Khan were, in my view, the best. Nearly all of them honed their skills playing county cricket in England. They were elegant and masterful. Pakistan has, in the recent past, been blessed with exceptional batsmen like Inzamam Ul Haq, Saeed Anwar, Saleem Malik, Mohammad Yousuf, Younis Khan, Misbah Ul Haq, Azhar Ali and Babar Azam. In addition, Pakistan has produced some outstanding fast bowlers, Imran, Sarfraz Nawaz, Wasim, Waqar and Sohaib Akther. They have also had some excellent spin bowlers in, Abdul Qadir, Saqlain Mushtaq, Mushtaq Ahmed, Danish Kaneria and Yasir Shah.

However, it would be correct to say that India has, at least in the last 15 years, been superior. They have been victorious in the last four series against Australia, including two series victories in Australia, which is no mean feat. The IPL is producing young cricketers who seem no longer to be intimidated when playing against Australians and Englishmen. On the other hand, Pakistan cricket’s progress has undoubtedly been impacted by having to play international cricket for nearly a decade at overseas venues after the 2009 attack on the bus carrying the Sri Lanka team.

As a neutral, I hope it will not be too long before India visits Pakistan for a test series and vice versa. No Sri Lankan can forget the exceptional efforts of the Indian and Pakistan players, along with the respective boards, for visiting Sri Lanka in 1996, soon after the Central Bank bomb, to play an exhibition match and prove that Colombo was safe enough to host some of the world cup games. That extraordinary act began our journey to win the 1996 World Cup, which we fittingly did in front of a passionate crowd in Lahore rooting for us.

It has long been the view of many that politics and sports should not mix. It is often said that sports diplomacy transcends cultural differences and brings people together. To their credit, cricketers from India and Pakistan have, for several decades, by their behaviour, epitomized this and enjoyed camaraderie and friendship. It just now needs the politicians from both sides of the divide to act like statesmen and ensure that politics does not transgress to sports and make way for the resumption of the great cricketing spectacle of India and Pakistan batting out a test match in both Mumbai and Lahore.



Features

Full implementation of 13A– Final solution to ‘national problem’ or end of unitary state? – Part III

Published

on

President Wickremesinghe and Prime Minister Modi

By Kalyananda Tiranagama
Executive Director
Lawyers for Human Rights and Development

(Continued from yesterday, 27 Sept.)

TNA Spokesman MP Sumanthiran’s Statement on discussions with the President:

The Island of 02. 08. 23 published a statement issued by TNA spokesman M. A. Sumanthiran, MP, on his party’s demand for enhanced and meaningful devolution, following their discussions with the President. As usual, Sumanthiran has taken care not to be too specific and to cover up their real intention:

“This statement issued in order to clarify our position with regard to the political solution for the national question, the 13th Amendment to the Constitution, the conduct of the long delayed Provincial Council Elections and the All-Party conferences convened by the President.

“The Tamil People have, since 1956, consistently given the Tamil political parties a mandate to work towards a political solution to the Tamil National Question by means of a federal arrangement in the North-East, which was recognized as the ‘historical habitation’ of the Tamil speaking people in the Indo-Lanka Accord that was signed on the 29th July 1987, which provided for a measure of devolution to the provinces, including land and police powers.

“The Govt. of India has actively engaged in this pursuit for the past 40 years after SL accepted the good offices, offered by India, consequent to the 1983 July violence against the Tamils.

“Most recently, too, Indian PM Narendra Modi conveyed to President Ranil Wickremesinghe, India’s hope that the Govt. of Sri Lanka will fulfill the aspirations of the Tamils and drive the process of rebuilding for Equality, Justice and Peace, He also hoped that Sri Lanka will fulfill its commitment to implement the 13th Amendment and conduct the Provincial Council Elections, and will ensure a life of respect and dignity for the Tamil Community of Sri Lanka.

“The Prime Minister clearly expressed our belief that a meaningful devolution of powers and the full implementation of the 13th Amendment are essential components of addressing and facilitating the reconciliation process in Sri Lanka. This has been our consistent position and this was put forward during the meeting between the two leaders.

“Our position is that power sharing must be in a federal structure, consistent with the aspirations of the Tamil People expressed at every election since 1956.

“Thus, the non-implementation of any part of the Constitution is a violation of the whole. To that extent, we insist on the full implementation of the devolution arrangements currently extant in our Constitution. Provincial Council Elections must be held without further delay.’

Sri Lanka High Commissioner to India Milinda Moragoda has, in a statement, confirmed what Sumanthiran said on Indian PM’s stand on Tamil issue:

Milinda Moragoda’ s statement:

“Modi strongly raised the Tamil issue with Wickremesinghe, seeking the implementation of the 13th Amendment for devolution of power and also early provincial elections. He had said India wanted Sri Lanka to ensure a life of dignity for the Tamil community. During his visit Wickremesinghe had shared with Modi his comprehensive proposal for furthering reconciliation and power sharing through devolution.’ (Times of India and The Island – 11. 08. 2023)

From all these resolutions and statements, it clearly appears that the aspiration of all Tamil Political parties in the North-East all along has remained the same from the founding of the Ilankai Thamil Arasu Katchi (ITAK) in 1949 up to date and Mr. Sampanthan’s dream never changes in essence.

The components of this never-ending dream are as follows:

a. Tamil Speaking People in Ceylon constitute a nation distinct from that of the Sinhalese;

b. The Northern and Eastern Provinces of Sri Lanka are the areas of traditional, historical habitation of the Tamil speaking people. Sinhala Colonization in the Northern and Eastern Provinces must be stopped immediately. This position cannot be compromised in any structure of government;

c. The Northern and Eastern Provinces must constitute one administrative unit; Any meaningful devolution should go beyond the 13th Amendment to the Constitution, creating a federal rule in the merged Northern and Eastern Provinces;

“All the powers required to ensure the unity and indivisibility of the country – defence, foreign affairs, finance and currency and immigration and emigration would remain with the Central Government. All the other powers, including land and Police powers, would be devolved to the provincial councils enabling them to exercise unrestricted authority to govern their land, protect their own people, and develop their own economy, culture and tradition with enhanced powers.

The Tamil Nation has an Inalienable right to political autonomy/self-determination.

Ranil Wickremesinghe’s Dream

As revealed in President Wickremesinghe’s Address to Parliament on 08 Feb., 2023, both President Wickremesinghe and Sampanthan had a common dream to provide a sustainable solution to the ethnic problem in Sri Lanka. When one examines the various steps taken by President Wickremesinghe at different stages in his political career to end the war and find a solution to the ethnic problem, one can clearly see that both have shared the same dream with more or less same solutions in mind.

This is what the UNP Election Manifesto presented at the General Election of December 5, 2001 stated:

“Our prime objective is peace. We stand for peace and peace alone. We will end the war and build national unity. We will bring about a political solution acceptable to all those who are party to the crisis, within the framework of an undivided Sri Lanka. An interim administration will be set up for the northern and Eastern Provinces.”

One can get a glimpse of his solution to the ethnic problem from the Oslo Declaration and the Ceasefire Agreement signed by Wickremesinghe, as the Prime Minister, on behalf of the government of Sri Lanka and by Anton Balasingham on behalf of the LTTE on February 23, 2002. The Oslo Declaration was drafted by Erik Solheim.

One paragraph of the Oslo Declaration reads thus: Responding to a proposal by the leadership of the LTTE, the parties agreed to explore a solution founded on the principle of internal self-administration in areas of historical habitation of the Tamil-speaking peoples, based on a federal structure within a united Sri Lanka.

As claimed by Erik Solheim, Balasingham had accepted it and taken it to LTTE leader Prabhakaran, who rejected it because it referred to federalism. LTTE leader’s position was that they were prepared to consider favourably a political framework that offered substantial regional autonomy and self-government from the part of the Sinhala side. It was after the LTTE submitted the ISGA framework, stressing the external dimension of the right to self-determination in its preamble that the ceasefire became effective. During the period when the ceasefire remained effective, the LTTE was allowed to have an internal self-administration in the territory under their control, setting up its own police stations, courts, banks and other institutions and have its border control points issuing entry passes. He did not openly reject the proposals of the LTTE for the establishment of Internal Self Government Authority (ISGA) under the LTTE leadership for the governance of the North-East. However, he could not openly accept the proposal and grant ISGA to LTTE due to strong protests of the other political parties and the people in the South.

The solution proposed by the Ranil Wickremesinghe government in the Oslo Declaration is similar to the one demanded by R. Sampanthan at the ITAK Convention in Batticaloa in 2012 and during his speech at Matara in 2016.

As the Leader of the Opposition, Ranil Wickremesinghe in 2005 had brought pressure on the Kumaratunge government to enter into a Memorandum of Understanding with the LTTE for the establishment of a Post-Tsunami Operational Management Structure (P-TOMS Agreement) under the LTTE leadership for the reconstruction of the Tsunami devastated zones in the six Districts of Jaffna, Kilinochchi, Mulathivu, Trincomalee, Batticaloa and Ampara in the North East. That MOU was signed by the Secretary of the Ministry of Relief, Rehabilitation and Reconciliation on behalf of the Govt. of Sri Lanka and by Shanmugalingam Ranjan, Deputy Head of Planning and Development Secretariat, on behalf of the LTTE. However, it could not be implemented due to the Supreme Court order declaring it illegal.

The Northern and Eastern Provinces, which remained merged as one administrative unit since 1987 on a Proclamation made by President J. R. Jayewardene under the Emergency Regulations, were demerged on the Order of the Supreme Court made on 16 Oct., 2006.

As reported in the Daily Mirror of 27. 11. 2006, the Opposition Leader Ranil Wickremesinghe assured TNA leader R. Sampanthan of his Party’s fullest support to merge the Northern and Eastern Provinces if the issue comes before Parliament.

After 2007, while the armed forces were vigorously and successfully carrying out the war for the liberation of the country from the LTTE terrorists, the people stood by them.

But the UNP leaders carried on a vicious campaign aimed at disheartening our armed forces, making public utterances, belittling the heroic victories won by our armed forces such as ‘Thoppigala kiyanne kelewak’, ‘Alimankada yanava kiyala yanne Pamankada’; ‘Kilinochchi yanava kiyala Madavachchi yanava’; and passing disparaging remarks such as ‘ona gonekuta yudhdha karanna puluvan’.

At the 2013 Singapore Conference held to get Tamil support for regime change at the 2015 presidential election, Mangala Samaraweera, representing the UNP, ensured the full implementation of 13th Amendment and a federal state in the North and East of Sri Lanka in return for Tamil support for a regime change.

In October 2015, the Yahapalana government co-sponsored the resolution brought by Western countries for implementation of the recommendations in the Geneva UNHRC Report against Sri Lanka and its armed forces who liberated the country from the terrorists. It took several steps to implement the recommendations in the UNHRC report, such as signing and ratifying the International Convention on the Enforced Disappearances of Persons and enacting the International Convention on the Enforced Disappearances of Persons Act in 2016 and enacting the Office of the Missing Persons Act and opening the Office of the Missing Persons. All those were demands of Tamil political parties.

In January 2016, a Constitutional Assembly was appointed to draft a new Constitution to accommodate Tamil aspirations.

The Steering Committee of the Constitutional Assembly headed by PM Wickremesinghe released its Interim Report with its proposed Amendments to the Constitution on 21 Sept., 2017. However, due to differences of opinion among political parties and the upheavals taking place in the political field at that time, the Yahapalana government could not go ahead with it.

It is no secret that the Tamil diaspora, Tamil political parties in the North-East, religious groups supporting the LTTE cause and foreign-funded NGOs involved in various anti-Sri Lanka campaigns played a key role in the Galle Face struggle, which compelled the former President to leave office and brought President Wickremesinghe to power.

After assuming power as the President, Wickremesinghe several times expressed his firm determination to bring about a final solution to the ethnic problem in the North-East within a few months through required constitutional amendments with the consensus of other political parties represented in Parliament. With this aim, he separately met and had discussions with leaders of Tamil political parties representing the North-East. He addressed the Parliament and convened all Party Conferences and tried to bring pressure on MPs to come to a settlement.

In his Address to Parliament on 09 August, 2023, President Wickremesinghe clearly said that he stood for full devolution of power with 13+ , granting all powers, other than Police powers, to the Provincial Councils.

President Wickremesinghe, who has no popular mandate, has come forward to do things which six Presidents elected by popular mandate since 1982 – J. R. Jayewardene, R. Premadasa, Chandrika Kumaratunga, Mahinda Rajapaksa, Maithripala Sirisena and Gatabaya Rajapaksa, did not dare to do, conscious of the consequences of doing so or the feelings of the vast majority of the people in the South.

President J. R. Jayewardene, in his address to Parliament on 20 Feb., 1986 clearly pointed out the danger posed to the country by accepting the demands of Tamil Political parties for self-rule and merger of the Northern and Eastern Provinces as one administrative unit.

When the address of President Wickremesinghe to Parliament on August 9, 2023 is analysed, it becomes clear that he is ready to offer far more than Sampanthan expects.

(To be continued)

Continue Reading

Features

Perils of ignoring the collective voice of the UNGA

Published

on

President Joe Biden speaks at the 2023 UNGA sessions.

While the more progressive sections of world opinion would have expected all Heads of State and government of the permanent member states of the UN Security Council (UNSC) to be present at the recent UN General Assembly (UNGA) sessions in New York, this was not to be.

It could very well be that UN protocol does not make it compulsory that these political leaders be present at these annual UNGA sittings but their presence at the world forum would have testified to their sensitivity to global opinion on the crucial questions currently confronting the international community. A ‘bad miss’ on the part of the relevant political leaders of UNSC permanent member states, some observers are likely to quip.

On this matter, the US scored above its UNSC counterparts. President Joe Biden was not only present at the UNGA sessions but went on to address the global body. It proved that the US was eager to get to know at first hand, the perceptions of the world community on current questions. It should be granted to the US that in terms of proving its concern for the world’s wellbeing, it has ‘stolen a march’ on other foremost global powers.

The commentator of international politics couldn’t be faulted for wondering whether the above ‘miss’ is a sign of sorts of our times, which are characterized by an overwhelming dominance of world affairs by the permanent members of the UNSC. A connected issue is whether the UNSC is increasingly and relentlessly upstaging the UNGA in international affairs. If so, the trend is to be regretted.

However, the trend has serious implications for the wellbeing of the global community. For, represented in the UNGA in substantial numbers are developing countries or the world’s South.

The UNGA is a principal forum where the majority of humanity could articulate its views on matters of the first importance to it, although the resolutions it passes in the UNGA have no ‘binding effect’ on the major powers represented in the UNSC. But the UNSC would be ignoring UNGA resolutions at its peril and that of the world, considering that unmet needs of the majority of countries have grave implication for world stability and peace.

Of course, all UN member states are usually represented in the UNGA in substantial fashion and the issues of the world are, in the normal course of things, duly conveyed to the respective national leaders, but a personal presence of UNSC political heads at UNGA sessions carries tremendous symbolic significance. Among other things, it means that the world could hope of having a reasonable hearing by the international community’s leading powers. This is bound to have a reassuring effect on the global South in particular.

However, it was in the fitness of things for the ‘G-77 and China’ to have met in Cuba almost at the time of the UNGA sessions. Needless to say, G-77 is a principal forum of the South and it has helped highlight some substantial issues confronting the developing world. It is incumbent on the South, going forward, to take up its causes with the UN community of countries in a united voice and to press relentlessly for pro-South positive change in the current world order.

In other words, the South should enable its numerical superiority in organs, such as the UNGA, to matter crucially. Theoretically, the South has on its side China and India and the challenge before the latter is to unflaggingly take on the most crucial issues of the South and work towards their resolution in the UN system.

The world could be said to be badly in need of a renewed and robust North-South Dialogue. Right now, it’s the issues of the North that are being made to matter and this is not surprising considering the decisive impact being made on international relations by the world’s foremost powers. That is, mainly the permanent members of the UNSC. In the process the issues of the South are tending to receive scant attention by particularly the Northern hemisphere.

This situation needs drastic changing and the major powers that identify with the South, such as India and China, are obliged to use their political and economic heft to usher the relevant Pro-South changes.

It was in order for Southern political leaders to highlight the yawning North-South gap in respect of scientific and technological progress at the Group of 77 Summit, for instance, but the question of economic equity within Southern countries and internationally, needs sustained and rigorous campaigning by the South and those sections of the North that empathize with it.

That is, ‘Bread’ needs to remain among the foremost of concerns of the international community. Equitable and fair international trade relations and other such questions that go to the heart of development, acquire substantive meaning only when they are made to matter in the question of advancing equitable economic ties within and without countries.

It will be found that when the international community, driven by the developing world, works towards these aims, problems such as the ‘Brain Drain’ and illegal international migration would prove resolvable. Likewise, achieving the MDGs would emerge as a realistic proposition.

Accordingly, the question is whether those major powers identifying with the South would be willing to go more than the extra mile to champion the legitimate aims of the world’s impoverished countries. They would need to place their power at the services of the poor since neglecting to do so would amount to imperiling global stability in increasing degrees. Among other things, they would need to be visible in the development forums of the world and provide clear evidence that they are indeed in earnest when they speak in terms of taking up the causes of the developing world.

The South, meanwhile, should come together on these issues and lay the basis for pro-poor ‘system change’. Reviving organizations of the South, such as NAM, and promoting South-South cooperation need to be considered tasks of the first importance.

As pointed out in this column last week, the UN would need to work very closely with Southern countries with a view to ushering democratic development within them on a sustained basis. UN aid needs to be tied to progressive change of this kind since not all Southern ruling elites are pro-people and in favour of the fair distribution of ‘Bread’. Instead, their hands itch for ‘Guns’. The UN should rap them over the knuckles by increasingly connecting its assistance to vigorous democratization.

Continue Reading

Features

Beauty plus Brains

Published

on

Chit-Chat

Maneka Liyanage has two important goals in mind – to be a recognized singer one day, and also a model.

She is 5’ 8″ tall, good-looking, and is a photographic model, but her ambition, she says, is to step on the ramp.

“My other ambition is to showcase my talent as a singer, and I believe I can do it.”

Maneka is also involved in the IT scene, exploring the universe of innovation and critical thinking.

And this is how our Chit-Chat went…

1. How would you describe yourself?

I’m a flexible person who wears many hats in life. By day, I’m an IT person, and when I have a free time, I change into a design model, displaying my affection for style and imagination. My enthusiasm for workmanship and music powers my spirit, and I sway between being a vivacious, chatty character, to someone calm…just taking in the scene around me.

2. If you could change one thing about yourself, what would it be?

I would say setting out additional open doors for quality time together, with my loved ones.

3. If you could change one thing about your family, what would it be?

As I’m the only child, I would love to have my dearest and loving friends as my brothers and sisters.

4. School?

I attended Lindsay Girls’ School, Colombo 3, and also Sirimavo Bandaranaike Vidyalaya. While at school, I did music, participated in many events, and I was also involved in netball. I was the President of the Science Society, at Lindsay Girls’ School, and was in the Buddhist Society and the Yaha Mithuru committee at Sirimavo Bandaranaike Vidyalaya.

5. Happiest moment?

My wedding day, no doubt. Also, spending quality time with friends brings me happiness, and career achievements, such as modelling, or achieving milestones, certainly does give me lots of happiness and fulfillment. As an IT executive, pursuing a fulfilling career is another form of happiness.

6. What is your idea of perfect happiness?

Where I’m concerned, my happiness revolves around career satisfaction, meaningful relationships, creative expression, personal growth, self-acceptance, and a deep connection with nature.

7. Are you religious?

Yes. I identify myself with Buddhism and actively participate in its practices, demonstrating a level of religious affiliation. Additionally, I have respect for, and occasional visit, Hindu temples and Catholic churches.

8. Are you superstitious?

Not exactly as I don’t take unseen, or improbable things, seriously.

9. Your ideal guy?

I would say a partner who embodies my values; a strong person who maintains honesty and integrity, cares for others, and has exceptional qualities, like consideration, compassion, humour, and inspiration.

10. Which living person do you most admire?

Vladimir Putin comes to mind – a prominent political figure known for his assertiveness and controversial leadership style. Admiration may extend to various figures, not just one living person, and it’s crucial to continue learning from those who inspire and align with my values.

11. Which is your most treasured possession?

My most treasured possession could be a symbolic or personal item, such as a diary or journal, reflecting on my journey and growth. The true value of a possession lies in its personal significance, and only I can determine which one represents my values and experiences best. These possessions empower me to navigate life with purpose and authenticity, making them my most treasured possessions.

12. If you were marooned on a desert island, who would you like as your companion?

I would prefer my husband as I value personality traits and believe husbands’ embody these qualities, making them an ideal partner for such a challenging and isolating situation.

13. Your most embarrassing moment?

A few odd things are there but nothing much to shout about that would be of any interests to your readers.

14. Done anything daring?

As a student I loved Biology and I did Biology for my higher studies. But I wanted to go with Information Technology, in keeping par with the modern world. So I changed from a Bio student to an IT student and I think that was a bold and daring move.

15. Your ideal vacation?

A mindful retreat, cultural exploration, wildlife and nature experiences, and relaxation.

16. What kind of music are you into?

My music taste is characterised by a love for music that stirs emotions, tells stories, and has a diverse and multicultural flavour. I appreciate intricate piano and symphony music, country music, piano music, and multilingual music in various languages. This reflects my open-mindedness and ability to find value and beauty in a wide range of musical expressions.

17. Favourite radio station?

Gold FM. My preference for Gold FM stems from my affinity for old English music hits and the emotional and nostalgic connection I have with this type of music.

18. Favourite TV station?

ART TV. Usually I don’t watch much TV, but I like ART TV since it telecast music.

19 What would you like to be born as in your next life?

I like a peaceful, harmonious, and happy existence in my next life. And I wish to be with my beloved ones in my next birth, as well. I desire a human being with a similar life, a peaceful and harm-free existence, a beautiful environment, and happiness for all living beings. I hope for a life free from obstacles, conflicts, and difficulties. And also, value aesthetics and a sense of compassion for all living beings.

20. Any major plans for the future?

I may focus on career development, also having a family, plus financial goals, travel, supporting each other, and personal growth. Communication and flexibility are crucial for a successful future, as everyone’s plans are unique and may evolve over time. One last thing; I enjoy reading The Island newspaper, especially on a Tuesday and Thursday.

Continue Reading

Trending