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Midweek Review

Supreme Court stands tall

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The Wickremesinghe-Rajapaksa government ignored concerns raised by both local and international organizations. The Commonwealth Lawyers Association (CLA), the Commonwealth Magistrates’ and Judges’ Association (CMJA) and the Commonwealth Legal Education Association (CLEA) declared their concerns over the government’s refusal to comply with the SC court order to release the funds allocated by Parliament for local elections. They also raised the subsequent referral by Speaker Mahinda Yapa Abeywardena of the three Supreme Court Judges responsible for the decision to the Parliamentary Committee on Ethics and Privileges. But, the arrogant political apparatus turned a blind eye to such concerns.

By Shamindra Ferdinando

None of the Supreme Court justices namely Preethi Padman Surasena, Janak de Silva, and Priyantha Jayawardena, PC, who had heard the petitions against the postponement of the Local Government polls, early last year, represented a five-judge bench that delivered the final order last week. Jayawardena retired in the last week of February this year.

The SC held that President Ranil Wickremesinghe, in his capacity as the Finance Minister, violated fundamental rights of the people, guaranteed in terms of Article 12(1) and 14(1)(a) of the Constitution. The SC also found fault with the Attorney General and the Election Commission.

Had the government adhered to the March 3, 2023, directive that funds necessary for the conducting of the LG polls be allocated without delay, it could have averted the stunning blow just weeks away from the first post-Aragalaya national election.

The SC bench that gave the unprecedented order, in respect of political party leader and executive president, comprised Chief Justice Jayantha Jayasuriya, PC, Justices Vijith Malalgoda, PC, Murdu Fernando, PC, Gamini Amarasekara, and Yasantha Kodagoda, PC. Let me mention the full list of Supreme Court justices, CJ Jayantha Jayasuriya, PC, Murdu Fernando, PC, Preethi Padman Surasena, S. Thurairaja, PC, E.A. G.R. Amarasekara, Yasantha Kodagoda, PC, A.H.M.D. Nawaz, Kumudini Wickremasinghe, A.L. Shiran Gooneratne, Janak de Silva, Achala Wengappuli, Mahinda Samayawardhena, Arjuna Obeyesekere and K. Priyantha Fernando.

Altogether four parties, the main Opposition Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB), Jathika Jana Balawegaya (JJB), Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) and People’s Action for Free and Fair Elections (PAFFREL) moved the SC against the refusal on the part of the Wickremesinghe-led government to hold scheduled polls. The PAFFREL spearheaded civil society efforts to pressure the government.

With the Ninth Presidential Election just four weeks away, the SC order couldn’t have been delivered at a far worse time for the incumbent President accused of circumventing apex court interim orders in respect of petitions filed against IGP Deshabandu Tennakoon and private consortium IVS-GBS and VFS Global dealing with visa issuance.

The SC’s response to threatening moves made by a section of the parliament at the behest of President Wickremesinghe with regard to the interim order given by justices Preethi Padman Surasena, Janak de Silva, and Priyantha Jayawardena has proved the failure of the disgraceful political project.

Obviously, government strategists failed to comprehend how their game plan could end. No one in Wickremesinghe’s camp would have envisaged the devastating outcome of the LG polls petitions, especially after being blinded by mistakenly thinking that the presidential powers they thought they had could help them to bulldoze their way through anything. RW may have also been emboldened by the kid glove treatment he got at the Bond Presidential Commission probe earlier.

It would be pertinent to mention that the major beneficiaries of the SC order are SJB candidate Sajith Premadasa and JJB candidate Anura Kumara Dissanayake as the Sept. 21 presidential contest is widely believed to be among them and the incumbent President.

The devastating SC order severely embarrassed the Wickremesinghe camp, particularly the rebel SLPP parliamentary group that blindly pledged support to the UNP leader, possibly fearing another foreign-backed sinister Aragalaya worse than what they experienced in 2022, or to save their political life. Examples are aplenty if we look around at what happened to our neighbours Pakistan and Bangladesh. They can’t repeat their success that easily in Myanmar as China is keeping a close watch. How would Foreign Minister Ali Sabry, PC, who also holds the Justice portfolio, responds to the developing situation?

Govt. issues warnings

Close on the heels of the interim SC order on March 3, 2023, Attorney-at-Law Premanath C. Dolawatta, who had identified himself as family lawyer of the Rajapaksas, strongly criticized the apex court with regard to the directive issued to the Finance Secretary Mahinda Siriwardana and then Attorney General Sanjay Rajaratnam, PC.

Acting at the behest of President Wickremesinghe and the SLPP parliamentary group, first time entrant to Parliament Dolawatta, in spite of being a lawyer, alleged on March 07 that the SC order violated powers and privileges of Parliament. The SLPP National List MP argued that the SC interim order interfered with Article 43 (1) read with Article 148 of the Constitution thereby seeking to undermine parliamentary control over public finance. Without hesitation, the politician targeted one of the three justices. Declaring that the interim order violated the principle of natural justice, MP Dolawatta alleged: “One of the learned Judges who issued the interim order is related to a petitioner in a similar case being heard before the other bench of the Supreme Court. The learned Judge has not disclosed the relationship, nor has he recused himself from the case.”

MP Dolawatta couldn’t have been unaware of the outcome of the petitions filed against the postponement of the LG polls. But, the MP had no option but to condemn the Supreme Court, regardless of the consequences. That decision, obviously being taken at the highest level, at the end not only caused embarrassment to the President but the entire Parliament as well.

Three days after lawmaker Dolawatta’s controversial declaration, State Finance Minister Shehan Semasinghe stepped up attacks on the SC. Lawmaker Semasinghe asked Parliament to disregard the SC’s interim order until the Ethics and Privileges Committee dealt with the issue. The SLPPer demanded that a letter sent by the Elections Commission to the Finance Ministry consequent to the SC directive, too, be referred to the Ethics and Privileges Committee.

The Wickremesinghe-Rajapaksa government worked overtime to sabotage the LG polls. PAFFREL questioned the combined efforts made by President Wickremesinghe and Premier Dinesh Gunawardena to influence the then Election Commission. The government involved the then AG Rajaratnam in its efforts and the whole political project later exploded in the wake of President’s failed bid to grant a six-month extension to the official.

In spite of declaring its intention to summon Preethi Padman Surasena, Janak De Silva, and Priyantha Jayawardena, PC, the government lacked the political will to go the whole hog. The Opposition lambasted the government over the contentious move.

The government acted in a way that it felt could put off LG polls without suffering major political damage but the final SC verdict seemed to have dealt a devastating blow to Wickremesinghe.

Speaker Mahinda Yapa Abeywardena owed the public an explanation as he accepted MP Dolawatta’s assertion that parliamentary powers and privileges had been violated and the matter be referred to the Ethics and Privileges Committee.

Towards the end of 2022, the Opposition raised the possibility of the government exploiting a private members’ motion, submitted by MP Dolawatta, to enhance youth representation in governance. One-time External Affairs Minister Prof. G.L. Peiris who fired the first salvo against the attempt to put off the LG polls further, alleged that the motion could be utilized to delay the polls indefinitely. The one-time top law academic recalled how the Yahapalana government postponed the Provincial Council elections indefinitely.

The rebel SLPP Chairman pointed out that the government had chosen MP Dolawatta’s motion, handed over to President Wickremesinghe on Oct 31, 2022, though SJB’s Imthiaz Bakeer Markar submitted a private member’s motion on the same lines much earlier. However, that strategy, too, never materialized. TheWickremesinghe-Rajapaksa combinnation simply forgot the LG polls while the UNP leader undertook a high profile project to make the Presidential Election, too, disappear.

President’s questionable strategy

Having quit the ruling SLPP parliamentary group, ahead of the parliamentary vote on a new President to complete Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s five-year term, Prof. Peiris fiercely attacked efforts to undermine the electoral process. The former Vice Chancellor of the Colombo University questioned the President’s attack on the electoral system at an event organized by the BASL in the second week of June 2023.

He chose to challenge Wickremesinghe on the postponement of the LG polls at the BASL’s National Law Conference held at the Grand Hotel, Nuwara Eliya, for questioning the very basis of our electoral system. Before the Judges of the SC, as well as the Court of Appeal hearing petitions filed against the indefinite postponement of LG polls, President Wickremesinghe declared that the people had no faith in elections.

Prof. Peiris emphasized that there had never been a previous instance of a President declaring elections weren’t important as the vast majority of the population, including the youth, had lost faith in elections and the political party system.

In the following month, businessman C.D. Lenawa sought to derail the Presidential Election by preventing the calling of the poll until the SC delivered its interpretation on the date of the presidential poll. A five-member SC bench consisting of Chief Justice Jayantha Jayasuriya, Vijith Malalgoda, Murdu Fernando, Preethi Padman Surasena and S. Thurairaja dismissed the petition. The petitioner was fined Rs 100,000.

The JJB, IUSF on behalf of the Jana Aragala Sandhanaya, NFF and SJB filed petitions against Lenawa’s move that was dismissed in July.

Amidst accusations that the government was behind Lenawa’s move, the President’s Media Division (PMD) denied President Wickremesinghe’s association with the person concerned. The court proceedings on July 08, 2024 exposed Lenawa’s intention and he was asked to pay as cost Rs 100,000 by the SC.

Regardless of Lenawa’s fate, another person, Attorney-at-Law Aruna Laksiri, moved the SC claiming that the 19th Amendment to the Constitution hadn’t been enacted properly, he called for the SC’s intervention to conduct a referendum before the presidential poll. The SC dismissed that petition, too. The SC ordered the petitioner to pay a court fee of Rs. 500,000.

That ruling was made by a bench comprising Chief Justice Jayantha Jayasuriya, Justices Arjuna Obeysekera, and Priyantha Fernando affirming the formal adoption of the 19th Constitutional Amendment without the need for a referendum, in line with prior rulings from 2015.

In his petition, Laksiri claimed that the 19th Amendment amended Article 70 of the Constitution, which deprives the President of the power to dissolve an elected Parliament after one year. The lawyer contended that the amendment has not been approved by a referendum, despite a Supreme Court ruling indicating it should be.

During the proceedings, the Attorney General emphasized before the Supreme Court that the Presidential term is constitutionally defined as five years.

Having scuttled the LG polls, President Wickremesinghe, in late February 2023, explained the circumstances he decided not to conduct thebLG polls. Participating in a debate on the Essential Public Services Act, President Wickremesinghe underscored his strategy that his priority was building the economy and not politics. Obviously that was nothing but a signal for the country and the justices hearing relevant cases. By then, the President’s actions and that of his government had effectively prevented the holding of the LG polls as stipulated on March 09, 2023. The PMD aptly headlined Wickremesinghe’s February 23rd statement: “The President tells parliament his priority is building the economy and not politics.”

President Wickremesinghe defended Finance Secretary Mahinda Siriwardana and others under him whom he didn’t identify over the denial of funds required for the conducting of LG polls. This was in the wake of the Election Commission declaring before the SC that the election couldn’t be held as a result of the Finance Secretary taking up a position that the required funds weren’t available.

The President contradicted the Election Commission. Having done so, the UNP leader acknowledged that he personally briefed the members of the Election Commission on December 14, 2022, regarding the unsuitability of holding the LG polls due to the volatile economic situation in the country. Wickremesinghe wanted the polls delayed till the total number of LG members was reduced to 5,000. The country must be reminded that the number of LG members sharply increased during the period Wickremesinghe served as the Prime Minister of the Yahapalana administration.

Making reference to the transitional provisions of the 21st Amendment (In Part 3 under the Interim Provisions) to the Constitution, President Wickremesinghe categorized the Election Commission as a temporary Commission accountable to the Parliament. He found fault with the Election Commission for failing to discuss the issues at hand with the House before making representations to the SC.

President Wickremesinghe is on record as having claimed that he along with Premier Gunawardena and AG Rajaratnam met members of the Election Commission on January 05, 2024, against the backdrop of what he called division among the members regarding the holding of the LG polls on December 23, 2023. According to the President, the Election Commission should have consulted a lawyer, representing the interests of either SJB or the JVP. Instead, the Election Commission sought the advice of Saliya Peiris, PC, whom members of the Election Commission described as one who engaged in politics.

President Wickremesinghe questioned the authority of the Election Commission to go ahead with the scheduled elections while alleging that the Election Commission didn’t properly take a decision to conduct the election on March 09 regardless of rumours. President Wickremesinghe found fault with the then EC Chairman and Attorney-at-Law Nimal Punchihewa and member M.M. Mohamed.

The PMD quoted President Wickremesinghe as having told Parliament on February 23, 2024: “We don’t need to postpone the election, but we don’t have money for it. If we need, we can discuss and come to a decision, but for the moment, we don’t have money. On the other hand, there is no election at hand as well. So, what have we got to do? The Commission is answerable to the Parliament. The Parliament has asked to appoint a select committee on this matter. So, I request to appoint it, record all and take the report to the Supreme Court. According to section 4 of the Constitution, the financial power is vested in the Parliament. After the 1688 Revolution, according to the Magna Carta Agreement, all monetary powers are vested in Parliament. Therefore, give that report to the Supreme Court through a select committee.”

The recent ruling by a five-judge bench meant that the SC obviously thought otherwise. Let me mention the Counsel who appeared for the petitioners in the historic case: Upul Jayasuriya, PC. with Nisala Fernando instructed by Sampath Wijewardane for the SJB, Viran Corea with Luwie Ganeshathasan and Khyati Wickramanayaka instructed by Sinnadurai Sunderalingam & Balendra for CPA, Nigel Hatch, PC. with Shantha Jayawardena, Ms. Wihangi Tissera, Ms. Azra Basheer, Hirannaya Damunupola, Ms. Niroshika Wegiriya, Sunil Watagala and Ms Illangage for the JJB and Asthika Devendra with Pulasthi Hewamanne, Kaneel Maddumage, Vimukthi Karunarathne and Ms. Abheetha Dinethri instructed by Manjula Balasuriya for the PAFFREL.

The SC was moved in terms of Article 17 read with Article 126 of the Constitution. Argued for 15 days, the decision was announced on August 22, 2024.

Some crucial SC rulings

In the run-up to the unprecedented SC ruling on August 22, 2024, the apex court emphasized in no uncertain terms that politicians, regardless of their status, couldn’t expect favoured treatment under any circumstances.

* Following a landmark SC decision, former President Maithripala Sirisena in March 2022 vacated his official residence at Mahagama Sekara Mawatha (formerly known as Paget Road), Colombo. Sirisena had no option but to leave after the SC quashed a Cabinet decision taken in October 2019 to grant the residence to him after his retirement. The residence in question was the former President’s official residence during his tenure as the Head of State. The Supreme Court held that the Cabinet decision while he was at its helm is arbitrary, unreasonable, ultra vires, illegal, a breach of the provisions of the President’s Entitlements Act, amounts to a violation of the Rule of Law and the Fundamental Rights guaranteed to the petitioners and the citizens of Sri Lanka.

* In January, 2023 SC ordered ex- President Sirisena to pay a sum of Rs.100 million as damages to the victims of Easter Sunday attacks. Sirisena completed the payment two weeks ago on a staggered basis. The consequences were devastating as underscored by the former SLFP leader’s failure to reach a consensus with any candidate contesting the Presidential Election.

* Sirisena suffered yet another setback when the SC invalidated his decision to grant a presidential pardon to a convict who murdered a Swedish teenager Yvonne Jonsson 19 years ago. Sirisena granted Jude Jayamaha a presidential pardon just a few weeks before the 2019 Presidential Election. Jayamaha was convicted in 2012 for killing Yvonne Jonsson in what was known as the ‘Royal Park’ murder case. Jayamaha was sentenced to death. the SC fined Sirisena Rs 3 mn.

* The other judgment was delivered in November 2023 with respect to petitions filed against the economic crisis that led to the declaration of bankruptcy status in April 2022.

The SC held that former President Gotabaya Rajapaksa and his brother, former Prime Minister Mahinda, were among several government officials whose conduct contributed to the country’s worst economic crisis in decades.

* Two other SC decisions that sent clear message were the ruling on IGP and the on-line visa issuance facility.



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Midweek Review

Aragalaya: GR blames CIA in Asanga Abeyagoonasekera’s explosive narrative

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Asanga

Did CIA chief William Burns visit Colombo in Feb 2023? Sri Lanka and the US refrained from formally confirming the visit. The Opposition sought confirmation of the then CIA Chief’s visit to Colombo in terms of the Right to Information Act but the Wickremesinghe-Rajapaksa government sidestepped the query. A former Republican congressman from Texas and Director of National Intelligence (2020–2021) John Ratcliffe succeeded Burns in late January 2025.

 

On the sheer weight of new evidence presented by Asanga Abeyagoonasekera’s ‘Winds of Change’, readers can get a clear picture of the forces that overthrew President Gotabaya Rajapaksa in 2022.

Even five years after the political upheaval, widely dubbed ‘Aragalaya,’ controversy surrounds the high-profile operation that forced wartime Defence Secretary Gotabaya Rajapaksa to literally run for his dear life.

Gotabaya Rajapaksa, formerly of the Army but a novice to party politics, comfortably won the 2019 November presidential election against the backdrop of the Easter Sunday carnage that caused uncertainty and suspicions among communities. The economic crisis, also clandestinely engineered from abroad, firstly by crippling vital worker remittances from abroad, almost from the onset of Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s presidency, overwhelmed the government and created the environment conducive for external intervention. Could it have been avoided if the government, that enjoyed a near two-thirds majority in Parliament, sought the help of the International Monetary Fund (IMF)?

The costly and well-funded book project, undertaken at the time Abeyagoonasekera was working on a governance diagnostic report for the IMF, in the wake of the change of government in Sri Lanka, meticulously examined the former Lieutenant Colonel’s ouster, taking into consideration regional as well as global developments. Abeyagoonasekera dealt efficiently and furiously with rapidly changing situations and developments before the unprecedented 03 January, 2026, US raid on Venezuela.

Lt. Col. (retd) Gotabaya Rajapaksa, for some unexplainable reason and a considerable time after the events, has chosen to blame his ouster on the United States. We cannot blame him either, by the way we have seen how other regime changes had been engineered, in our region, by Washington, since and before Gotabaya’s ouster. The accusation is extraordinary as Gotabaya Rajapaksa in his memoirs ‘The conspiracy to oust me from presidency’ refrained from naming the primary conspirator, though he clearly alluded to an international conspiracy.

April 8, 2019 meeting

Launched in March 2024, in the run-up to the presidential election that brought Anura Kumara Dissanayake (AKD) to power, almost in a dream ride, if not for the intervening outside evil actors, ‘The conspiracy to oust me from presidency’ discussed the international conspiracy, but conveniently failed to name the primary conspirator. What made the former President speak so candidly with Abeyagoonasekera, the founding Director-General of the national security think tank, the Institute of National Security Studies Sri Lanka (INSS), under the Ministry of Defence, from 2016 to 2020?

Abeyagoonasekera also served as Executive Director at the Lakshman Kadirgamar Institute (LKI), under the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (2011–2015), during Mahinda Rajapaksa’s second term as the President. The author, both precisely and furiously, dealt with issues. Readers may find very interesting quotes and they do give a feeling of the author’s general hostility towards the US, India, as well as to the US-India marriage of convenience. Those who sense so may end up thinking ‘Change of Winds’ being supportive of the Chinese strategy. Among the highly sensitive quotes that underlined the Indian approach were attributed to Indian Defence Secretary Sanjay Mitra. The author quoted Mitra as having declared: “We need the MRCC centre [Maritime Rescue Coordination Centre], and you cannot give it to another nation.” As pointed out by the author, it was not a request but an order given to Sri Lanka on 8 April, 2019, meant to prevent Sri Lanka from even considering a competing proposal from China. Against that background, the author, who had been present at that meeting at which the Sri Lanka delegation was led by then Defence Secretary Hemasiri Fernando, questioned the failure on the part of the delegations to take up the Easter Sunday attacks. Terrorists struck two weeks later. Implications were telling.

That particular quote reveals the circumstances India and the US operated here. No wonder the incumbent government does not want to discuss the secret defence MoUs it has entered into with India and the US as they would clearly reveal the sellout of our interests.

The following line says a lot about the circumstances under which Gotabaya Rajapaksa was removed: “In Singapore, a senior journalist recounted how Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s resignation was scripted, under duress, at a hotel, facilitated by a foreign motorcade.”

In the first Chapter that incisively dealt with the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), the author was so lucky to secure an explosive quote from the ousted leader in an exclusive, hitherto unreported, interview in June 2024, a few months after the launch of Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s memoirs. The ex-President hadn’t minced his words when he alleged that the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) orchestrated his removal. He also claimed that he had been under US surveillance throughout his presidency.

The ousted leader has confidently cleared India’s Research and Analysis Wing (RAW) of complicity in the operation. What made him call Indian National Security Advisor (NSA) Ajit Doval ‘a good man,’ in response to Abeyagoonasekera’s pointed query. Abeyagoonasekera quoted Gotabaya Rajapaksa as having said: “… he would never do such things.” The ex-President must have some reason to call Doval a good friend, regardless of intense pressure exerted on him and the Mahinda Rajapaksa government by the Indians to do away with large scale Chinese-funded projects. (Doval in late October last year declared “poor governance” was the reason behind uprisings that led to change of governments in Bangladesh, Nepal, and Sri Lanka over the period of past three-and-a-half years. The media quoted Doval as having said, during a function in New Delhi, that democracy and non-institutional methods of regime change in countries, such as Bangladesh, Sri Lanka and Nepal, created their own set of problems. That was the first time a senior Indian government official made remarks on Nepal’s government change, followed by the Gen Z uprising in early September, 2025.)

Gotabaya Rajapaksa also cleared the Chinese of seeking to oust him. It would be pertinent to mention that China reacted sternly when at the onset of the Gotabaya presidency, the President suggested the need to re-negotiate the Hambantota Port deal.

During the treacherous ‘Yahapalana’ administration (2015 to 2019) Gotabaya Rajapaksa told me how Doval had pressed him to halt not only the Colombo Port City project but to take back Hambantota Port as well. By then, the Chinese had twisted the arms of the Yahapalana leaders Mairthpala Sirisena and Ranil Wickremesinghe and secured the Hambantota Port on a 99-year lease in a one-sided USD 1.2 bn deal. The Colombo Port City project, that had been halted by the Yahapalana government, too, was resumed possibly under Chinese threat or for some money incentive.

Once Wijeyadasa Rajapakshe, PC, declared, at a hastily arranged media briefing at Sri Lanka Foundation (SLF), that Sri Lanka would be relentlessly targeted as long as the Chinese held the Hambantota Port. The writer was present at that media briefing.

Wijeyadasa Rajapakshe said so in the aftermath of the 2019 Easter Sunday carnage, while disclosing his abortive bid to convince the Yahapalana government to abrogate the Hambantota Port deal. Did the parliamentarian know something we were not aware of? The author’s assessment, regarding the Easter Sunday attacks, based on interviews with Chinese officials and scholars, is frightening and an acknowledgement of a possible Western role in Sri Lanka’s destabilisation plot.

The ousted leader, in his lengthy interview with Abeyagoonasekera, made some attention-grabbing comments on the then US Ambassador here, Julie Chung. The ex-President questioned a particular aspect of Chung’s conduct during the protest campaign but his decision not to reveal it all in his memoirs is a mystery. Perhaps, one of the most thought-provoking queries raised by Abeyagoonasekera is the rationale in Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s claim that he didn’t want to suppress the protest campaign by using force against the backdrop of his own declaration that the CIA orchestrated the project.

Author’s foray into parliamentary politics

Gotabaya

For those genuinely interested in post-Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga developments, pertaining to international relations and geopolitics, may peruse ‘Winds of Change’ as the third of a trilogy. ‘Sri Lanka at Crossroads’ (2019) dealt with the Mahinda Rajapaksa period and ‘Conundrum of an Island’ (2021) discussed the treacherous Sirisena–Wickremesinghe alliance. The third in the series examined the end of the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna’s (SLPP) President Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s rule and the rise of Anura Kumara Dissanayake (AKD) whom the author described as a Marxist, though this writer is of the view the JVP and NPP leader AKD is not so. AKD has clearly aligned his administration with US-India while trying to sustain existing relationship with China.

Among Asanga Abeyagoonasekera’s other books were ‘Towards a Better World Order’ (2015) and ‘Teardrop Diplomacy: China’s Sri Lanka Foray’ (2023, Bloomsbury).

Had Abeyagoonasekera succeeded in his bid to launch a political career in 2015, the trilogy on Sri Lanka may not have materialised. Abeyagoonasekera contested the Gampaha district at the August 2015 parliamentary election on the UNP ticket but failed to garner sufficient preferences to secure a place in Parliament. That dealt a devastating setback to Abeyagoonasekera’s political ambitions, but the Wickremesinghe-Sirisena administration created the Institute of National Security Studies Sri Lanka (INSS), under the Ministry of Defence, for him. Abeyagoonasekera received the appointment as the founding Director-General of the national security think tank, from 2016 to 2020.

Several persons dealt with ‘Aragalaya’ (the late Prof. Nalin de Silva used to call it (Paragalaya) before Abeyagoonasekera though none of them examined the regional and global contexts so deeply, taking into consideration the relevant developments. Having read Wimal Weerawansa’s (Nine: The hidden story), Sena Thoradeniya’s (Galle Face Protest; Systems Change or Anarchy?). Mahinda Siriwardena’s (Sri Lanka’s Economic Revival – Reflection on the Journey from Crisis to Recovery) and Prof. Sunanda Maddumabandara’s (Aragalaye Balaya), the writer is of the opinion Abeyagoonasekera dealt with the period in question as an incisive insider.

Abeyagoonasekera, as a person who left the country, under duress, in 2021, painted a frightening picture of a country with a small and vulnerable economy trapped in major global rivalries. The former government servant attributed his self–imposed exile to two issues.

The first was the 2019 Easter Sunday carnage. Why did the Wickremesinghe-Sirisena government ignore the warning issued by Abeyagoonasekera, in his capacity as DG INSS, in respect of the Easter Sunday bombing campaign? There is absolutely no ambiguity at all in his claim. Abeyagoonasekera insists that he alerted the government four months before the National Thowheed Jamath (NTJ) bombers struck. The bottom line is that Abeyagoonasekera had issued the warning several weeks before India did but those at the helm of that inept administration chose to turn a blind eye.

The second was the impending economic crisis that engulfed the country in 2022. Abeyagoonasekera is deeply bitter about his arrest on 21 July, 2024, at the Bandaranaike International Airport (BIA) over an alleged IRD –related offence as reported at that time, especially because he was returning home to visit his sick mother.

Asanga’s father Ossie, a member of Parliament and controversial figure, was killed in an LTTE suicide attack at Thotalanga in late Oct. 1994. The Chairman and leader of Sri Lanka Mahajana Pakshaya had been on stage with then UNP presidential election candidate Gamini Dissanayake when the woman suicide cadre blasted herself. The assassination was meant to ensure Kumaratunga’s victory. The LTTE probably felt that it could manipulate Kumaratunga than the experienced Dissanayake who may have had reached some sort of consensus with New Delhi on how to deal with the LTTE.

Let me reproduce a question posed to Asanga Abeyagoonasekera and his response in ‘Winds of Change’ as some may believe that the author is holding something back. “Didn’t they listen?” a US intelligence officer had asked me incredulously after the bombings. Years later, during my role as a technical advisor for the International Monetary Fund (IMF) amid Sri Lanka’s collapse, the question resurfaced: “How did you foresee the collapse of a powerful regime with a majority in parliament?” My answer remained the same—patterns. Rigorously gathered data and relentless analysis reveal the arcs of history before they unfold.

Perhaps, readers may find what former cashiered Flying Officer Keerthi Ratnayake had to say about ‘Aragalaya’ and related developments (https://island.lk/ex-slaf-officer-sheds-light-on-developments-leading-to-aragalaya/)

Bombshell claim

Essentially, Abeyagoonasekera, on the basis of his exclusive and lengthy interview with former President Gotabaya Rajapaksa, confirmed what Wimal Weerawansa and Sena Thoradeniya alleged that the US spearheaded the operation.

But Prof. Maddumabandara, a confidant of first post-Aragalaya President Ranil Wickremesinghe has bared the direct Indian involvement in the regime change operation. In spite of Gotabaya Rajapaksa confidently clearing Indian NSA Doval of complicity in his ouster, Prof. Maddumabandara is on record as having said that the then Indian High Commissioner here Gopal Baglay put pressure on Speaker Mahinda Yapa Abeywardena to take over the government for an interim period. (https://island.lk/dovals-questionable-regional-stock-taking/)

Obviously, the US and India worked together on the Sri Lanka regime change operation. That is the undeniable truth. India wanted to thwart Wickremesinghe receiving the presidency by bringing in Speaker Abeywardena. That move went awry in spite of some sections of both Buddhist and Catholic clergy throwing their weight behind New Delhi.

The 2022 violent regime change operation cannot be discussed without taking into consideration the US-led project that also involved the UNP, JVP and TNA to engineer retired General Sarath Fonseka’s victory at the 2010 presidential election and their backing for turncoat Maithripala Sirisena at the 2015 presidential election.

The section, titled ‘Echoes of Crisis from Sri Lanka to Bangladesh: South Asia’s Struggle in a Polycrisis’, is riveting and underscores the complexity of the situation and fragility of governments. Executive power and undisputable majorities in Parliament seems irrelevant as external powers intervene thereby making the electoral system redundant.

Having meticulously compared the overthrowing of Gotabaya Rajapaksa and Bangladesh’s Premier Sheikh Hasina, the author condemned them for their alleged failures and brutality. Abeyagoonasekera stated: “When the military sides with the protesters, as it did in Sri Lanka and now in Bangladesh, it reveals the rulers’ vulnerabilities.” The author unmercifully chided the former President for seeking refuge in the West while alleging direct CIA role in his ouster. But that may have spared his life. Had he sought a lifeline from the Chinese so late the situation could have taken a turn for worse.

The comment that had been attributed to Gotabaya Rajapaksa seemed to belittle Ranil Wickremesinghe who accepted the challenge of becoming the Premier in May 2022 and then chosen by the ruling SLPP to complete the remainder of Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s five-year term. Ranil was definitely seen as an opportunistic vulture who backed ‘Aragalaya’ without any qualms till he saw an opening for himself out of the chaos.

On Wickremesinghe’s path

Abeyagoonasekera discussed the joint US-Indian strategy pertaining to Sri Lanka. Whatever the National People’s Power (NPP) and its President say, the current dispensation is continuing Wickremesinghe’s policy as pointed out by the author. In fact, this government appears to be ready even to go beyond Wickremesinghe’s understanding with New Delhi. The Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) on defence and the selling of the controlling interests of the Colombo Dockyard Limited (CDL) to India, mid last year, must have surprised even those who always pushed for enhanced relations at all levels.

The economic collapse that resulted in political upheaval has given New Delhi the perfect opportunity to consolidate its position here. Uncomplimentary comments on current Indian High Commissioner Santosh Jha in ‘Winds of Change’ have to be discussed, paying attention to Sri Lanka’s growing dependence and alleged clandestine activities of India’s Research and Analysis Wing (RAW). Abeyagoonasekera seemed to have no qualms in referring to RAW’s hand in 2019 Easter Sunday carnage.

Overall ‘Winds of Change’ encourages, inspires and confirms suspicions about US and Indian intelligence services and underscores the responsibility of those in power to be extra cautious. But, in the case of smaller and weaker economies, such as Sri Lanka still struggling to overcome the economic crisis, there seems to be no solution. Not only India and the US, the Chinese, too, pursue their agenda here unimpeded. Utilisation of political parties, represented in Parliament, selected individuals, and media, in the Chinese efforts, are obvious. Once parliamentarian Wijeyadasa Rajapakshe raised the Chinese interventions in Sri Lanka. He questioned the Parliament receiving about 240 personal laptops for all parliamentarians and top officials. The then UNPer told the writer his decision not to accept the laptop paid for by China. Perhaps, he is the only Sri Lankan politician to have written a strongly worded letter to Chinese leader Xi warning against high profile Chinese strategy.

Winds of Change
is available at
Vijitha Yapa and Sarasavi

By Shamindra Ferdinando

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Midweek Review

Beginning of another ‘White Supremacist’ World Order?

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Donald Trump’s complete lack of intelligence, empathy and common sense have become more apparent during the current term of his presidency.  Ordinarily, a country’s wish to self-destruct as the United States seemingly does at present, and as the violence against US citizens and immigrants alike at the hands of federal authorities have shown in Minnesota, can be callously considered the business of that country. If the Trumpian imbecility was unfolding in Sri Lanka, anywhere else in South Asia or some other country of the purported Third World, the so-called World Order, led by the United States, would be preaching to us the values of democracy and human rights.  But what happens when the actions of a powerful country, such as the United States, engulfs in the ensuing flames the rest of us? Trump and his madness then necessarily become our business, too, because combined with the military and economic power of the United States and its government’s proven lack of empathy for its own people, and the rest of the world, is quite literally a matter of global survival. Besides, one of the ‘positive’ outcomes of the Trumpian madness, as a friend observed recently, is that “he has single-handedly exposed and destroyed the fiction of ‘Western Civilisation’, including the pretenses of Europe.”

It is in this context that the speech delivered by the Canadian Prime Minister, Mark Carney, at the World Economic Forum, in Davos, on 20 January, 2026, deserves attention.  It was an elegant speech, a slap in the face of Trump and his policies, the articulation of the need for global directional change, all in one. But, pertinently, it was also a speech that did not clearly accept responsibility for the current world (dis)order which Carney says needs to change.  The reality of that need, however, was overly reemphasised by Trump himself during his meandering, arrogant and incohesive speech delivered a day later, spanning over one hour.

My interest is in what Carney did not specifically say in his speech: who would constitute the new world order, who would be its leaders and why should we believe it would be any different from the present one?

Speaking in French, Carney observed that he was talking about “a rupture in the world order, the end of a pleasant fiction and the beginning of a harsh reality, where geopolitics, where the large, main power, geopolitics, is submitted to no limits, no constraints.” He was, of course, responding to the vulgar script for global domination put in place by the Trumpian United States, given Trump’s declared interest in seeing Canada as part of the United States, his avarice for Greenland, not to mention his already concluded grab for Venezuelan oil. But within this scenario, bound by ‘no limits’ and ‘no constraints’ he was also talking of Russia and China albeit in a coded language.

He reiterated, “that the other countries, especially intermediate powers like Canada, are not powerless. They have the capacity to build a new order that encompasses our values, such as respect for human rights, sustainable development, solidarity, sovereignty and territorial integrity of the various states. The power of the less power starts with honesty.”

Who could disagree with Carney? His words are a refreshing whiff of fresh air in the intellectual wasteland that is the Trumpian Oval Office and the current world order it prevails over. But where has been the ‘honesty’ of the less powerful in the specific situation where he equates Canada itself within this spectrum? He tells us that “the rules-based order is fading, that the strong can do what they can, and the weak must suffer what they must.”

That is stating the obvious. We have known this for decades by experience. Long before Canada’s relative silence with regard to Trump’s and US’ facilitation of the assault on Palestine and the massacre of its people, and the US President’s economic grab in Venezuela and the kidnapping of that country’s President and his wife, Canada’s own chorus in the world order that Carney now critiques has been embellished by silence or – even worse – by chords written  by the global dominance orchestra of the United States.

He says the fading of the rules-based order has occurred because of the “strong tendency for countries to go along, to get along, to accommodate, to avoid trouble, to hope that compliance will buy safety.” Canada fits this description better than most other nations I can think of. But would Canada, along with other nations among the silent majority within the ‘intermediate powers’ take the responsibility for the mess in the world precisely that silence has directly led to creating? Who will pay for the pain many nations have endured in the prevailing world order? Will Canada lead the way in the new world order in doing this?

Carney further articulates that “for decades, countries like Canada prospered under what we called the rules-based international order. We joined its institutions, we praised its principles, we benefited from its predictability. And because of that, we could pursue values-based foreign policies under its protection.”

But this is not true, is it?  Countries like Canada prospered not merely because of the stability of rules of the world order, but because they opted for silence when they should not have.  The rupture and the chaos in the world order Carney now critiques and is insanely led by Trump today is not merely the latter’s creation. It has been co-authored for decades by countries such as Canada, France, the United Kingdom to mention just a few who also regularly chant the twin-mantras of human rights and democracy. Trump is merely the latest and the most vocal proponent of the nastiness of that World Order.

It is not that Carney is unaware of this unpleasant reality.  He accepts that “the story of the international rules-based order was partially false, that the strongest would exempt themselves when convenient, that trade rules were enforced asymmetrically. And we knew that international law applied with varying rigour depending on the identity of the accused or the victim.”

While Canada seems to be coming to terms with this reality only now, countries like Sri Lanka and others in similarly disempowered positions in this world order have experienced this for decades, because, as I have outlined earlier, Canada et al have been complicit sustainers of the now demonised and demonic world order.

It is not that I disagree with the basic description Carney has painted of the status of the world. But from personal experience and from the perspective of a citizen from a powerless country, I simply do not trust those who preach ‘the gospel of the good’ not as a matter of principle, but only when the going gets tough for them.

At this rather late stage, Carney says, Canada is “amongst the first to hear the wake-up call, leading us to fundamentally shift our strategic posture.” Unfortunately, we, the people of countries who had to dance to the tunes of the world order led by the First World, have heard it for years, with no one listening to us when our discomforts were articulated. Now, Carney wants ‘middle powers’ or ‘intermediate powers’ within which he also locates Canada, “to live the truth?” For him, the truth means “naming reality” as it exists; “acting consistently” towards all in the world; “applying the same standards to allies and rivals” and “building what we claim to believe in, rather than waiting for the old order to be restored.” This appears to be the operational mantra for the new world order he is envisioning in which he sees Canada as a legitimate leader merely due to its late wakeup call.

He goes on to give a list of things Canada has done locally and globally and concludes by saying, “we have a recognition of what’s happening and a determination to act accordingly. We understand that this rupture calls for more than adaptation. It calls for honesty about the world as it is.” He goes on to say Canada also has “the capacity to stop pretending, to name reality, to build our strength at home and to act together.” He notes this is “Canada’s path. We choose it openly and confidently, and it is a path wide open to any country willing to take it with us.” Quite simply, this a leadership pitch for a new world order with Canada at its helm.

Without being overly cynical, this sounds very familiar, not too dissimilar to what USAID and Voice of America preached to the world; not too dissimilar to what the propaganda arms of the Soviet Union and the Chinese Communist Party used to preach in our own languages when we were growing up. It is difficult to buy this argument and accept Canadian and middle country leadership for the new world order when they have been consistently part of the problem of the old one and its excuses for institutionalised double standards practiced by international organisations such as the likes of the United Nations, the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund and other hegemonic entities that have catered to the whims of that world order.

As far as Canada is concerned, it is evident that it has suddenly woken up only due to an existential threat at home projected from across its southern border and Trump’s threats against the Danish territory of Greenland. When Gaza was battered, and Venezuela was raped, there was no audible clarion call. Therefore, there is no real desire for democracy or human rights in its true form, but a convenient and strategic interest in creating a new ‘white supremacist’ world order in the same persona as before, but this time led by a new white warrior instead. The rest of us would be mere followers, nodding our heads as expected as was the case before.

As the 20th century American standup comedian Lenny Bruce once said, “never trust a preacher with more than two suits.” Mr. Carney, Canada along with the so-called middle powers and the lapsed colonialists have way more than two suits, and we have seen them all.

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Midweek Review

The MAD Spectre

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Lo and behold the dangerous doings,

Of our most rational of animals,

Said to be the pride of the natural order,

Who stands on its head Perennial Wisdom,

Preached by the likes of Plato and Confucius,

Now vexing the earth and international waters,

With nuke-armed subs and other lethal weapons,

But giving fresh life to the Balance of Terror,

And the spectre of Mutually Assured Destruction.

By Lynn Ockersz

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